CHAPTER II

1891-1892

The danger to France of a _rapprochement_ with Germany--The Empress

Frederick's visit to Paris--William II as _summus episcopus_ of the

German Evangelical Church--Reception of the Alsace-Lorraine deputation in

Berlin--The law against espionage in Germany: every German is a spy

abroad--Christening of the Imperial yacht, the _Hohenzollern_--Further

increase of the military effective force in peace-time--The _Youth of

William the Second_, by Mr. Bigelow.

January 12, 1891. [1]

The Berlin _Post_ thinks that we should be able to get on very well

without Alsace-Lorraine, and that the best thing for us to do, if we are

"reasonable souls," is simply to become reconciled with Germany. The

reasonable ones among us are directed to prove to us others (who must

needs be "gloomy lunatics") the folly of believing in the Russian

alliance, and gently to prepare us for a last and supreme act of cowardly

surrender--namely, to give William II a friendly reception at Cannes or

in Paris.

The chief argument with which they would persuade us is, that Berlin is

quite willing to receive our philosophers and our doctors. But we are

more than quits on this score, seeing the number of Germans that we

entertain and enrich in Paris. To prove that we owe them nothing in the

matter of hospitality, it should be enough to ascertain on the 27th inst.

how many Germans will celebrate the birthday of William II in one of our

first-rate hotels.

Heaven be praised, hatred of the Hohenzollerns is not yet dead in France!

If it be true that the corpse of an enemy always smells sweet, the person

of a living enemy must always remain hateful.

Before we discuss the possibility of the King of Prussia visiting Paris,

however, let us wait until M. Carnot has been to Berlin.

January 29, 1891. [2]

The nearer we approach to 1900, the less desire have I to be up-to-date.

I persist in the belief that the solution of the problems of European

policy in which France is concerned, would have been more readily

attainable by an old fashioned fidelity to the memory of our misfortunes

than by scorning to learn by our experience.

Certain well-meaning, end-of-the century sceptics may be able lightly to

throw off that past in which they have (or believe they have) lost

nothing, whilst we of the "mid-century" are borne down under its heavy

burden. These people neglect no occasion to advise us to forget and they

do it gracefully, lightly showing us how much more modern it is to crown

oneself with roses than to continue to wear tragically our trailing

garments of affliction and mourning.

I should be inclined to judge with more painful severity those witty

writers who advise us to light-hearted friendship with Bismarck the

"great German," with William the "sympathetic Emperor", with Richard

Wagner "the highest expression of historical poetry and musical art,"

those men who prepared and who perpetuate Prussia's victories--I should

judge them differently, I say, were it not that I remember my former

anger against the young decadents and the older _roués_ in the last days

of the Empire.

All of them used to make mock of patriotism in a jargon mixed with slang

which greatly disturbed the minds of worthy folk, who became half ashamed

at harbouring, in spite of themselves, the ridiculous emotions "of

another age."

But these same decadents and _roués_, after a period of initiation

somewhat longer than that which falls to the lot of ordinary mortals,

behaved very gallantly in the Terrible Year.

True, in order to convince them that they had been wrong in regarding the

theft of Schleswig-Holstein as a trifle, wrong in applauding the victory

of Sadowa, and declaring that each war was the last, it required such

disasters, that not one of us can evoke without trembling the memory of

those events, whose lurid light served to open the eyes of the blindest.

"Understand this," Nefftzer was wont to insist (before 1870), "we can

never wish that Prussia should be victorious without running the risk of

bringing about our own defeat; we must not yield to any of her

allurements nor even smile at any of her wiles."

If the people of Paris applaud Wagner, he who believed himself to be the

genius of victorious Germany personified, it can only be in truth that

Paris has forgotten. And in that case, there will only be left, of those

who rightly remember, but a few mothers, a few widows, a few old

campaigners and your humble servant!

So that we may recognise each other in this world's wilderness, we will

wear in our button-holes and in our bodices that blue flower which grows

in the streams of Alsace-Lorraine, the forget-me-not!

And we shall vanish, one by one, disappearing with the dying century,

_that is, unless some surprise of sudden war, such as one must expect

from William II, should cure us of our antiquated attitude_.

Need I speak of these rumours of disarmament, wherewith the German Press

now seeks to lull us, rumours which spread the more persistently since,

at last, we have come to believe in our armaments?

"Germany is satisfied and seeks no further conquests," says William II.

But does it follow that we also should be satisfied with the bitter

memories of our defeats, and resolved that, no matter what may happen, we

shall never object to Prussia's victories? I never forget that William

II, as a Prince, in his grandfather's time, said, "When I come to the

Throne I shall do my best to make dupes." This rumour of disarmament is

part of his dupe-making. The real William reveals himself in his true

colours when he awakens his aide-de-camp in the middle of the night, to

go and pay a surprise visit to the garrison at Hanover.

In Militarism the German Emperor finds his complete expression and the

emblem of his character. His empire is not a centralised empire and only

the army holds it together.

And for this reason William has favoured the army this year at the

expense of all the other public services, by increasing its peace-footing

strength and the number of its officers, by ordering more than two

hundred locomotives and a corresponding amount of rolling stock intended

to expedite mobilisation. Seventy new batteries have been formed. The

artillery has been furnished with new ammunition, the infantry with new

weapons, and the strategic network of railways has been completed!

Abroad, every one, friends and enemies alike, think as I do on the

subject of disarmament.

"This plaything of William the Second's leisure moments," says _The

Standard_ (although a fervent admirer of Queen Victoria's grandson),

"this disarmament idea, is a myth." Our faithful and loyal supporter,

the _Sviet_, says the same thing: "Disarmament is a myth, Germany talks

of it unceasingly, but she strengthens her frontiers, east and west. On

the north," adds the Russian organ, "she is converting Heligoland into a

fortress; on the south-east, she is increasing the defences of Breslau,

and holds in readiness two thousand axle-trees _of the width of the

Russian railways_."

It is only in France that a few up-to-date journalists take this

disarmament talk of the German Emperor quite seriously. To them, we may

reply by a quotation from the official organ of the "great German."

"The course of historic events," says the _Hamburger Nachrichten_, "is

opposed to any realisation of the idea of disarmament, and justifies the

opinion expressed by Von Moltke, who declared war to be in reality a

necessary element in the order of things, of itself natural and divine,

which humanity can never give up without becoming stagnant and submitting

to moral and physical ruin."

There you have the genuine style of Bismarck, of the man who invented the

formula--"the Right of Might."

One thing--and one thing only--might possibly lead William II to

entertain seriously this idea of disarmament, and that would be for

Bismarck to oppose it. Truly, there is something extremely pleasant in

this duel between the two ex-accomplices! Bismarck terrorising

socialism, William coaxing and wheedling it, for no other tangible

purpose than to act in opposition to him whose power he has overthrown.

What an eccentric freak is this German Emperor! One day he sends the

Sultan a sword of honour, a bitter jest for one who has never known

anything but defeat! The next, he proposes to take back the command of

the fleet from his brother Henry, and in order to get rid of him

conceives the plan of making Alsace-Lorraine and Luxembourg into a new

kingdom.

At the same time he proposes to provide the Grand Duke of Luxembourg with

a guard of honour, a guard _à la Prudhomme_, whose business it would be

to defend and to fight him. The State Council of the patriotic Grand

Duchy is aroused, and denies the right of Prussia on any pretext to

interfere in its affairs. Boldly it reminds the Powers signatory to the

Convention of 1867 of their pledges.

And with all his mania for governing the world at large, William II would

seem to be possessed of the evil eye, and to bring misfortune to all whom

he honours with his friendship for any length of time.

February 10, 1891.

It looks as if poor Bismarck were about to be treated just as he treated

Count von Arnim. Can it be that everything must be paid for in this

world, and that a splendid retributive justice rules the destiny even of

super-men and punishes them for committing base actions? It is rumoured

that the Duke of Lauenbourg (Bismarck) is threatened with prosecution on

a charge of _lèse majesté_, which the lawyers of the Crown will not have

very much trouble in proving against him. That any one should dare to

criticise the Emperor's policy, even though it be Bismarck, or that any

one, even be it Count Waldersee, should express a personal opinion in his

presence, is more than William II will tolerate.

