About this period commenced those differences between France and the
Algerine Government, which led to the overthrow of the latter, and the
establishment of the French in Northern Africa; the circumstances
which occasioned the dispute were however of much older date.
Between 1793 and 1798 the French Government on several occasions
obtained from the Dey and merchants of Algiers, large quantities of
grain on credit, for the subsistence of its armies in Italy, and the
supply of the Southern Department where a great scarcity then
prevailed. The creditors endeavored to have their claims on this
account satisfied by the Directory, but that incapable and rapacious
Government had neither the principle to admit, nor the ability to
discharge such demands; every species of chicanery was in consequence
employed by it in evading them, until the rupture with Turkey produced
by the expedition to Egypt placing the Barbary States either really or
apparently at war with the French Republic, a pretext was thus
afforded for deferring their settlement indefinitely. Under the
Consular _regime_ however, a treaty of peace was concluded with
Algiers on the 17th of December 1801, by the thirteenth article of
which, the Government of each State engaged to cause payment to be
made of all debts due by itself or its subjects to the Government or
subjects of the other; the former political and commercial relations
between the two countries were re-established, and the Dey restored to
France the territories and privileges called the _African
Concessions_, which had been seized by him on the breaking out of the
war. This treaty was ratified by the Dey on the 5th of April 1802, and
after examination of the claims on both sides, the French Government
acknowledged itself debtor for a large amount to the Jewish mercantile
house of Bacri and Busnach of Algiers, as representing the African
creditors. Of the sum thus acknowledged to be due, only a very small
portion was paid, and the Dey Hadji Ali seeing no other means of
obtaining the remainder, in 1809 seized upon the _Concessions_; they
were however of little value to France at that time, when her flag was
never seen in the Mediterranean, and their confiscation merely served
as a pretext for withholding farther payment. In 1813, when the star
of Napoleon began to wane, and he found it necessary to assume at
least the appearance of honesty, he declared that measures would be
taken for the adjustment of the Algerine claims; but he fell without
redeeming his promise, and on the distribution of his spoils, the
Jewish merchants had not interest enough to obtain their rightful
portion, which amounted to fourteen millions of francs.
Upon the return of the Bourbons to the throne of France, the
government of that country became desirous to renew its former
intercourse with the Barbary States, and to regain its ancient
establishments and privileges in their territories, which were
considered important from political as well as commercial motives. For
this purpose, M. Deval a person who was educated in the East and had
been long attached to the French Embassy at Constantinople, was
appointed Consul General of France in Barbary, and sent to Algiers
with powers to negotiate. The first result of this mission, was a
convention which has never been officially published; however in
consequence of it the _African Concessions_ were restored to France,
together with the exclusive right of fishing for coral on the coasts
in their vicinity {2} and various commercial privileges; in return for
which the French were to pay annually to Algiers, the sum of sixty
thousand francs. It appears also to have been understood between the
parties, that no fortifications were to be erected within the ceded
territories in addition to those already standing, and that
arrangements should be speedily made for the examination and
settlement of all their claims on both sides, not only of those for
which provision was made in the treaty of 1801, but also of such as
were founded on subsequent occurrences; after this mutual adjustment
the treaty of 1801 confirming all former treaties was to be in force.
The annual sum required by Omar for the _Concessions_, was much
greater than any which had been previously paid for them by France;
Hussein however immediately on his elevation to the throne, raised it
to two hundred thousand francs, and he moreover declared, that the
debt acknowledged to be due to his subjects must be paid, before any
notice were taken of claims which were still liable to be contested.
In opposition to these demands, the French endeavored to prove their
right to the territories of Calle and Bastion de France by reference
to ancient treaties both with Algiers and the Porte, in which no
mention is made of payment for them; with regard to the claims, they
insisted that the only just mode of settlement, was by admitting into
one statement all the demands which could be established on either
side, and then balancing the account. The Dey however remained firm in
his resolution, and exhibited signs of preparation to expel the French
from the _Concessions_, when their government yielded the point
concerning the amount to be annually paid.
A compromise was made respecting the claims between the French
Government and the Agents of the Algerines, on the 28th of October,
1819; as the articles of this agreement have never been published, its
terms are only to be gathered from the declarations of the French
Ministers in the Legislative Chambers, and the semi-official
communications in the _Moniteur_ the organ of the Government. From
these it appears that the French Government acknowledged itself
indebted for the sum of seven millions of francs, to Messrs. Bacri and
Busnach, which was to be received by them in full discharge of claims
on the part of Algiers, under the thirteenth article of the treaty of
1801; from this sum however was to be retained a sufficiency to cover
the demands of French subjects against Algiers under the same article,
which demands were to be substantiated by the Courts of Law of France;
finally, each party was to settle the claims of its own subjects
against the other, founded on occurrences subsequent to the conclusion
of the said treaty. The French historical writers affect to consider
this arrangement entirely as a private affair between their Government
and the Jewish merchants, and indeed the Ministry endeavored at first
to represent it in that light to the Legislature; but they were forced
to abandon this ground when they communicated its stipulations, and
the Minister of Foreign Affairs declared in the Chamber of Deputies,
that the Dey had formally accepted it on the 12th of April 1820, and
had admitted that the treaty of 1801 was thereby fully executed.
