It was all I could do not to show my astonishment and sudden fury. "I
don't understand," said I, in a tone which I somehow managed to keep
down to tranquil inquiry.
But I did understand. It instantly came to me that the three had been
brought into line for Cromwell by their powerful business associates in
Wall Street, probably by the great bankers who loaned them money. Swift
upon the surge of anger I had suppressed before it flamed at the surface
came a surge of triumph--which I also suppressed. I had often wished,
perhaps as a matter of personal pride, just this opportunity; and here
it was!
"Cromwell must be nominated," said Granby in his insolent tone. He had
but two tones--the insolent and the cringing. "He's safe and sound.
Burbank isn't trusted in the East. And we didn't like his conduct last
year. He caters to the demagogues."
Roebuck, through his liking for me, I imagine, rather than through
refined instinct, now began to speak, thinly disguising his orders as
requests. I waited until he had talked himself out. I waited with the
same air of calm attention until Partridge had given me his jerky
variation. I waited, still apparently calm, until the silence must have
been extremely uncomfortable to them. I waited until Granby said
sharply, "Then it is settled?"
"Yes," said I, keeping all emotion out of my face and voice. "It is
settled. Ex-Governor Burbank is to be nominated. I am at a loss to
account for this outbreak. However, I shall at once take measures to
prevent its occurring again. Good day."
And I was gone--straight to the train. I did not pause at Fredonia but
went on to the capital. The next morning I had the legislature and the
attorney-general at work demolishing Granby's business in my state--for
I had selected him to make an example of, incidentally because he had
insulted me, but chiefly because he was the most notorious of my ten,
was about the greediest and crudest "robber baron" in the West. My
legislature was to revoke his charter; my attorney-general was to
enforce upon him the laws I had put on the statute books against just
such emergencies. And it had never entered their swollen heads that I
might have taken these precautions that are in the primer of political
management.
My three mutineers pursued me to the capital, missed me, were standing
breathless at the door of my house near Fredonia on the morning of the
third day. I refused to be seen until the afternoon of the fourth day,
and then I forbade Granby. But when I descended to the reception-room he
rushed at me, tried to take my hand, pouring out a stream of sickening
apologies. I rang the bell. When a servant appeared, I said, "Show this
man the door."
Granby turned white and, after a long look into my face, said in a
broken voice to Roebuck: "For God's sake, don't go back on me, Mr.
Roebuck. Do what you can for me."
As the curtain dropped behind him, I looked expectantly at Roebuck,
sweating with fright for his imperiled millions. Probably his mental
state can be fully appreciated only by a man who has also felt the dread
of losing the wealth upon which he is wholly dependent for courage,
respect and self-respect.
"Don't misunderstand me, Harvey," he began to plead, forgetting that
there was anybody else to save besides himself. "I didn't mean--"
"What _did_ you mean?" I interrupted, my tone ominously quiet.
"We didn't intend--" began Partridge.
"What _did_ you intend?" I interrupted as quietly as before.
They looked nervously each at the other, then at me. "If you think
Burbank's the man," Roebuck began again, "why, you may go ahead--"
There burst in me such a storm of anger that I dared not speak until I
could control and aim the explosion. Partridge saw how, and how
seriously, Roebuck had blundered. He thrust him aside and faced me.
"What's the use of beating around the bush?" he said bluntly. "We've
made damn fools of ourselves, Senator. We thought we had the whip. We
see that we haven't. We're mighty sorry we didn't do a little thinking
before Roebuck sent that telegram. We hope you'll let us off as easy as
you can, and we promise not to meddle in your business again--and you
can bet your life we'll keep our promise."
"I think you will," said I.
"I am a man of my word," said he. "And so is Roebuck."
"Oh, I don't mean that," was my answer. "I mean, when the Granby
object-lesson in the stupidity of _premature_ ingratitude is complete,
you shan't be able to forget it."
They drifted gloomily in the current of their unpleasant thoughts; then
each took a turn at wringing my hand. I invited them up to my
sitting-room where we smoked and talked amicably for a couple of hours.
It would have amused the thousands of employés and dependents over whom
these two lorded it arrogantly to have heard with what care they weighed
their timid words, how nervous they were lest they should give me fresh
provocation. As they were leaving, Roebuck said earnestly: "Isn't there
_anything_ I can do for you, Harvey?"
"Why, yes," said I. "Give out a statement next Sunday in Chicago--for
the Monday morning papers--indorsing Cromwell's candidacy. Say you and
all your associates are enthusiastic for it because his election would
give the large enterprises that have been the object of demagogic attack
a sense of security for at least four years more."
He thought I was joking him, being unable to believe me so lacking in
judgment as to fail to realize what a profound impression in Cromwell's
favor such a statement from the great Roebuck would produce. I wrote and
mailed him an interview with himself the following day; he gave it out
as I had requested. It got me Burbank delegations in Illinois, South
Dakota and Oregon the same week.