The "sympathetic Emperor" has a cruel way of doing things. Before

striking his victims it is his wont to give them some public mark of his

esteem and good-will. Small and great, they pass before him, sacrificed

each in his turn, so soon as they have come to believe themselves for a

moment in the enjoyment of his favour. Thus Colonel Kaissel,

aide-de-camp to the Emperor, is about to be shelved. Lieutenant von

Chelin has been removed from the Court, General von Wittich has already

lost his fleeting favour, and the moderating influence of Major de Huene,

erected on the ruins of that of Von Falkenstein, proves to be equally

short-lived. Three generals in command of army corps are now

threatened--that is, of course, unless a fortnight hence they should

prove to have reached the highest pinnacle of favour.

Three months ago Von Moltke declared that he and Bismarck would live long

enough to be able to say "Farewell to the Empire."

On the other hand, Von Puttkamer seems to be regaining something of

favour, and Prince Battenberg has been welcomed to the old Castle;

strange plans concerning him are being hatched in the brain of William II.

Prince Henry has been brought back, ostensibly to take part in the

Councils of the Government, but in reality that he may be watched the

more closely. He also has received a letter in which he is publicly

thanked for the services he has rendered. If I were in his place I

should be very uneasy, seeing the kind of brother that he was, the most

changeable the most jealous, and the most suspicious of men. There is a

false ring about this letter to Prince Henry, just as there was in those

which the Emperor addressed to Count Waldersee and to Bismarck.

Gratitude is a word that William often thinks fit to use, but it is a

sentiment that he is careful never to indulge in.

It is impossible to discover any sign of a heart in the actions of the

German Sovereign. One may therefore predict that he will continue to

show an ever increasing preference for distinguished personalities, whom

it may please him to destroy, or creatures who would be the butts of his

malicious sport, rather than to encourage the kind of public servants who

strive continually to increase their efficiency, so as to serve him

better. Instead of being simply good and ruling benevolently, he aspires

to be first a sort of pope, imposing upon his people a social state

composed of servility and compulsory comfort, and again a leader of

crusades, drawing his people after him to the conquest of the world.

Spiritual and material interests, military organisation, he mixes and

confuses them like everything else which occurs to his mind, and every

day he does something to destroy the results of that marvellous

continuity, which did more to establish the power of William I than the

victories of Sadowa and Sedan. Ever more and more infatuated with the

idea of military supremacy, he now pretends to be greatly concerned with

the idea of disarmament. And he, the avowed protector of socialists,

looks as if he were about to accept from Mr. Dryander, the protestant

presidency of that association of workmen, which is being organised for

the purpose of fighting socialism.

Wherever we look, it is always the same, false pretences, trickery,

lying, love of mischief-making and of persecution, innumerable and

unceasing proofs given by William that his sovereign soul, irretrievably

committed to restless agitation, will never know the higher and divine

joys of peace.

March 1, 1891. [3]

For some months past, my dear readers, I have predicted that William II

will not be satisfied without paying a visit to France. The visit of the

Empress Frederick should have prepared us for this amiable surprise. But

because the august mother of the German Emperor was received by us with

nothing more than cold politeness, the _Cologne Gazette_ gives us a sound

drubbing, as witness the following--

"The French have no right to be offensive towards the august head of the

German Empire and his noble mother, by insulting them after the manner of

blackguards (polissons). Every German who has the very least regard for

the dignity of the nation must feel mortally insulted in the person of

the Emperor."

"The German people have the right to expect that the French Government

and the French nation will give them ample satisfaction, and will wipe

out this stain on the honour of France, by sternly calling to order the

wretches in question, creatures whom we Germans consider to be the refuse

of human society."

And we who belong to this "refuse," who flatter ourselves that we have

made extraordinary efforts of self-control when we refrained from saying

to the Empress Frederick: "Madame, spare us; let it not be said that you

went one day to Saint-Cloud, and on the next to Versailles, lest our

resolution to be calm should forsake us"--we, I say, now perceive, that

all our prudence has been wasted, and that we are still "refuse," the

refuse of human society.

The character of William II continues to develop its series of

eccentricities. With him, one may be sure of incurring displeasure, but

his favours are shortlived. His mania for change is manifested to a

degree unexampled since the days of the decay of the Roman Empire. His

freakishness, the suddenness of his impulses, are becoming enough to

create dismay amongst all those who approach him. One day he will

suddenly start off to take by surprise the garrisons of Potsdam and of

Rinfueld; he gives the order for boots and saddles, which naturally leads

to innumerable accidents. Next day you will find him issuing a decree

that, a play written by one of his _protégés_, entitled _The New

Saviour_, is a masterpiece, which he would compel the public to applaud.

The best he can do with it is to prevent its being hissed off the stage.

Another day he has a room prepared for himself at the Headquarters of the

General Staff, where he interferes in the preparation of strategic plans,

without paying the least attention to the new chief who has replaced

Count Waldersee. Then, again, he connects his private office with the

entire Press organisation, so as to be able to manipulate the reptile

fund himself, and to dictate in person the notices he requires,

concerning all his proceedings, in the newspapers which he pays in

Germany and in those which he buys abroad.

All of a sudden it occurs to him that six more war-ships would round off

the German Fleet; and so he demands that they be built on the spot. His

Minister resists, pointing out that the approval of the Reichstag is

required, William II flies into a passion, and the wretched Minister

obeys. Suddenly it occurs to him also to remember the existence of a

certain Count Vedel, greatly favoured by the Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar.

He summons him by telegraph, and makes him his favourite of an hour.

When it pleases him to remove a superior officer, or to put one on the

shelf, nothing stops him, neither the worth of the man, nor the value of

the services he may have rendered. One can readily conceive that German

generals live in a state of perpetual fright. Add to all this that

William is becoming impecunious. He has taken to borrowing, and is

reduced to making money out of everything. What will the Sultan Abdul

Hamid say when he learns that the Grand Marshal of the German Court has

put up for sale the presents which he offered to the Emperor, his guest,

and which are valued at four millions!

These things bring to mind the threat which William II uttered a few days

before the fall of Bismarck: "Those who resist me I will break into a

thousand pieces."

March 12, 1891. [4]

The many and varied causes which led to the journey of the Empress

Frederick to Paris, and the equally numerous results that the Emperor,

her son, expected from that visit, are beginning to stand out in such a

manner that we can appreciate their significance more and more clearly.

This proceeding on the part of William II, like all his actions, was

invested with a certain quality of suddenness, but at the same time, it

reveals itself as the result of a complicated series of deliberate plans.

The object of these last was, as usual, the young monarch's unhealthy

craving for making dupes. To this I shall return later on. Let us first

examine the causes of William's sudden impulses.

He has acquired, and is teaching his people to acquire, the taste and

habit of sudden and unexpected happenings. It having been the habit of

Bismarck to speculate on things foreseen, it was inevitable that his

jealous adversary should speculate on things unforeseen. Moreover, the

King-Emperor is dominated by that law of compensation, from which neither

men nor things can escape, and from which it follows logically that

Germany, after having profited by methods of continuity, is now condemned

to suffer, in the same proportion, her trials of instability.

In determining upon the journey of his august mother to Paris, the

Emperor took no risks other than those which pleased him, and which

served the purposes of his grudges and his policy. In the first place,

this journey would serve for a moment to divert attention in Germany from

a policy which the great industrials and the workmen, the party of

progress and the conservatives, all unite in condemning. In the next

place, Berlin, having for a long time made ready to be amiable to Paris,

was bound to resent all the more acutely any failure to reciprocate her

kind advances. These results could not fail to be favourable to the vote

of credits for military purposes, which are always the last credits asked

for by the Government (whether under Bismarck or under Caprivi) and which

are always voted under stress of an appeal to the eternal but utterly

non-existent dangers, that are supposed to threaten Germany from France.

If our capital, then, should extend a cold welcome to the august mother

of the German Sovereign, the result could not fail to be of immediate

advantage to the vote of military credits. I ask my readers to notice,

by the way, the deliberate coincidence of the journey of the Empress with

the demand for these credits, and also with the anniversary of the Treaty

of Versailles. Finally, it was to be expected that if she were badly

received, the mistake thus committed by the Empress Frederick would make

"the Englishwoman" more unpopular in Germany; and, so far as one knows,

her Imperial son has never been passionately devoted to her. Moreover,

she afforded Bismarck an opportunity of getting rid of a little of his

venom, as witness the following words of his--

"Only an Englishwoman," the ex-Chancellor declared during a visit to Mr.