In order to comply with this arrangement, a bill requiring an
appropriation of seven millions of francs was in June, 1820, submitted
by the French Ministry to the Legislative Chambers, in both of which
its adoption was resisted by the small minority then opposed to the
Government. The debates on this occasion are worthy of notice, as many
of the arguments advanced against the appropriation, have been since
employed to defeat the bill for executing the treaty of 1831 by which
the United States were to be indemnified for the injuries inflicted on
their commerce by Napoleon. The claims against France were in both
cases pronounced _antiquated_ and _obsolete_ [_vieilles reclamations,
créances dechues_] and the fact that they had long remained unsettled,
was thus deemed sufficient to authorize their indefinite postponement.
The great diminution to which the creditors had assented, was
considered as affording strong presumption that their demands were
destitute of foundation; and the probability that many of the claims,
had been purchased at a low price by the actual holders, from the
persons with whom the contracts were originally made, was gravely
alleged as a reason for not satisfying them. The advantages secured to
France by each Convention were examined in detail, and compared with
the sums required for extinguishing the debts; and the Ministry were
in both cases censured for not having obtained more in return for
their payment. It is not surprising to hear such sentiments avowed by
men educated in the service of Napoleon, but it is painful to find
them supported by others distinguished for their literary merits, and
for their exertions in the cause of liberty.
The bill for the appropriation of the seven millions of francs, was
passed by a large majority in both Chambers, the influence of the
Crown being at that period overwhelming. Four millions and a half were
in consequence paid within the ensuing three years to the Jewish
merchants, who having thus received the whole amount of their own
demands retired to Italy; the remaining two and a half millions were
retained by the Government of France in order to secure the discharge
of the claims of its subjects, under the treaty of 1801, which were
yet pending in the Courts of the Kingdom. At the retention of this
sum, the Dey was, or affected to be at first much surprised, and he
insisted that the Government should hasten the decisions of the
Courts; however as years passed by without any signs of approach to a
definitive settlement, his impatience became uncontrollable. Moreover
in addition to the annoyance occasioned by this constant postponement,
he was much dissatisfied, on account of the fortifications which the
French were erecting at Calle, contrary as he insisted to the
understanding between the parties at the time of its cession. To his
observations and inquiries on both these subjects he received answers
from the French Consul which were generally evasive and often
insulting, until at length wearied by delays and having strong reason
to believe that M. Deval had a personal interest in creating obstacles
to an adjustment of the difficulties, he determined to address the
French Government directly. Accordingly in 1826 he wrote a letter to
the Minister of Foreign Affairs of that country, in which after
indignantly expressing his sense of the conduct of the French
Government, in the retention of this large sum and the erection of
fortresses in the _Concessions_, he required that the remainder of the
seven millions should be immediately paid into his own hands, {3} and
that the French claimants should then submit their demands to him for
adjustment.
No notice having been taken of the Dey's letter, the Algerine cruisers
began to search French vessels in a manner contrary to the terms of
existing treaties, and to plunder those of the Papal States which were
by a Convention to be respected as French. Besides these acts of
violence the Dey shortly after issued a proclamation declaring that
all nations would be permitted on the same terms to fish for coral
near the coasts of his Regency. M. Deval complained of these
proceedings at a public audience on the 27th of April, 1827; Hussein
in reply haughtily declared that he had been provoked to them by the
bad faith of the French, and that he should no longer allow them to
have a cannon in his territories, nor to enjoy a single peculiar
privilege; he then demanded why his letter to the French Ministry had
not been answered, and when M. Deval stated that his Government could
only communicate with that of Algiers through himself, he was so much
enraged that he seized a large fan from one of the attendants, with
which he struck the representative of France several times before he
could leave the apartment.
As soon as the French Government was informed of this outrage, a
schooner was despatched to Algiers with orders to M. Deval to quit the
place instantly; a squadron was also sent in the same direction, under
the command of Commodore Collet who was charged to require
satisfaction from the Dey. The schooner arrived in Algiers on the 11th
of June, and M. Deval embarked in her on the same day, together with
the other French subjects resident in the place, leaving the affairs
of his office under the care of the Sardinian Consul. At the entrance
of the bay the schooner met the French squadron, consisting of a ship
of the line, two frigates and a corvette; M. Deval then joined the
Commodore, and after consultation between them as to the nature and
mode of the reparation to be demanded, the schooner was sent back to
Algiers with a note containing what was declared to be the _ultimatum_
of the French Government. This note was presented to Hussein on the
14th; in it the Dey was required to apologize for the offence
committed against the dignity of France, by the insult to its
representative; and in order to make the apology the more striking and
complete, it was to be delivered on board the Commodore's ship, by the
Minister of Marine, in the presence of M. Deval, and of all the
foreign Consuls resident in Algiers, whose attendance was to be
requested; the French flag was then to be displayed on the Casauba and
principal forts, and M. Deval was to receive a salute of one hundred
and ten guns.
The policy as well as the generosity of requiring such humiliating
concessions from the Government of any country, may be questioned, but
it is certainly hazardous to make the demand unless it be accompanied
by the display of a force calculated to insure immediate compliance.
Decatur indeed with a force perhaps inferior to that of Collet,
propounded terms to Omar Dey in 1815, which were really much more
onerous to Algiers than those offered on the present occasion by the
French; they were accepted, and it is therefore needless to inquire
what would have been his course in the other alternative. Collet was
not so fortunate; his demands were rejected with scorn and defiance by
Hussein, who added that if the Commodore did not within twenty-four
hours land and treat with him on the subjects in dispute between the
two nations, he should consider himself at war with France. The French
Commander did not think proper to comply with this invitation, and
declared the place in a state of blockade, under the expectation
probably that the distress produced by such a measure, might occasion
discontent and commotions which would either oblige the Dey to lower
his tone, or lead to the destruction of so refractory an enemy.
Recollecting however what had occurred at Bona in May 1816, he adopted
the precaution of sending vessels to the various establishments in the
_Concessions_, in order to bring away the Europeans who were there,
under the protection of the French flag; these vessels succeeded in
rescuing the people, who were transported to Corsica, but their
dwellings and magazines were rifled by the Bey of the Province, who
had just received orders to that effect, and the fortifications at
Calle were entirely destroyed.
The preceding account of the circumstances which led to the war
between France and Algiers, will be found by comparison to vary
considerably from those given by the French historical writers, and to
be defective and unsatisfactory with regard to several important
particulars, which are stated by them with great apparent clearness
and confidence. To these objections, only general replies can be made;
this account has been drawn entirely from original sources, and where
they failed to supply the requisite information, silence has been
preferred to the introduction of statements on doubtful authority. The
only publications on the subject which may be termed official, are the
declarations of the French Ministers contained in the Reports of the
Debates in the Legislative Chambers, and the articles on the subject
in question inserted from time to time in the _Moniteur_, the avowed
organ of the Government. From the Algerines we have nothing. The
conventions of which the alleged non-fulfilment occasioned this
rupture have been withheld by the French Ministry; no account has been
given of the claims against Algiers brought before the French Courts,
of the causes which retarded the decisions respecting them, of the
amount demanded or awarded; without precise information as to these
particulars, it is impossible to form a correct judgment of the case.
This silence and the vagueness and reserve so apparent in the
communications of the French Government, on the subject, are certainly
calculated to create suspicions, as to its sincerity in maintaining
its engagements, and these suspicions are increased by an examination
of its conduct throughout the whole affair.
It would be incompatible with the character or plan of these Sketches,
to give a review of the proceedings of the French Government; the
impression produced on the mind of the author, by a diligent study of
the case, is that the parties in the dispute mistrusted the intentions
of each other. The French were anxious to make permanent
establishments on the coast of Northern Africa, which Hussein who had
much more definite ideas of policy than perhaps any of his
predecessors, determined from the commencement of his reign to oppose;
before resorting to violent measures however, he wished to secure the
payment of the large debt {4} due to himself and his subjects. The
French having good reason from his conduct, to apprehend that as soon
as he had received the whole of the sum, which they had engaged to
pay, he would find some pretext to expel them from his dominions, may
have had recourse to the old expedient of withholding a part, in order
that he might be restrained from aggressions by the fear of losing it.
We have no means of ascertaining the share which M. Deval may have had
in producing or increasing the difficulties, but there is reason to
believe that it was not inconsiderable; his conduct is admitted to
have been highly imprudent and indeed improper, even by the best
French authorities, and it was condemned as dishonorable by the Dey,
as well as by the most respectable portion of the Consular body at
Algiers.
Before entering upon the events of this war it will be proper to
advert to the situation of the other Barbary States, and to notice the
principal occurrences which transpired in them about this period.
It would be uninteresting to recount all the attempts made by the
inferior powers of Europe to preserve peace with the Barbary
Regencies; sufficient has been said to demonstrate the vainness of the
expectation that the rulers of those states would be restrained from
any course which promised to be immediately beneficial to their
interests, by regard for engagements however solemnly taken. The King
of the Netherlands by a judicious display of firmness in 1824,
succeeded in preventing his country from being rendered tributary to
Algiers; but he, as well as the sovereigns of Sweden and Denmark,
continued to pay large annual sums to Tunis and Tripoli.
In Tunis, no events of much importance transpired during the reign of
Mahmoud, which have not been already mentioned. The Regency continued
at peace with foreign nations, and its situation was in general
prosperous, notwithstanding the desolation produced by a plague in
1818, an extensive conspiracy headed by the Prime Minister in 1820,
and the frequent contests between the adherents of Hassan and Mustapha
the two sons of the Bey. Mahmoud at length died quietly on the 28th of
March 1824, and Hassan succeeded without opposition.