Burckardt, "could possibly have inspired the Emperor with the idea of

sending her to Paris as a challenge to the French. A German woman would

have had too much respect for her own dignity to go and visit Versailles

and Saint-Cloud. The nobility of her feelings would have forbidden her

to make a triumphal appearance amidst the ruins of the houses and castles

destroyed by our troops, and her pride would have prevented her from

seeking the homage and the favours of the vanquished. The Empress is

English, and English she will remain."

But if France were to welcome with enthusiasm--or even with favour--the

Empress Frederick, William II might justifiably conclude (without making

allowance for the sympathy which the widow of the Emperor-Martyr inspires

in Frenchwomen) that France had accepted the accomplished fact, abandoned

her claims to Alsace-Lorraine, and the defence of her future interests in

common with Russia. In that case, he would have treated France as he

treats those who show him the greatest devotion. In order to get a clear

idea of the object pursued by William II, it is sufficient to read two

short extracts from the _Étoile Belge_, a blind admirer of the Emperor of

Germany, and to read them separately from the enthusiastic articles which

this paper published at the commencement of the journey of the Empress

Frederick.

The correspondent of the _Étoile Belge_ wrote as follows--

"In confiding his mother and his sister to the hospitality of Paris,

William II committed an act as clever as it was courageous. Let him

continue in this policy of pacific advances, and the idea of a

reconciliation with Germany will soon become more popular than the

Russian Alliance."

The Berlin correspondent of the same _Étoile_ wrote--

"Germany has at least as much as England to gain in bringing it about

that Russia should not feel too sure of French support."

Is not this clear enough? There you have it: the real object which

underlay the visit incognito of the Empress Frederick for the furtherance

of the interests of Germany, It meant a reconciliation with Germany,

which would have separated us from Russia, from which England had

everything to gain, which would once more have surrendered our credit to

Italy unconditionally, and would have compelled us to renounce

Alsace-Lorraine for good and all.

What then would have been the results had she paid us an official visit?

We have already seen that none of the alternative schemes for this

journey could work to Germany's detriment; we need, therefore, not be

astonished at the publicity given by the Count von Münster to all the

comings and goings of the Empress, and at the determination shown by Her

Majesty to investigate the quality of our patriotism in all its various

aspects. The memories which the Empress went to recall at Saint-Cloud

and at Versailles were the same as those which she compelled us to call

from the past: memories glorious for her but unforgettably sad for us,

memories which, in reminding her of victory, were meant to remind us of a

defeat to which our conquerors have added cruelty.

I watch with fervour the expression of our patriotism. A race which

forgets the brutal insults of superior force deserves slavery. Italy

would never have reconquered Milan and Venice had she resigned herself to

see them pass under the yoke of the stranger. Forty years and more had

passed since the 2nd of May, [5] when Prince Napoleon thought fit to send

Prince Jérome as Ambassador to Madrid. He was forced to leave it.

Princess Murat was in no way responsible for what the French Generals had

done. She came in the suite of the Empress Eugenie, but Spain found a

way to make her displeasure manifest without any lack of courtesy. To

the Empress Frederick, France has shown a melancholy kind of astonishment

rather than dislike, and has displayed an infinite courtesy. Not a

single demonstration, not a gesture, not a word from the population of

Paris has done anything to detract from the city's world-wide reputation

for hospitality.

The Emperor William I and Bismarck, who pretended to make war only

against the Empire, would have shown themselves to be great and

far-seeing political minds had they left Republican France in possession

of the whole of her territory. Although beaten at Sedan, she would have

remembered Jena, and Germany's revenge would have quickly been forgotten.

Let us remember the words of the Emperor of Germany--

"I would rather that all my people should fall upon the field of battle

than give back to France a single clover-field of Alsace-Lorraine."

The _Post_ of Strasburg, recalling this declaration, adds--

"The French _bourgeoisie_ is too cowardly to begin a war. It is willing

to smile at the words of Déroulède, but does not move. The people of

Alsace-Lorraine have done quite rightly in turning away from these

talkers. We have _permitted_ them to become Germans, why then, should

they refuse the privilege?"

But William II continues to evoke the red vision of France militant, in

order to obtain the vote for his military credits. It would seem that

his liberalism has gone to join his socialism. At the dinner of the

Brandenburgers he said "God inspires me; the people and the nation owe me

their obedience." No matter whether he bungles or blunders, God alone is

responsible, and it is not for the people or the nation to argue. And

what is more, has not the new President of the Evangelical Church just

proclaimed William II as _summus episcopus_? Just as William claims to

decide infallibly every political question he will now decide all

theological questions, without asking any help from the supreme council

of the Evangelical Church.

Pope, Emperor and King--but does anybody suppose that this will satisfy

him?

March 27, 1891. [6]

The reception of the delegates from Alsace-Lorraine at Berlin is

characteristic. William II, eternally pre-occupied with stage-effects,

has on this occasion accentuated the disproportion between the framework

and the results obtained. He insisted upon it that the proceedings

should be as imposing as the refusal of the delegates' request was to be

humiliating. All the pomp and circumstance of State was displayed for

the occasion, with the result of producing a scene, carefully prepared in

advance, worthy of a Nero. The Emperor of Germany surrounded by his

military household, in the hall of his Knights of the Guard, receives the

complaints of the representatives of Alsace-Lorraine, who have come to

ask for a relaxation of the laws imposed on them by conquest. To them,

William II made answer: "The sooner the population of Alsace-Lorraine

becomes convinced that the ties which bind her to the German Empire will

never be broken, the sooner she proves more definitely that she is

resolved henceforward to display unswerving fidelity towards _me_ and

towards the Empire, the sooner will this hope of hers be realised."

Above the Imperial Palace, during this scene, the yellow flag of the

Emperors of Germany floated side by side with the purple banner of

Prussia.

Another picture--

The Emperor gives a banquet to the delegates of Alsace-Lorraine, after

having refused to hear their complaints. At the same table with them he

invites Herr Krupp to sit, in order to remind the people of the annexed

provinces of the cannons which defeated France and will defeat her again.

Here we have a reproduction of the Roman Empire in decay. The power of

the conqueror, imposed in all its pomp upon the vanquished, with the

cruelty of a bygone age.

The all-absorbing personality of William grows more and more jealous. He

would like to fill the whole stage of the theatre of the empire and of

the world itself. More than that, he even demands that the past should

date from himself, and he turns history inside out, having it written to

begin with his reign, and reascending the course of time. First himself,

then the house of Hohenzollern, then Prussia, and let that suffice. The

other dynasties, other kingdoms of Germany, count for so little that it

is sufficient merely to mention their existence. The history of which I

speak, written for the German Army, will be prescribed later on for use

of the high schools.

From each department of the public service William lifts an important

part of its business. From the Department of Education he takes the

direction of public worship, which, in his capacity as _summus

episcopus_, he proposes to control in person. From the War Department he

takes the section having control of maps and fortresses, which, he

proposes to place under the general staff and his own direction. He is

planning to make a province of Berlin, so that he himself may govern it

in military fashion, etc., etc. Is it possible that the mind of such a

man, thus inflated with pride, should not succumb to every temptation of

ambition? Is there any one of those about him, or amongst his subjects,

who can say where these ambitions will end? When one thinks of the mass

of ambitions and emotions that William II has exhausted since he came to

the throne, when one thinks of the difficult questions he has raised, the

obstacles he has created and the enterprises he has undertaken, how is it

possible not to _fear_ the future?

Germany is beginning to be oppressed by a feeling of uneasiness. She is

beginning to realise that her Emperor, by designing the orbit of his

activity on too large a scale, is producing the contrary effect, with the

result that sooner or later, the narrowing circumference of that orbit

will close in upon him, and he will only be able to break its barriers by

violent repression from within _and by a sudden outbreak of war without_.

Militarism and militarism only, the passion for which is ever recurrent

with William II, can satisfy his morbid craving for movement and action.

Thus we see him celebrating the Anniversary of William I by a review of

his troops and by a speech, so seriously threatening a breach of the

peace, that even the newspapers of the opposition hesitate to reproduce

it. All France should realise that _the German Emperor will make war

upon her without warning and without formal declaration, just as he

surprises his own garrisons_. By his orders, the statement is made on

all sides that the rifle of the German army is villainously bad. Let us

not believe a word of it. On the contrary, we should know that the

greater part of the Prussian artillery is superior to ours; let us be on

our guard against every surprise and ready.

April 28, 1891. [7]

On the occasion of the presentation of new standards to his troops, the

Emperor observed that the number 18 is one of deep significance for his

race, that it corresponds with six important dates in the history of

Prussia. "For this reason," he added, "I have chosen the 18th of April

as the day on which to present the new standards." As William II himself

puts it, this day, like all the "eighteenths" that went before it, has

its special significance.

The strange words uttered by the monarch on this occasion--always

intoxicated with the sense of his power, and sometimes by

_Kaiserbier_--are denied to-day, or perhaps it would be more correct to

say that the _Monitor of the Empire_ has not published them. "Let our

soldiers come to me," he proclaimed in the White Hall, to "overcome the

resistance of the enemies of the Fatherland, abroad as well as at home."

On the one hand, after the manner of the Middle Ages, he reveals to us

the ancient mysteries of the Cabal, on the other, as an up-to-date

emperor, he compels his brother Henry to become a sportsman like himself.

On occasion he will don the uniform of the Navy, interrupt a

post-captain's lecture, and throw overboard the so-called plan of

re-organisation, so as to substitute a new strategy of his own making for

the use of the German fleet.

So Field-Marshal von Moltke is dead at last. His place is already filled

by the Emperor, who is willing to be called his pupil, but a pupil equal

in the art of strategy to his master and a better soldier. The

remarkably peaceful death of Von Moltke only reminds me of the violent

deaths that he brought about. It was to him that we owed the bombardment

of Paris. Only yesterday, Marshal Canrobert said "he was our most

implacable foe, and in that capacity, we must continue to regard him with

hatred and contempt." Von Moltke himself was wont to say "when war is

necessary it is holy." He leaves behind him all the plans in readiness

for the next war.

William II, you may be sure, will proceed to depreciate the military work

of Von Moltke, just as he tries to depreciate his diplomatic and

parliamentary work. He has reached a pitch of infatuation unbelievable;

and is becoming, as I have said before, more and more of a Nero every

day. At the present moment he is instigating the construction of an

arena at Schildorn where spectacles after the ancient manner will be

given. These, according to William, are intended to afford instruction

to the masses as well as to the classes. A very fitting conclusion this,

to the fears which he has expressed about seeing the youth of the German

schools working too hard and overloading its memory. For the same

reason, no doubt, he has made Von Sedlitz Minister of Public

Instruction--it is an unfortunate name--an individual who has never been

to College, who has never studied at any University, and who only

attended school up to the age of twelve.

Now, it seems, William II is bored with the Palace of his forefathers.

For the next two years he is going to establish his Imperial Residence at

Potsdam; consequently all his ministers and high officials are compelled

to reside partly at Potsdam. His mania for change leads him to destroy

the historic character of the old castle; his scandalised architects have

been ordered to restore it in modern style. And Berlin, his faithful

Berlin, is abandoned. It is said that at a gala dinner the other day the

Emperor uttered these words: "The Empire has been made by the army, and

not by a parliamentary majority." But it is also said that Bismarck

observed to the Conservative Committee at Kiel: "It is best not to touch

things that are quiet, best to do nothing to create uneasiness, when

there is no reason for making changes. There are certain people who seem

singularly upset by the craving to work for the benefit of humanity." It

requires no special knowledge to interpret this sentence as a thinly

veiled criticism of the character of William II.

May 12, 1891. [8]

There is an attitude frequently adopted by William II, that German

socialists are in the habit of describing, as "the whipping after the

cake." He has now had the socialist deputies arrested, and he is

introducing throughout the country a system of espionage and

intimidation, which is only balanced to a certain extent by his fondness

for sending abroad a class of reptiles who go about preaching, writing

and imparting to others the doctrines which he endeavours to strangle at

birth in his own country. In spite of his brief flirtation with

socialism (in which he indulged merely to copy the man whom he opposes in

everything and cordially detests), William II has now come to persecute

it. One of his amiable jokes is to try and lead people to believe that

the order which he has given, for the dispositions of his troops on the

frontier _en échelon_, has no other object but to prevent Belgian

strikers, from coming into Germany. But can it be also to repel this

invasion of Belgian strikers that the entire German army now receives

orders just as if it were actually preparing to begin a campaign?

Sentinels of France, be on your guard!

It goes without saying that during the past fortnight we have had our

regular supply of speeches from William II. At Düsseldorf he said three

things.

The first, coming from the lips of a sovereign known all the world over

for his mania for change, is calculated to raise a smile--

"From the paths which I have set before me, I shall not swerve a single

inch."

The second was a threat--

"I trust that the sons of those who fought in 1870 will know how to

follow the example of their fathers."

The third and last was meant for Bismarck--

"There is but one master, myself, and I will suffer none other beside me."

For the future William will only make his appearances accompanied by

heralds clad in the costumes of the Middle Ages, bodyguards drawn from

the nobility, surrounding the _summus episcopus_, pope and khalif of the

Protestant Church.

The extremely curious mixture which unceasingly permeates the character

of William II may be observed in the orders which he, the mystic, the

pious, has recently given to the chaplains of the Court, viz. that they

are never to preach in his presence for more than twenty minutes.

Naturally enough, the Prussian pastors are extremely indignant at the

cavalier way in which the _summus episcopus_ treats the Holy Word.

May 29, 1891. [9]

The business of a Sovereign is not a bed of roses, and causes of

discomfiture are just as frequent in the palaces of kings as in the

humblest cottages. William II has just had more than one experience of

this humiliating truth, but it must be admitted he fully deserves most of

the lessons he receives.

Instead of saying, as he used to say, "my august confederates and

myself," he has suddenly conceived the pretension that he and he alone is

the sole master in Germany. Accordingly the august confederates by

common consent, although invited by the Grand Marshal of the Palace,

Count Eulenberg, have refused to take part in the trifling folly of the

Golden Throne that William is having made for himself. Kings, Grand

Dukes and Senators of the Free Cities, all have unanimously declared that

they will never assist "in the erection of a throne which is the sign and

attribute of sovereignty."

But to continue the list: At Strelitz, a clergyman refused the request of

the Prussian colonel of the 89th Regiment to allow his church to be used

for a thanksgiving service in honour of the birth of William II, and

preached a sermon declaring that the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz,

and he alone, had the right to have a divine service and a sermon in

honour of his birthday.

And yet another instance: The Emperor has organised a regatta to be held

on Lake Wannsee on May 30 for all yachts and pleasure boats owned by

princes and by the German aristocracy. The Archduke, heir to the

Austrian Throne, has refused to honour the occasion with his presence.

The toast at Dusseldorf, "Myself the only Master," has been very

generally condemned; equally that which the Emperor addressed to the

students at Bonn, when he said to them "Let your jolly rapiers have full

play," or in other words, "Indulge to the top of your bent, and without

regard to the laws, in your orgies of brutality." People in Germany are

beginning to think that William reminds them a little too much of the

incoherencies of his great-uncle, Frederick William, who was undoubtedly

clever in all sorts of ways, but who died insane.

At the shipyards of Elbing, William II narrowly escaped being wounded by

the fall of the large mast of the ship _Kohlberg_, which had been sawn

through in several places. He has just had his coachman, Menzel,

arrested, who very nearly brought him to his death by driving him into a

lime tree in a _troika_ presented to him by the Tzar.

At present it is his wish that Holland and Belgium should receive him.

The Queen Regent and Leopold II (in spite of the latter's violent love

for Germany) are hesitating, by no means certain as to the welcome which

their peoples would extend to him. William II proposes to strike the

imagination of the Dutch, as he did that of the Belgians, and to make his

appearance before them, aboard his yacht, the _Hohenzollern_, which Dutch

vessels are to go to meet and escort. To make the thing complete (and it

may well be that the idea is germinating in his mind) it would only

require him to visit the fortifications on the Meuse. The _Berliner

Tageblatt_ in a long article informs us that the Emperor declares them to

be _perfect_. 'Tis a good word. . . .

When the Imperial traveller shall have exhausted all pretexts for rushing

about on this Continent, he will go to Africa. There is a _but_ about

this; it arises from the question whether he will be able to obtain from

his Ministers that they should ask the Reichstag or the Landtag for the

800,000 francs that he needs for the voyage, the Constitution forbidding

the King of Prussia to leave Europe. But what does the Constitution

matter to William II? He, the master, will put an end to it!

August 1, 1891. [10]

What are the qualities which have distinguished the Government of Germany

since the victories of Moltke? The patient tenacity of William I, and a

continuous policy of trickery raised by Bismarck to the level of genius.