A short time previous to the death of Mahmoud, some alterations not
very material indeed, yet favorable on the whole to the United States,
were made in the treaty concluded between their Government and that of
Tunis in 1797. One of the amended articles provides--that no American
merchant vessel shall be detained against the will of her captain in a
Tunisian port, unless such port be closed for vessels of all nations,
and that no American vessel of war should be so detained under any
circumstances. This was considered by the British Government at
variance with the terms of the engagement made with Admiral Freemantle
in 1812, by which the armed vessels of nations at war with Great
Britain were not to be suffered to leave a Tunisian port within
twenty-four hours after the sailing of a British vessel; and the
Consul was directed to ask for explanations on the subject from the
Bey. Hassan who had by this time succeeded to the throne replied
positively, that there was nothing contradictory in the two
stipulations, and that this agreement had been made with the United
States, merely in order to place them on a level with other nations.
As the British Government had thought proper to make the inquiry, it
is strange that it should have been satisfied with such an answer;
however, under the condition of things then existing and the
probabilities with respect to the future, it was certainly not worth
while to press the matter further.
The Pasha of Tripoli, notwithstanding the treaties made with Lord
Exmouth in behalf of Sardinia and the Two Sicilies in 1816, and his
protestations to the English and French Admirals three years after,
sent out armed vessels to cruise against the commerce of the Italian
States. When complaint was made of these depredations, Yusuf replied
that the treaties were no longer binding, and that if those nations
wished to remain at peace with him, they must pay him an annual
tribute. To this insolent and unreasonable pretension, the King of
Sardinia replied by fitting out a squadron composed of two frigates, a
corvette and a brig, which sailed from Genoa in September 1825, and
arrived before Tripoli on the 25th of that month.
Before relating the proceedings of this expedition it will be proper
to give some account of the place against which it was sent.
The town of Tripoli stands on a rocky point of land projecting
northwardly into the Mediterranean; it is surrounded by a high and
thick wall, forming an unequal pentagon or figure of five sides of
different lengths, of which the two northern are washed by the sea,
the other three looking upon a sandy plain but partially cultivated.
The circumference of the place is about three miles, and the area
enclosed within the wall does not exceed one thousand yards square.
The shore on the north-western side of the town is bordered by rocky
islets, which render it almost unapproachable by vessels; but in order
to secure the place effectually from attack on that quarter, a battery
has been erected on one of the islets called the French fort. The
harbor is on the north-eastern side; it is about two miles in length
and a mile in width, and is partially enclosed by a reef of rocks
extending for some distance into the sea; on these rocks are situated
the principal fortifications, and by filling up the space between
them, which could be done with but little labor, the reef might be
converted into a continued mole. The depth of water in the harbor no
where exceeds six fathoms, and great care must be taken by vessels to
avoid the numerous shoals and hidden dangers which beset the entrance;
the frigate Philadelphia struck in fourteen feet water on one of these
shoals distant three miles and a half northeast of Tripoli, and one
mile north of Kaliusa Point at the eastern extremity of the harbor.
The fortifications of Tripoli on the land side are of no value, and
could not for an instant withstand an attack from a well appointed
force; the wall, said to have been built by Dragut, is of great height
and thickness, and provided with a rampart on which are mounted some
guns, but these pieces are generally useless from rust and want of
carriages. Towards the harbor the defences are more respectable, and
have on many occasions as already shown, preserved the place from
capture or destruction. On the shore forming the south-eastern side of
the harbor, are two forts called the Dutch and English forts, and
opposite them on the reef of rocks are two others, much larger and
stronger, {5} called the New and English forts; these have been all
constructed by European engineers, and are kept in tolerable order.
There is but little appearance of wealth in Tripoli; the Moorish
population amounting to about fourteen thousand are in general very
poor, the trade being almost exclusively in the hands of the Jews,
whose number is about two thousand. The palace contains some
apartments possessing a certain degree of grandeur and furnished in a
costly manner principally with French articles; in the town there are
a few good stone buildings, with courts and arcades in the Italian
style; these are however chiefly occupied by the foreign Consuls and
merchants, the greater part of the inhabitants dwelling in mere hovels
of mud but one story high. The roofs of the houses are all flat, and
great care is taken to have the rain conveyed from them into cisterns,
as there is not a well or spring of fresh water in the place.
A triumphant arch, the inscription on which denotes that it was
erected in honor of the Roman Emperors Marcus Aurelius and Lucius
Verus, is the only remarkable monument of antiquity in the place. It
is much defaced, nearly buried in the ground and encumbered with mean
houses; but as far as can be ascertained, it exceeds in beauty of
design, proportion and parts, any other similar relique of Roman art.
The immediate environs of Tripoli are desert; about two or three miles
to the eastward is a rich and highly cultivated plain called the
Messeah where the Foreign Consuls and the wealthy inhabitants of the
town have their villas.