William II is a mind diseased, infatuated with itself. His actions are

dominated by pride, and all the most childish off-shoots of that

weakness, love of noise, of attitudes, of pomps and vanities and

jewellery; his mind is a thing of somersaults, and his will is subject to

capricious whims and sudden outbursts of temper.

August 11, 1891. [11]

May we not flatter ourselves that the torments of William II are now

beginning? He, who only yesterday proclaimed himself to be the

triumphant personification of the German Empire, is now compelled to

inaction as the result of a fall. Whilst the Great Tzar is received with

acclamation on board of the French _Marengo_, he goes awkwardly stumbling

about on the deck of his yacht.

The German Emperor composed for himself a prayer, which he is accustomed

to have said in his presence, and in which God is implored "to grant His

protection to the Emperor William, to give him health and inspiration for

the fulfilment of his mission _towards the nations_." To-day, reduced to

inactivity by his illness and by the consequences of his folly, he has

ample leisure to reflect on the psalm which he is so fond of singing,

with the mitre of the _summus episcopus_ on his head: "The kings of the

earth are the instruments of God."

Yes, Sire, they are instruments which God breaks as easily as He bends a

reed before the wind. He is pleased to humble the proud, and He reserves

defeat and death as the portion of the parricide.

August 29, 1891. [12]

Germany's luck is running out. . . .

The Emperor certainly lacks neither the youth nor the audacity to compel

fortune, but he drives her too hard, and ignores all her warnings. His

fall is a clear warning, which he appears to be quite unwilling to

notice; more mechanical than ever in his movements, he is now taking to

riding again. By his orders, his illness and even his fall are alike

contradicted. His reason for withdrawing himself so long from the gaze

of his adoring subjects is to let his beard grow, after the fashion of

Boulanger. But he hasn't wasted his time; his furious impatience under

activity has brought about a fresh attack.

September 11, 1891. [13]

William II makes every effort to keep the Triple Alliance on its legs (it

being as lame as himself) whilst he continues to give vent to his triple

_hoch!_ and resumes once more his rushing to and fro, so wearisome to his

faithful subjects, which compels the European Press to groan so loudly

that his pennon (Imperial in Austria, or Royal in Bavaria) waves madly

about his excited person. Meanwhile the Emperor Alexander III, calm in

the serenity of his nature, takes his rest in the pleasant retreat of

Fredensborg, where he finds contented virtues and the joys of family life.

It really looks as if a certain deviltry were at work against William II.

His splendid statecraft now revolves about questions of rye bread,

Russian geese, and American pork; he struggles amidst a mass of

difficulties more comic than sublime. He has imposed a system of rigid

protection in order to entangle his allies in a net of tariffs favourable

only to Germany, and now behold him, all of a sudden, removing the duties

off diseased pork, all for the profit of the McKinley Bill, the scourge

of Germany. Only the future can say what dangers await a policy of

fierce protection and dangerous favouritism. How much simpler and

cleverer it would have been to remove the duties on cereals! As far as

the people are concerned, cheap pork will never appeal to them as cheap

bread would have done. The progressive party had asked for both; the

satisfaction they have received appeases them for the moment, but the

socialists will still be able to say that William's Government takes off

the duties on foodstuffs that poison the people, and leaves them on those

which would afford them healthy nourishment.

September 27, 1891. [14]

William II has decidedly no luck when he puts the martial trumpet to his

lips. It was at Erfurt that he learned that the tribes of the Wa Héhé

had massacred Zalewski's expedition into East Africa. It is said that,

on hearing this news, the German Emperor, seized with one of those sudden

outbursts of rage which throw him into convulsions, swore to avenge in

torrents of blood the insult thus suffered by the ever-victorious banner

of Prussia. Are we, then, to see the Reichstag in its turn, like the

French and Italian Parliaments, wasting its millions and its men in

colonial adventures?

At Münich, William II has declared that the wretched condition of the

artillery in the Austrian army, the lack of cohesion in its infantry, and

the inexperience, not to say incapacity, of its officers, render it unfit

for war in the near future, and that no hope of its improvement is to be

entertained, so long as it shall have as its head a man so completely

worn out as Francis Joseph. Germany's armament is to be completely

changed and renewed, and it is even said that William will go down in

person to the Reichstag during the autumn session to demand the enormous

credits which the situation requires. The _Neue München Tageblatt_ has

been seized at Münich for having published an attack upon "the mania for

armaments and for military pomp which possesses William II, a mania which

is exhausting Germany and will leave her completely ruined after the next

war."

November 12, 1891. [15]

The unfortunate Constitution of the German Empire, like the Emperor

himself, doesn't know which way to turn. Legislation, administration,

the army; the universities, the Church and the administration of justice:

everything is being passed through a sieve, and transformed, first in

order that it may retransform itself and then become more readily

accessible to the rising generation. Anything that savours of a ripe age

is extremely displeasing to William II. Ripeness is a thing which he

disdains to acquire. All that is youthful finds favour in his eyes, with

the sole exception of a class of youth with which he is disposed to deal

severely, viz. the _souteneurs_. Against them the _summus episcopus_ is

extremely wroth. Here the virtue of chaste Germany is at stake, and he

proposes to cauterise the disease with a red-hot iron. For the future,

the scandalous discussion of these things will be forbidden to the Press,

and thus, even if private morals continue the same, public morality will

not be offended. Hypocrisy, at least, will be saved.

There is much talk at Vienna of a plan whispered at headquarters in

Berlin, which has to do with converting the capital of Austria into an

entrenched camp, so that an army driven back from the Austro-Russian

frontiers might there be re-formed. William means to throw Austria

against Russia, and to take his precautions in case of defeat,

precautions which would at the same time, safeguard the rear of the

German Empire.

November 29, 1891.

Germany is becoming uneasy; she has heard the rustling of the wings of

defeat. Accustomed to victory, she is suffering, as rich people suffer

under the least of privations. Bankruptcies, one after another, are

spreading ruin in Berlin. Bismarck and William, united in a very

touching manner on this subject, conceived the idea of bringing about

Russia's financial ruin, and of importing into the Prussian capital the

vitality of the Paris market. The fall in Russian securities was unlucky

for the German Bank, and all the scrip that the Berlin Bourse so greedily

devoured, for the sole purpose of preventing Paris from getting it, does

not seem to have been easily digested. The middle class is suffering

from the bad condition of the market, and the increase of taxation; the

lower classes are hungry.

Impassive in his majesty, the Emperor contemplates himself upon the

throne. Now you will find him copying Louis XIV and writing in the

golden book of the city of Münich _Regis volontas suprema lex_. And

again he will imitate St. Louis, but not finding any oak tree within his

reach, he administers justice on the public highway, as in the

Skinkel-Platz. He is having his own statue made of marble, to be placed

alongside of his throne. Great Heavens! If some day, this were to be

for him the avenging Commander's statue! [16]

But no, it cannot be, for has he not been converted? Is he not the

_summus episcopus_, who conducts the service in person? Has he not

composed psalms? Could anybody be more pious, a more resolute foe of

those vices which he pursues with such energy? Could any one be more

determined to be a pillar of the Church? In his interviews with the

delegates of the synod of the United Prussian Church, has not the

_summus_ said that the Reformation drew its strength from the hearts of

princes? True, you may say, that this does not sound very like a humble

Christian; but then humility had never anything to do with William.

At the administration of the oath to new recruits, after having held

forth to them on the subject of the hardships at the beginning of a

soldier's life, he added, "It shall be your reward when you have learnt

your trade, to manoeuvre before me."

December 13, 1891. [17]

The nations of Europe desire peace, and it has been so often proved to

them that they also desire it, who have been accused of furbishing their

weapons unceasingly, that it would be dangerous even for William II to

seem to be preparing for war, or rather that, having made ready for it,

he should be working to let it loose. And so it comes to pass that the

fire-eating Emperor and King of Prussia himself is compelled to play the

part of a bleating sheep "admiring his reflection in the crystal stream,"

and that he cannot even have recourse to the expedient, now exhausted, to

make it appear that either France or Russia are ravening wolves in search

of adventure. But the rôle of a sheep sits badly on William, and the

_mot d'ordre_, which he dictates is so evidently opposed to the condition

of affairs for which he is responsible, that Messrs. Kalnoky and Caprivi,

in spite of their appearance of rotund good nature, have shown distinct

signs of intractable irritation.

People have been asking what can be the meaning of all these pacific

assurances, so hopelessly at variance with everything that one sees and

knows, at a moment when the Monarch of Berlin is furious at the visit of

the Tzar to Kronstadt? Well, the truth is out, and it is M. de Kalnoky

who, by proxy, shall reveal it to you.

"The reception at Kronstadt and its consequences have effected no change

in the situation." There you have the secret. It is necessary to prove

that the diplomacy of the Triple Alliance has not been checked at any

point or in any way; that the "excellent impression," to quote the words

of M. de Caprivi, left in Russia by the visit of William II did not allow

the Tzar any alternative; he was compelled to show attention to some

other country than Germany. Moreover, the appearance of Alexander III on

the _Marengo_ was nothing more than a simple desire for a sea trip;

France, going like Mohammed to the mountain, bore in her flanks nothing

larger than a mouse. Finally, that Peace never having been threatened by

the Loyal League of Peace, there could be no possible reason left to

France and Russia for wanting to defend it, etc., etc.

William II is working hard to control and direct the diplomacy of the

Triple Alliance. Nevertheless, all his scaffolding work is liable to

sudden collapse, overthrown by the most insignificant of events.

Regarding his speech to the recruits, the German Press has pluckily

voiced its condemnation by the public. It is impossible to deny that his

observations on that occasion were a perfect masterpiece of

self-glorification. This is what he said--

"You have just taken the oath of fidelity to myself. From this day

forward there exists for you one order and one order only, that of my

majesty. Henceforth you have only one enemy, mine, and should it be

necessary for me some day (which God forbid) to order you to shoot your

own parents, yes, to fire on your own brothers and sisters, fathers and

mothers, on that day remember your oath."

Those who wish to form an accurate idea of William's loquacity and

self-conceit should read a few passages, selected haphazard from "The

Voice of the Lord upon the waters," a sermon by His Majesty, the

Emperor-King, for use in polar voyages. There they will find a strange

hotch-potch of all sorts of ideas, religious, political and heathen, all

half digested. But the dominant note in the sermons preached by William

II lies in his tendency to diminish the Infinite, to hold it within the

measure of his own mind, to bring down God to his own stature. All his

comparisons tend to show God as an Emperor, built in the image in which

William sees himself. When he draws you a picture, in which he brings

God face to face with himself, there is about him a certain splendour of

pride, something in his utterance that suggests an Imperial Lucifer. But

beyond these relations between God and the German Emperor, his utterances

reveal nothing beyond commonplace self-conceit. In his perpetual and

personal contact with the Divinity, William's morality becomes more

exacting than even that of God Himself towards His saints, who have long

enjoyed His sanction to sin seven times a day. William II will not allow

of a single sin. Everywhere and in everything he must interfere. Well

may his subjects say, who have just received their catechism: "He is on

heaven, on earth, and within us."

January 1, 1892. [18]

I, who have so long been devoted to the Franco-Russian Alliance, have

followed with acute distress the intrigues of Bismarck in Bulgaria

(intrigues of which the _Nouvelle Revue_ revealed one proof in the

letters of Prince Ferdinand of Coburg to the Countess of Flanders). I

have known that William, in spite of his actual dislike for the

proceedings of his ex-Chancellor, is pleased to approve the impertinences

of a Stamboulof. Nevertheless, I confess I am seized with anxiety at

seeing France enter into diplomatic proceedings with the so-called

Government of Bulgaria. It is very often more dignified to despise and

ignore the enterprises of certain people, then to endeavour to obtain

satisfaction from them. There are certain complicated circumstances in

which the manifestation of a sense of honour or loyalty becomes a

weakness: at all costs one should avoid being led into it.

The Emperor of Germany possesses a special talent for adding new

complications to a difficult situation, so as to render it impossible of

solution. He has now so completely tangled up the parliamentary skein,

that in a little while it will be impossible for Parliament to govern.

Can one conceive of a majority of the Chamber rallying around the

Catholic centre, or the socialists, for the same reason, increasing in

number at the bye-elections? In such a case William II, equally unable

to surrender in favour of the clericals or to submit to the socialists,

will find himself, as others have been before him, driven to adopt the

ultimate remedy of war.

February 12, 1892. [19]

If the States of Germany, in joining themselves on to Prussia, have

thereby increased in power, they have gained very little in humanity.

The circular, secretly issued by Prince George of Saxony, commanding the

12th Army Corps, reveals something of the brutalities and exquisite

torture which German soldiers have to suffer. This circular was

addressed to the commanders of regiments, and has been published by a

socialist newspaper, the _Vorwärts_. This Prince of Saxony is indignant

at these things, doubtless because he is a Saxon; Bavaria, we are told,

declines to accept the application of the Prussian Military Code. By

common consent, the House of Peers and the Chamber of Deputies at Münich

have voted against subscribing to a condition of things which permits men

to behave like real savages. Military Germany takes pleasure in cruelty,

sentimental Germany is moved by the tortures inflicted on her children.

Brutality and sentiment rub elbows, and are so strangely intermingled

amongst our neighbours that I, for one, abandon all attempts at

understanding them.

It was Von Moltke who said one day that the army was the school of all

the virtues. Next day the same Field-Marshal put into circulation

certain formulas for the infliction of cruelty, intended for the use of

commanding officers.

"If a superior officer should order an inferior to commit a crime, the

inferior must commit it." Thus says William II, who in the very next

breath expresses his sentimental concern over the unfortunate lot of a

woman of loose life handed over to the tender mercies of a bully!

William's latest quarrel, it seems, is with liberty of conscience. The

_summus episcopus_ of the evangelical religion becomes the protector of

clericalism in Germany. He, the elect of God, has discovered the power

of the Catholic Church. This was the power that broke Bismarck, but it

will not break William II, for he intends to assimilate it. He dreams of

establishing his Protectorate over Catholicism in Europe, America, Africa

and in the East; his destiny lies in a world-wide mission, which only

Catholicism can support. He will, therefore, dominate the papacy, and

through it will govern the world.

February 26, 1892. [20]

The list of Emperor William's vagaries continues to grow. He, who was

once the father of socialists, now pursues them with all manner of

cruelty, in order to be revenged for their opposition to the scholastic

law. This law is his dearest achievement. He produced it under the same

conditions as his socialist rescripts, all by himself, without consulting

his Minister. It seems that Von Sedlitz was instructed to bring it

forward without discussing its terms. This is a reactionary _coup

d'état_ in the same way that the rescripts on socialism were a democratic

stroke. Will this "new course" of Imperial policy, as they call it in

Germany, last any longer than its predecessor? I presume so, for it

corresponds more closely than the old one to the autocratic instincts of

William II.

The National, Liberal and Progressive parties, and even the Socialists,

who had turned full of hope towards their Liberal Emperor, now vie with

each other in turning their backs on the Sovereign, who fulfils the

policies of a Von Kardoff or a Baron von Stumm, the most determined

Conservatives of the extreme party.

The Universities of Berlin and Halle, together with all the other

educational institutions, have addressed petitions to the Landtag,

protesting against the re-organisation of the primary schools, which it

is proposed to hand over to the Church. Sixty-nine professors out of

eighty-three, six theologians out of eight, including amongst them

certain members of the Faculty, have signed this protest. The greatest

names of German science and literature have here joined forces. Liberals

like Herr Harnack have made common cause with such anti-Semite

Conservatives as Professor Treitschke. Mommsen, Virchow, Curtius

Helmholtz, stand side by side in defence of the rights of liberty of

thought. William is becoming irritated by the lessons thus administered

to him and the opposition thus displayed, and his nervousness continues

to assume an aggressive form.

Alsace-Lorraine is undisturbed, and all Europe bears witness to its

pacific tendencies; nevertheless, the German Emperor is bringing forward

a Bill before the Reichstag for declaring a state of siege in

Alsace-Lorraine, which includes even a threat of war, and opens the door

to every abusive power on the part of the civil authority. The speech

which he addressed to the members of the Diet of Brandenburg is the most

complete expression which the Emperor, King of Prussia, has yet given of

his latest frame of mind.

How dare they criticise him, or discuss his policy! Let them all go to

the devil! He, whose policy it is to block emigration, now wishes for

nothing better than that all his opponents should leave Germany. But it

is impossible to revoke public opinion wholesale, like an edict. If it

is difficult now to expel all malcontents from Prussia, what will it be

when their number is legion? William II has promised to his people a

glorious destiny, happiness, and the protection of Heaven. Truly these

Germans must be insatiable if they ask for more!