As soon as the Sardinian squadron arrived before Tripoli, the
Cavaliere Sivori who commanded it immediately landed with some of his
officers on the guaranty of the British Consul, and had an audience
with the Pasha. Yusuf at first assured him that every thing would be
accommodated, but on the day succeeding he presented a note in which
his demand for tribute was unequivocally stated, accompanied by other
proposals equally insulting. The Cavaliere on this took his leave, and
having recommended the subjects and interests of his master to the
care of the British Consul, he retired to his ships determined to
assert the rights of his country by force. The sea was too rough at
the time to permit the approach of the ships to the town, without
danger of their being stranded; but Sivori wished to lose no time, and
to effect if possible immediately the destruction of the Pasha's
shipping; he accordingly manned a number of boats which entered the
harbor at midnight in three divisions, commanded by Lieutenant
Mamelli. The expedition was perfectly successful; a brig of twelve
guns and two schooners of six guns each were boarded and set on fire,
during a heavy cannonade from all the surrounding batteries; the men
then landed from the boats, and endeavored to force the gates of the
dock-yard and custom house, but this being found impracticable, they
retreated in good order to their ships. The next day the weather
proving more favorable, preparations were made for an attack on the
town; but Yusuf finding that he had mistaken the character of his
assailants, and not wishing to subject himself to further loss, agreed
to an adjustment, and signed a convention renewing the engagements
made to Lord Exmouth in 1816.
The King of the Two Sicilies was less fortunate in his attempt to
bring the Pasha of Tripoli to reasonable terms. Yusuf had suspended
his demands on Naples for some time after the attack made on him by
the Sardinians, and it was supposed that he had abandoned them;
however in the beginning of 1828, he suddenly required from His
Sicilian Majesty payment of one hundred thousand dollars immediately,
and an annual tribute of five thousand more, as the price of
continuance of peace. King Francis considered the honor of his country
too precious, or the sums demanded by the Pasha too great, for he
refused to pay either present or tribute and even sent a squadron to
Tripoli to bear his reply. The Sicilian force consisted of a ship of
the line, two frigates, two corvettes, a brig, a schooner, and twelve
gun and mortar boats, and arrived off Tripoli on the 22d of August,
1828, under the command of Baron Alphonso Sosi de Caraffa, who was
authorized to treat with the Pasha respecting the future relations
between the two countries. The Commander instantly landed under proper
assurance of safety, and held a conference with the Pasha, in which he
endeavored to induce him to adhere to the treaty of 1815; Yusuf
however remained firm to his purpose, and rejected all propositions of
adjustment on other terms than those he had already offered. The
Sicilian flag was in consequence taken down from the Consulate, and
the Consul retired with the Baron on board the squadron.
The next morning the 23d, the Sicilian squadron sailed into the
harbor, and commenced an attack on the Tripoline vessels of war,
twenty in number, which were drawn up in front of the reef of rocks,
under the guns of the New and Spanish forts. The large ships of the
squadron kept aloof from the batteries and only a few of the gun and
mortar boats approached near enough to produce any effect by their
fires. The injury sustained by either party was thus very slight, and
a storm coming up, after a desultory contest of three hours, Caraffa
thought proper to withdraw his forces, and put to sea. The storm
continued for the two succeeding days; on the 26th the attack was
resumed, but in the same inefficient manner; it was renewed on the
27th and 28th, during which the Sicilians expended a great deal of
ammunition, but to very little purpose on account of the great
distance at which their ships remained from the object of attack. At
length on the 29th, the Commodore concluded that his attempts were
likely to prove fruitless, and therefore resolved to return to Naples.
The Tripolines behaved with great gallantry throughout the affair,
their own boats advancing frequently towards the enemy; their loss was
trifling, and only two or three shots from the Sicilians reached the
town, where they caused no damage. Immediately on the retreat of the
squadron, Yusuf sent out his cruisers which took several Sicilian
vessels, but the French Government interfered, and its Consul at
Tripoli was ordered to negotiate in favor of Naples. The Pasha could
not refuse such a mediation, and a Convention was in consequence
signed on the 28th of October, by which the former treaty was renewed,
the King of Naples however engaging to pay immediately twenty thousand
dollars to Tripoli as indemnification for the expenses occasioned by
the war.
Yusuf had by this time become an old man, and the decay of his body
was accompanied by corresponding {6} changes in his character and
mental faculties. The firmness which had so long sustained him under
the pressure of heavy difficulties, gave place to a disposition to
temporize, inclining him to sacrifice prospects of future advantage,
in order to avert a present evil; the energy which had caused him to
be viewed with a certain degree of respect, notwithstanding his
repeated acts of treachery and violence, now exhibited itself in
undignified bursts of passion, and an insatiable desire to increase
his treasures was the only remnant of his former ambition. The
condition of the Regency had indeed been improved in many respects
during his reign; its productiveness was increased, the communications
were more easy and secure, and the affairs of internal administration,
as well as the intercourse with foreign nations, were conducted with
greater regularity and precision than before his accession. These
reforms however served as they were intended, only to advance the
personal interests of the sovereign; and the people became more
wretched as the means of oppression were thus rendered more effectual
by system. To obtain money had become the sole object of Yusuf's
plans: if he repressed the ravages of the wandering tribes, it was
only that he might levy greater contributions himself; and if the
caravans traversed his dominions with unwonted security, this
advantage was more than counterbalanced by the augmentation of duties
on their merchandize. In imitation of the Viceroy of Egypt, whom he
seems to have adopted as his model, he likewise engaged in commercial
speculations, which were productive of serious evils to his subjects.