March 12, 1892. [21]

William II aims at concentrating all power, and, to organise the work of

espionage, in the hands of the military authorities. If the Prussian law

of 1851 is still effective, the Emperor in case of need will be able to

dispense with a vote of the Reichstag. This law confers on every general

and on his representative, who may be an officer of eighteen years of

age, the right to declare a state of siege in the event of war

threatening. On the other hand, the projected Bill against espionage

meets with very general approval. Your German has got spies on the

brain. He wishes to be able to indulge in spying in other countries, but

to prevent it in Germany. The _Frankfurter Zeitung_ and the _Vorwärts_

assert that the proposed law against the revealing of military secrets

was inspired by the publication of the report by Prince George of Saxony,

containing revelations of a kind which the Emperor does not wish to occur

again. One of the articles of this law against spying reveals the

Prussian character in all its beauty. One has only to read it, in order

to understand the inducements which the Government of William II holds

out to informers. The end of this article runs as follows: "Every

individual having knowledge of such an infringement, and who shall fail

to notify the authorities, is liable to imprisonment."

To hear these Germans, one would think that France and Russia are

flooding the Empire with spies, whilst Germany never sends a single one

of them to France or Russia. In the first place, all these statements

are purely cynical; and in the second Germany can very well afford to

dispense with professionally selected spies, inasmuch as every German

prides himself on being one at all times in the service of the Fatherland.

April 12, 1892. [22]

William II makes a solemn promise to his august grandmother, Queen

Victoria, and to the "best beloved" of his Allies, the Emperor of

Austria, that he will restore the Guelph Fund. Francis Joseph has

obtained from the Duke of Cumberland the somewhat undignified letter of

renunciation, which we have all read, and now it is either up to Rogue

Scapin or Bre'r Fox, just as you please! William II says that he never

meant to give back the capital, but only the interest! It is easy to

imagine the effect produced on those concerned by the revelation of this

astonishing mental reservation. But this is not all! The King of

Prussia--always short of money, always in debt on account of his

extravagant fancies and expensive clothes, and half ruined by his mania

for running to and fro--had made certain arrangements for meeting his

creditors by means of the Guelph Fund, but with the proviso, needless to

say, that they affected only the interest!!

It is said that the heir of the House of Hanover has written a second

letter which evoked a sickly smile from William II, and of which

Councillor Rössing has suppressed the publication with some difficulty.

Amongst other things, William II has had quick-firing guns, supplied to

the people of Dahomey by slave merchants. The Berlin _Post_, directly

inspired by the Emperor, tells us exactly what is his object in so doing--

"England and Russia will not help France to settle her difficulties in

her colonies. These two Powers are far too pre-occupied with the

struggle for supremacy in Asia. France is, therefore, reduced to looking

to Germany as her sole support. If France consents to work together with

Germany, Africa will be won for civilisation, and for the best

civilisation of all, the Franco-German, but so long as France pursues

this task single-handed, she will not attain her end, and will find in

Africa nothing but disappointment."

Such evidences of effrontery remind us that William II is the pupil of

Bismarck. We are, therefore, justified in concluding that the Germans

realise that it is not Aristides the Just who has been exiled, but a

master rogue, whom his pupil now imitates.

April 29, 1892. [23]

William II continues to expel from Berlin all unemployed workmen, quite

regardless of the cause of their temporary or continuous idleness. He

sends them back to their native parishes, without caring in the least

whether they will find there the work which they are unable to secure at

the capital. The "Workmen's Emperor" compels an emigration into the

interior of all the most discontented, the most irritated and wretched,

thus sowing throughout all the land the evil seed of the most dangerous

kind of propagandist. The spirit of Germany is full of surprises for any

one who takes the trouble to observe it carefully, and it is not only in

the acts of the Emperor that we perceive its contradictions.

To take one instance out of a thousand. Five non-commissioned officers

of dragoons have just been tried at Ulm, accused of having beaten

recruits with sticks until they drew blood. They have been acquitted,

after having proved that they acted under the orders of their captain.

In this connection it is interesting to read the following--

"The Court of Saverne has just condemned a carrier named Schwartz to six

weeks' imprisonment and a fine of ten marks for ill-treating his horse."

The unstable grandson of the steadfast William I threatens before long to

get between his teeth a fourth war minister; he has already devoured

three chiefs of the general staff, and, in a few years, as many ministers

as his grandfather had during the whole course of his long reign.

It remains to be seen whether, after the withdrawal of the scholastic

law, William II will still find a majority willing to accept his new and

disturbing schemes.

May 28, 1892. [24]

As the German Empire has no other force of cohesion except such as lies

in militarism, William is necessarily compelled to do everything to

magnify and increase it. Whereas we in France are free to develop the

quality rather than the quantity of our army, Germany, finding the

elements of cohesion only in her military agglomerations is compelled to

increase unceasingly the number of her soldiers.

At this very moment William is planning to add a permanent effective of

40,000 men to the tactical units. In return, he will promise Parliament

and the country a provisional two years' service, being quite capable of

withdrawing his promise so soon as the vote has been secured.

Numbers, always numbers! It is the German Emperor's only ideal, and he

becomes further and further removed from any principle of selection. . . .

The German newspapers make a speciality of the fabrication of sensational

rumours. I could not ask any better vengeance for our beloved country

than to have their stories placed before the most loyal of Sovereigns,

the most far-seeing of diplomats, of the politician the furthest removed

from sordid calculations that the world knows or has ever known, that is

to say, of the Emperor Alexander III. . . .

But all this is just a manoeuvre of the enemy who plays his own game, and

it has no importance whatsoever beyond that which credulous and anxious

people choose to give it. Inasmuch as the renewal of the Triple Alliance

has produced a definite situation, which affords no opportunity for any

of the combinations which might have resulted had it been broken up into

independent parts, the Tzar with his usual foresight was naturally led to

proclaim his _rapprochement_ with France, and this he has done. What

change has there been in the situation since Kronstadt? None at all,

unless it be that Lord Salisbury has revealed something more of the

nature of his intrigues at Sofia, and of the anti-Russian intentions of

his Bulgarian policy. The King of Italy has surrendered himself a little

more into the hands of the King of Prussia, placing at the disposal of

William's diseased restlessness further and inexhaustible sources of

trouble and uneasiness for Europe.

July 9, 1892. [25]

It seems to me that the speech addressed by William to his new Admiralty

yacht at the port of Stettin has not attracted sufficient notice. It is

simply beautiful, a very choice morsel indeed. To show how little I

exaggerate, I will ask my readers to study it in the actual text, and I

would like to engage the services of the King of Prussia to collaborate

in the _Nouvelle Revue_ for a page in precisely the same style. Here is

this little masterpiece of classic purity--

"Thou art ready to glide into thy new element, to take thy place amidst

the Imperial war-ships, and thou art destined to carry our National Flag.

Thine elegant construction, thy light sides, showing no sign of the heavy

threatening defensive turrets, such as are carried by our war-ships

destined to fight the foe, indicate that thou art consecrated to works of

peace. Lightly, as on the wing, to cross the seas, bringing distant

lands closer to each other, giving rest and recreation to workers,

happiness to the Imperial children, and to the august mother of the

country,--that is thine appointed task. May thy light artillery be worn

by thee as an ornament and not as a weapon of war.

"It is for me now to give thee a name. Thou shalt carry that which my

Castle bears, whose towers rise so high towards Heaven, that which, lying

amidst the beautiful country of Suabia, has given its name to my family.

It is a name which recalls to my Fatherland centuries full of labour, of

work done with and for the people, of life devoted to the people, of good

examples set in leading the people in paths of literature and in many

struggles. The name which thou shall bear means all this. Mayest thou

do honour to thy name, and to thy flag, to the great Elector who, first

of all men, taught us our Mission on the sea, and to my great ancestors

who, by works of peace as in fierce warfare, knew how to keep and

increase the glory of our fatherland. I baptize thee _Hohenzollern_!"

August 29, 1892. [26]

William II, claiming as usual to be ahead of every change of opinion in

Europe, and to direct it, has chosen a very singular pretext to make

profession of his faith as a pacifist, at the moment when Lord Rosebery

was doing the same, and when the visit of our squadron to Genoa was about

to emphasise a relaxation of tension in the relations between France and

Italy.