These enterprises were generally carried on by the Pasha in
conjunction with foreigners resident in Tripoli, or through their
agency; and in order to affect the value in the market of articles
which he might wish to buy or sell, the duties on their export or
import were on several occasions suddenly raised or lowered, to the
ruin of regular merchants. Notwithstanding these arbitrary measures,
or perhaps in consequence of them, the speculations were generally
unsuccessful, and the Pasha became indebted on account of their
failure for immense sums, principally to subjects of France and
England; these creditors, when unable to obtain settlement of their
claims in any other way, were in the habit of applying to their own
Governments for relief, and the unfortunate Pasha after having been
long dunned by an overbearing Consul, was occasionally obliged to open
his treasury on the summons of an Admiral.
These and other troubles affected the Pasha the more deeply as he
could place little confidence in those who surrounded him. Mohammed
D'Ghies whose kindness and integrity were worthy of being employed in
a better cause, still lived and bore the title of Chief Minister; but
age and blindness had long rendered him incapable of attending to
business, and the duties of his office were performed by his eldest
son Hassuna, of whom more will be said hereafter. The other ministers
and agents of the Pasha, were persons of whose unscrupulous character
he must have received too many evidences, to have supposed them
attached to him by any other ties than their interests.
In the members of his own family Yusuf could place but little
reliance; he whose youth had been signalized by the murder of his
brother and rebellion against his father, could with an ill grace
recommend fraternal affection among his children, or require of them
obedience to his own authority. The attempt made by his eldest son
Mohammed in 1816 to obtain possession of the throne has been already
noticed; this wretch continued for ten years after his pardon in a
species of exile, as Governor of Derne, while his next brother Ahmed
enjoyed the title of Bey of the Regency, and was regarded as the
probable successor to the crown. Ahmed however dying suddenly,
Mohammed organized another conspiracy in his province, with a view to
the overthrow of his father, which attempt proving like the former one
unsuccessful, he again fled to Egypt where he died in 1829. Mohammed
left in Tripoli a son named Emhammed who would have been the regular
heir to the crown according to the customs of succession in Europe;
but primogeniture is for various reasons little regarded in Oriental
countries, and the reigning sovereign usually favors the pretensions
of the son to whom he is the most attached, or whom he considers most
capable of maintaining possession of the inheritance. For one or both
of these reasons, Yusuf thought proper to set aside Emhammed, and to
designate his own next surviving son Ali as the future Pasha of
Tripoli; this prince was accordingly on the death of Ahmed, invested
with the title of Bey, which gave him command of the troops, and in
order to increase his wealth and influence, he was married to the
daughter of the Chief Minister D'Ghies. These marks of favor only
served to render Ali more impatient to enjoy the prize which they were
intended to insure to him, and while waiting an opportunity to seize
it, he gratified his own avarice by extorting as much money as he
could from the people, through the aid of his myrmidons. The
inhabitants thus suffering from the violent and arbitrary exactions of
the Bey, in addition to the taxes and duties imposed on them by the
Pasha, were frequently driven into rebellions, the suppressions of
which by increasing the public expenses increased the miseries of the
country.
In addition to these difficulties, Yusuf was tormented by the quarrels
and jealousies of the Foreign Consuls residing in his capital, and by
their interference in the affairs of his Government. Quarrels and
jealousies are naturally to be expected among the members of a
diplomatic corps, particularly of one in which all bear the same title
and are nominally equal, while the influence possessed by each is
generally commensurate with the power of the country which he
represents. Thus the Consuls of France and England in Barbary have
ever considered themselves superior to the representatives of other
states, and have ever been rivals, each demanding the precedence on
public occasions, and claiming a host of exclusive privileges either
on the strength of treaties, or of custom. Their claims to superiority
both in rank and privileges have been generally allowed by their
European colleagues who according to circumstances range themselves
under the banner of one or the other of these potentates; the Consuls
of the United States have however uniformly refused to admit any
inferiority on their own part, demanding for themselves the enjoyment
of every substantial right granted to the representative of any other
power, and abstaining from appearance on occasions of ceremony, in
which a preference unfavorable to themselves may be manifested.
{7} In Algiers and Tunis, these disputes seldom attracted the notice
of the Government, and the influence which a Consul could exercise in
either of those Regencies, was scarcely worth the sums which must be
paid for it. In Tripoli however, and especially since 1815, the agents
of Great Britain and France have each endeavored to obtain a degree of
control in the affairs of the state. Colonel Warrington who has
represented Great Britain during that period, is well calculated by
his general intelligence and the inflexible resolution of his
character to acquire this superiority; and having been always
supported by his Government, many of his demands have been instantly
complied with, which would otherwise have been regarded merely as the
ebullitions of arrogance and presumption. On the slightest resistance
to his wishes, the ships of war of his nation appeared in the harbor,
the Minister who offended him sat uneasy in his place, and every
aggression committed by a Tripoline upon the honor or interests of
Great Britain, was speedily and severely punished.