On June 24, 1890, the following motion was adopted by the Reichstag--

"The Governments of the Confederated German States are requested to take

into serious consideration the introduction of the two years' period of

military service for the Infantry."

Without deigning to remember this, and without bothering his head as to

the discomfiture of the peasantry, who believed the Emperor to be really

favourable to a scheme which he had openly patronised hardly six months

before, on the ground that he had been greatly impressed by General

Falkenstein's report; indifferent also to the difficulty of the situation

in which he was placing Von Caprivi, advocate of the two years'

system--the Emperor-King (apparently just because on that day it had

pleased him to make a declaration in favour of peace) made a speech to

his officers after the last review of the Guards, and summarily condemned

any reduction in the term of military service. Moreover, he requested

his hearers to repeat his words and to let people know the motives which

impelled him thus to set his face against a reform, which, not having

secured his approval, must remain in the limbo of fantastic schemes.

Much stir and commotion follows, and as usual a great deal is said about

the most changeable and the most feather-headed of Sovereigns; then we

have a new interpretation of his speech by the Press, contradictions of

the original text, withdrawal by the Emperor himself of his original

words, and finally, as net result: a great deal of noise, and the

attention of all Europe directed towards William II. What more could he

ask?

Soon, thanks to the insidious activities of Austria in Servia, and thanks

to that of his own police on the Franco-Belgian frontier, William will be

able to threaten Europe with War.

September 12, 1892. [27]

William has given up the idea of his trip to Hamburg, cholera being the

sort of jest for which he has no relish. To make up, he has rushed off

to Canossa. The Black Alliance, as the Liberals call it, is an

accomplished fact. The price paid to the Catholics for their assistance

has been a matter of bargaining; what William II wants is an increase in

the peace-footing of the army, and of the annual contingent of recruits,

so that Germany's army of 300,000 men may always be ready.

In twenty years the War budget has been raised from 309 to 700 millions,

as the result of these new plans. The _Freisinnige Zeitung_ wonders what

will happen on the day when the opposition of the Catholic Centre shall

cease, which has always been a check upon military expenditure and which,

nevertheless, has not prevented Germany from spending 11,597 millions

upon armaments since 1871.

Will Austria follow once more the lead of Berlin? The object of William

II's visit to Vienna, accompanied by Von Caprivi, is to decide her to do

so. In the Empire of the Hapsburgs, as in Germany, people are asking;

"What is going to be the end of all this expenditure?" The _Vaterland_,

discussing William's voyage, says that "the pact between the three great

powers appears to be beginning to be very shaky."

September 29, 1892. [28]

William II thinks that War is impending and close at hand; he feels that

Italy is inclined to argue, and Austria to assert herself. According to

the tradition of Von Moltke, he wishes to be ready at the hour of his own

choosing.

In the last volume of the Field-Marshal's memoirs, there is a letter

addressed by him to the deputy, Count de Bethusy Huc, dated March 29,

1869, in which the following words occur--

"After a war like that which we have just ended, one can hardly wish for

another. I desire, however, to profit by the occasion which now offers

to make war on France, for, unfortunately, I consider this war to be

absolutely necessary, and indispensable within a period of five years;

after that, our organisation and armament, which are to-day superior, may

be equalled by the efforts of France. It is therefore to our interest to

fight as soon as possible. The present moment is favourable; let us

profit by it."

November 12, 1892. [29]

If you would take the measure of the hatred which the Emperor-King of

Prussia, has towards Russia, read the _Youth of William the Second_ by

Mr. Bigelow, his companion in childhood, the friend of his youth, and the

passionate admirer of his imperial greatness.

In the eyes of Mr. Bigelow, William II is endowed with all the virtues,

all the qualities, and a hatred of evil; he is a complete master of every

conceivable kind of science. He is a person of tact, foresight, and

superior feelings, he possesses the noblest qualities of courage and

sense of honour. He knows better than any one else everything concerning

government, business, trade and industry. Of his military art, it were

needless to speak; it is conspicuously evident. A brilliant talker and a

fine orator, his lucidity of observation, his judgment, and his rapidity

of decision are all alike, incomparable.

Mr. Bigelow's William has a complete knowledge of the history of Europe

and of the character of its peoples. There is nothing that he does not

know of the upper and lower foundations of the views of European

statesmen, past and present. A frank and loyal fellow withal, good to

children, he feels keenly the sufferings of soldiers ill-treated by their

officers, and the hardships of the working classes exploited by their

masters.

Frederick the Great is the only one who in any way approaches him. Then,

as to his magnanimity, he proved it to M. Jules Simon, by offering him

the musical works of the said Frederick the Great, with a letter which,

according to Mr. Bigelow, should have made France give up her foolish

ideas about Alsace-Lorraine, were it not for the fact that "from the

drawing-rooms of the Faubourg Saint Germain to the garrets of Montmartre,

all Frenchmen suffer from an incorrigible mania for revenge."

To the great satisfaction of Mr. Bigelow, however, it has been given to

England to understand, and she knows how to promote William's mission.

On August 9, 1890, she ceded to him Heligoland, the Gibraltar of Germany.

It is not I who put these words into the mouth of the friend of the King

of Prussia! "Since Waterloo," adds Mr. Bigelow, "England has not been on

such good terms with Germany."

A very touching confession for us to remember! Hatred of Russia finds

expression in a hundred ways under the pen of Mr. Bigelow. Nothing that

is Russian can find favour in his sight; the least of the sins of Russia

are barbarism, corruption, vice of every kind, cruelty and ignorance.

After having piled up all the usual accusations, he stops, and one might

think that it was for lack of materials. But not at all! He could, but

will not say more about it; and this "more" assumes most fabulous

proportions "so as not to compromise my German friends." I imagine that

some of those friends of his must figure on the margin of the Russian

budget, for if it were not so, why should they be liable to be

compromised?

Travelling down the Danube by boat, Mr. Bigelow was able to make use

everywhere of the German language. Every intelligently conducted

enterprise which he found on his way was in the hands of Germans.

"Sooner or later," said he, "the Danube will belong to Germany."

According to Mr. Bigelow, all the people who have the misfortune to live

in the neighbourhood of the frontiers of Russia only dream of becoming

Germans, in order to escape her.

There is one remarkable quality which William II possesses and which Mr.

Bigelow has forgotten, and that is his talent as a scenic artist and

_impresario_ for any and every kind of ceremony; in this he is past

master. For the 375th Anniversary of October 31, 1517, the day on which

the famous theses, which inaugurated the Reformation, were posted by

Martin Luther on the door of the chapel at Wittenberg, the Emperor-King

surpassed himself. The Imperial procession aroused the greatest

enthusiasm in the little town by its successful reconstruction of the

historic picture. The speech of the _summus episcopus_ cast all sermons

into the shade by its lofty tone and spirit of tolerance.

[1] _La Nouvelle Revue_, January 16, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[2] _La Nouvelle Revue_, February 1, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[3] _La Nouvelle Revue_, March 1, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[4] _La Nouvelle Revue_, March 15, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[5] Spanish insurrection against the French invasion under the first

Empire.

[6] _La Nouvelle Revue_, April 1, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[7] _La Nouvelle Revue_, May 1, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[8] _La Nouvelle Revue_, May 15, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[9] _La Nouvelle Revue_, June 1, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[10] _La Nouvelle Revue_, August 1, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[11] _Ibid._, August 15, 1891.

[12] _La Nouvelle Revue_, September 1, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[13] _Ibid._, September 15,1891.

[14] _La Nouvelle Revue_, October 1, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[15] _La Nouvelle Revue_, November 15, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[16] An allusion to the Commander's statue in "Don Juan."

[17] _La Nouvelle Revue_, December 15, 1891, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[18] _La Nouvelle Revue_, January 1, 1892, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[19] _La Nouvelle Revue_, February 15, 1892, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[20] _La Nouvelle Revue_, March 1, 1892, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[21] _La Nouvelle Revue_, March 15, 1892, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[22] _La Nouvelle Revue_, April 15, 1892, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[23] _La Nouvelle Revue_, May 1, 1892, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[24] _La Nouvelle Revue_, June 1, 1892, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[25] _La Nouvelle Revue_, July 15, 1892, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[26] _La Nouvelle Revue_, September 1, 1892, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[27] _La Nouvelle Revue_, September 15, 1892, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[28] _La Nouvelle Revue_, October 1, 1892, "Letters on Foreign Policy."

[29] _La Nouvelle Revue_, November 16, 1892, "Letters on Foreign Policy."