The possession of such powers by the representative of Great Britain,
would certainly not be regarded with indifference by France; as it is
not so convenient however, to send squadrons on all occasions to the
aid of the Consul, he is obliged to rely the more on his own
resources. The French Consuls in Barbary and the East are generally
persons who have been educated for the purpose, either in the embassy
at Constantinople, or at some consulate in those countries. With
regard to the propriety of such selections, experience seems to have
shown that the advantages of acquaintance with the customs and
languages of the Eastern nations, are more than counterbalanced by the
loss of honorable feelings, and the disregard of moral restraints
which frequently result from this mode of acquiring them. Whether
Baron Rousseau who was for many years Consul of France in Tripoli, was
trained in one of these schools, it is needless to inquire, but he
appears to have displayed during his residence in that Regency, a
talent and a disposition for intrigue, which would have done honor to
the most accomplished drogaman of Pera. Between him and Warrington
there was a constant struggle for influence, and the Pasha was
alternately annoyed by the overbearing dictation of the British
Consul, and the wily manoeuvres of Rousseau.
One of the most frequent causes of difficulties between the
Governments of Barbary and the Consuls of Foreign Powers, is the right
claimed by the latter to protect all persons within the walls of their
residence. In those countries it is absolutely requisite for the
security of the Consul and for the discharge of his duties, that the
persons in his employ should not be subjected to the despotism of the
Government, nor to the doubtful decisions of the tribunals; and
provisions to that effect are generally inserted in the treaties
between Christian nations and those of Barbary. The Consuls however
insist that the privilege should extend to the protection not only of
their families, servants and countrymen, but also of all other persons
under their roof; and the most abandoned criminals having entered such
a sanctuary, are thus frequently screened from punishment. This
privilege is productive of inconvenience not only to the Government
but also to the Consuls whom it frequently involves in difficulties;
the representatives of the inferior powers therefore seldom attempt to
maintain it, but generally surrender the fugitive, if a native of the
country, to the Government, or oblige him to quit their dwelling,
rather than subject themselves to the hazard of having it invaded by
force; those of Great Britain and France on the contrary, make it a
point of honor not to yield, except in cases where the fugitive has
injured some one of their colleagues or his guilt is clearly proved;
and even then they have frequently required assurances that he should
be pardoned, or that his punishment should be mitigated. A
circumstance of this nature occurred in 1829 which brought these two
parties in direct and open collision, and for a time involved the
Consul of the United States in difficulties with the Government of
Tripoli; the affair was originally of a private nature, but has
ultimately produced the most serious changes in the situation of the
Regency.
It is well known that many efforts have been made during the last
forty years, by individuals and by some European Governments, to
obtain information respecting the interior of the African Continent;
we are all familiar with the names and adventures of Ledyard, Parke,
Burckhardt, Denham, Clapperton, Laing, Lander and others, whose labors
have been important from the light thrown by them on the subject of
their researches, and still more so as exhibiting instances of
perseverance and moral courage with which the annals of warfare offer
few parallels. Several of these heroic travellers took their departure
from Tripoli, as the communications between that place and the regions
which they desired to explore are comparatively easy and safe; and the
Pasha, whether actuated by the expectation of obtaining some advantage
from their discoveries, or by more laudable motives, appears from
their accounts to have used every exertion to facilitate their
movements. They likewise concur in expressing their gratitude and
respect for Mohammed D'Ghies, who entertained them all hospitably in
Tripoli and furnished them with letters of credit and introduction,
which, says Denham, "were always duly honored throughout Northern
Africa."
Hassuna and Mohammed D'Ghies the two sons of this respectable person,
are also mentioned in terms of high commendation by many who visited
Tripoli. Hassuna the elder was educated in France, and afterwards
spent some time in England where he was much noticed in high circles,
notwithstanding the assertion of the Quarterly Review to the contrary;
on his return to his native country, he for some time conducted the
affairs of his father's commercial house, and afterwards those of his
ministerial office, in which he was distinguished for his attention to
business and his apparent desire to advance the welfare of his
country. Mohammed the younger son was brought up under the eye of his
father at home; Captain Beechy of the British Navy who spent some time
at Tripoli in 1822 while employed in surveying the adjacent coast,
describes him as "an excellent young man," and as "an admirable
example of true devotion to the religion of his country, united with
the more extended and liberal feelings of Europeans. He daily visits
the public school where young boys are taught to read the Koran, and
superintends the charitable distribution of food which the bounty of
his father provides for the poor who daily present themselves at his
gate. Besides his {8} acquaintance with English and French he is able
to converse with the slaves of the family in several languages of the
interior of Africa," &c. He was subsequently employed also in public
affairs, and became the intimate confident of his brother-in-law the
Bey Ali.
On the 17th of July 1825, Major Gordon Laing of the British Army a
son-in-law of Consul Warrington, quitted Tripoli with the intention of
penetrating if possible directly to Tombuctoo, and thence descending
the river which is said to flow near that city, to its termination. He
was amply supplied with letters by the D'Ghies family; and orders were
sent to the governors and chiefs of places on his route, which were
subject to the Pasha to aid him by every means in the prosecution of
his journey, and to forward his letters and journals to Tripoli. For
some time after his departure his communications were regularly
received and bills drawn by him at various places were presented at
Tripoli for payment. From these accounts it appears, that taking a
south-western course he arrived on the 13th of September at Ghadamis a
town of considerable trade situated in an _oasis_ about five hundred
miles from Tripoli; thence he passed to Einsalah in the country of the
Tuaricks (a fierce race of wanderers) which he reached on the 3d of
December and left on the 10th of January 1826. His journals up to this
date were regularly received; from his few subsequent letters we learn
that during the month of February, the caravan with which he travelled
was suddenly attacked in the night by a band of Tuaricks, who had for
some days accompanied them; many persons of the caravan were killed
and the Major was dreadfully wounded, but he escaped and arrived at
Tombuctoo on the 18th of August. At this place he had remained five
weeks when Boubokar the Governor of the town who had previously
treated him with favor, suddenly urged him to depart immediately,
stating that he had received a letter from Bello the Sultan of the
Foulahs a Prince of great power in the vicinity of Tombuctoo,
expressing the strongest hostility to the stranger; Laing accordingly
quitted Tombuctoo on the 22d of September, in company with Burbushi an
Arab Sheik who had engaged to conduct him in safety to Arouan, distant
about three hundred miles to the northward.
After this date nothing farther was heard from the traveller, no more
of his bills were presented for payment at Tripoli, and Mr. Warrington
becoming uneasy prevailed on the Pasha to have inquiries made
respecting him. Messengers were accordingly despatched southward in
various directions, one of whom on his return in the spring of 1827
brought an account that the Christian had been murdered soon after
leaving Tombuctoo, by a party despatched from that place for the
purpose. This statement was confirmed by all the other messengers on
their return, and it was confidently repeated in a long article on the
subject published in a Paris Journal, which gave the Prime Minister of
Tripoli as authority. The other caravans and travellers however from
the South contradicted these reports, and Hassuna D'Ghies on being
questioned respecting the account driven in the Paris Journal, denied
that he had supplied such information and asserted his total disbelief
of the story. These and other circumstances induced Mr. Warrington to
suspect that the Pasha or his Minister had for some interested motive
suppressed Laing's communications; at his request therefore, the
Commander of the British squadron in the Mediterranean sent a ship of
war to Tripoli to give Yusuf notice that as the traveller had
proceeded to the interior under his protection, he should hold him
responsible for his safety, or at least for the delivery of his
property and papers. This intimation was certainly of a most
unreasonable character; the Pasha however could only exert himself to
avert the threatened evil, by endeavoring to discover the traveller
and at all events to disprove any unfair dealings or bad intentions on
his own part with regard to him.
All doubts respecting the fate of the British traveller were however
dispelled by the return to Tripoli of the servant who had accompanied
him; from the statements of this man it was clearly ascertained, that
the unfortunate Laing had been murdered in his sleep by his Arab
conductor Burbushi on the third night after their departure from
Tombuctoo, that is on the 25th of September 1826.
Some time after receiving this melancholy news, the British Consul was
induced to believe that papers which were sent by his son-in-law from
Tombuctoo, had actually arrived in Tripoli; and in the course of the
investigations which he made in consequence, a suspicion was awakened
in his mind that they had been secreted by Hassuna D'Ghies, in order
to conceal some gross treachery or misconduct on his part. Under this
impression Mr. Warrington urged the Pasha to have the papers secured,
and not being satisfied with the means used for the purpose, he
finally struck his flag, and declared that all official intercourse
between himself and the Government of Tripoli, would be suspended
until they were produced.
To avert the evils which might result from this measure, Yusuf labored
diligently, and in the spring of 1829 he intercepted some letters sent
from Ghadamis to Hassuna, which indicated a means of unravelling the
mystery. Pursuing his inquiries farther, he became fully convinced of
the perfidy of his Minister, and at length he declared to a friend of
the British Consul, that two sealed packages sent by Laing from
Tombuctoo, had been received by Hassuna and delivered by him to the
French Consul in consideration of the abatement of forty per cent. in
the amount of a large debt due by him to some French subjects. The
fact of the receipt of the papers by Hassuna was to be proved by the
evidence of the Courier who brought them from Ghadamis, and of other
persons daily expected in Tripoli; the remainder of the Pasha's
strange statement appears to have been founded entirely on a written
deposition to that effect, of Mohammed D'Ghies the younger brother of
the accused Minister, which was said to have been made in the presence
of the Bey Ali and of Hadji Massen the Governor of the city.
On the strength of this declaration, Mr. Warrington insisted on the
immediate apprehension of Hassuna, but he having received timely
warning fled for refuge on the 20th of July, to the house of Mr. Coxe
the American Consul; and immediately after to the surprise of all
concerned, it was found that his brother Mohammed had likewise sought
an asylum under the roof of Baron Rousseau.
{9}