Age. Zeal }

_These_, madam, are the proper points of consideration in the person

that humbly hopes his Majesty’s favor.

“As to _Abilities_, all I can presume to say is, I have done the best

I could to improve them.

“As to _Good manners_, I desire no favor, if any just objection lies

against them.

“As for _Service_, I have been near seven years in his Majesty’s and

never omitted any duty in it, which few can say.

“As for _Age_, I am turned of fifty.

“As for _Want_, I have no manner of preferment.

“As for _Sufferings_, I have lost £300 per ann. by being in his

Majesty’s service; as I have shown in a _Representation_ which his

Majesty has been so good as to read and consider.

“As for _Zeal_, I have written nothing without showing my duty to

their Majesties, and some pieces are dedicated to them.

“This, madam, is the short and true state of my case. They that make

their court to the ministers, and not their Majesties, succeed

better. If my case deserves some consideration, and you can serve me

in it, I humbly hope and believe you will: I shall, therefore,

trouble you no farther; but beg leave to subscribe myself, with

truest respect and gratitude,

“Yours, etc.,

EDWARD YOUNG.

“P.S. I have some hope that my Lord Townshend is my friend; if

therefore soon, and before he leaves the court, you had an

opportunity of mentioning me, with that favor you have been so good

to show, I think it would not fail of success; and, if not, I shall

owe you more than any.”—“Suffolk Letters,” vol. i. p. 285.

Young’s wife died in 1741, leaving him one son, born in 1733. That he

had attached himself strongly to her two daughters by her former

marriage, there is better evidence in the report, mentioned by Mrs.

Montagu, of his practical kindness and liberality to the younger, than in

his lamentations over the elder as the “Narcissa” of the “Night

Thoughts.” “Narcissa” had died in 1735, shortly after marriage to Mr.

Temple, the son of Lord Palmerston; and Mr. Temple himself, after a

second marriage, died in 1740, a year before Lady Elizabeth Young.

These, then, are the three deaths supposed to have inspired “The

Complaint,” which forms the three first books of the “Night Thoughts:”

“Insatiate archer, could not one suffice?

Thy shaft flew thrice: and thrice my peace was slain:

And thrice, ere thrice yon moon had fill’d her horn.”

Since we find Young departing from the truth of dates, in order to

heighten the effect of his calamity, or at least of his climax, we need

not be surprised that he allowed his imagination great freedom in other

matters besides chronology, and that the character of “Philander” can, by

no process, be made to fit Mr. Temple. The supposition that the

much-lectured “Lorenzo” of the “Night Thoughts” was Young’s own son is

hardly rendered more absurd by the fact that the poem was written when

that son was a boy, than by the obvious artificiality of the characters

Young introduces as targets for his arguments and rebukes. Among all the

trivial efforts of conjectured criticism, there can hardly be one more

futile than the attempts to discover the original of those pitiable

lay-figures, the “Lorenzos” and “Altamonts” of Young’s didactic prose and

poetry. His muse never stood face to face with a genuine living human

being; she would have been as much startled by such an encounter as a

necromancer whose incantations and blue fire had actually conjured up a

demon.

The “Night Thoughts” appeared between 1741 and 1745. Although he

declares in them that he has chosen God for his “patron” henceforth, this

is not at all to the prejudice of some half dozen lords, duchesses, and

right honorables who have the privilege of sharing finely-turned

compliments with their co-patron. The line which closed the Second Night

in the earlier editions—

“Wits spare not Heaven, O Wilmington!—nor thee”—

is an intense specimen of that perilous juxtaposition of ideas by which

Young, in his incessant search after point and novelty, unconsciously

converts his compliments into sarcasms; and his apostrophe to the moon as

more likely to be favorable to his song if he calls her “fair Portland of

the skies,” is worthy even of his Pindaric ravings. His ostentatious

renunciation of worldly schemes, and especially of his twenty-years’

siege of Court favor, are in the tone of one who retains some hope in the

midst of his querulousness.

He descended from the astronomical rhapsodies of his “Ninth Night,”

published in 1745, to more terrestrial strains in his “Reflections on the

Public Situation of the Kingdom,” dedicated to the Duke of Newcastle; but

in this critical year we get a glimpse of him through a more prosaic and

less refracting medium. He spent a part of the year at Tunbridge Wells;

and Mrs. Montagu, who was there too, gives a very lively picture of the

“divine Doctor” in her letters to the Duchess of Portland, on whom Young

had bestowed the superlative bombast to which we have recently alluded.

We shall borrow the quotations from Dr. Doran, in spite of their length,

because, to our mind, they present the most agreeable portrait we possess

of Young:

“I have great joy in Dr. Young, whom I disturbed in a reverie. At

first he started, then bowed, then fell back into a surprise; then

began a speech, relapsed into his astonishment two or three times,

forgot what he had been saying; began a new subject, and so went on.

I told him your grace desired he would write longer letters; to which

he cried ‘Ha!’ most emphatically, and I leave you to interpret what

it meant. He has made a friendship with one person here, whom I

believe you would not imagine to have been made for his bosom friend.

You would, perhaps, suppose it was a bishop or dean, a prebend, a

pious preacher, a clergyman of exemplary life, or, if a layman, of

most virtuous conversation, one that had paraphrased St. Matthew, or

wrote comments on St. Paul. . . . You would not guess that this

associate of the doctor’s was—old Cibber! Certainly, in their

religious, moral, and civil character, there is no relation; but in

their dramatic capacity there is some.—Mrs. Montagu was not aware

that Cibber, whom Young had named not disparagingly in his Satires,

was the brother of his old school-fellow; but to return to our hero.

‘The waters,’ says Mrs. Montagu, ‘have raised his spirits to a fine

pitch, as your grace will imagine, when I tell you how sublime an

answer he made to a very vulgar question. I asked him how long he

stayed at the Wells; he said, ‘As long as my rival stayed;—as long as

the sun did.’ Among the visitors at the Wells were Lady Sunderland

(wife of Sir Robert Sutton), and her sister, Mrs. Tichborne. ‘He did

an admirable thing to Lady Sunderland: on her mentioning Sir Robert

Sutton, he asked her where Sir Robert’s lady was; on which we all

laughed very heartily, and I brought him off, half ashamed, to my

lodgings, where, during breakfast, he assured me he had asked after

Lady Sunderland, because he had a great honor for her; and that,

having a respect for her sister, he designed to have inquired after

her, if we had not put it out of his head by laughing at him. You

must know, Mrs. Tichborne sat next to Lady Sunderland. It would have

been admirable to have had him finish his compliment in that manner.’

. . . ‘His expressions all bear the stamp of novelty, and his

thoughts of sterling sense. He practises a kind of philosophical

abstinence. . . . He carried Mrs. Rolt and myself to Tunbridge, five

miles from hence, where we were to see some fine old ruins. First

rode the doctor on a tall steed, decently caparisoned in dark gray;

next, ambled Mrs. Rolt on a hackney horse; . . . then followed your

humble servant on a milk-white palfrey. I rode on in safety, and at

leisure to observe the company, especially the two figures that

brought up the rear. The first was my servant, valiantly armed with

two uncharged pistols; the last was the doctor’s man, whose uncombed

hair so resembled the mane of the horse he rode, one could not help

imagining they were of kin, and wishing, for the honor of the family,

that they had had one comb betwixt them. On his head was a velvet

cap, much resembling a black saucepan, and on his side hung a little

basket. At last we arrived at the King’s Head, where the loyalty of

the doctor induced him to alight; and then, knight-errant-like, he

took his damsels from off their palfreys, and courteously handed us

into the inn.’ . . . The party returned to the Wells; and ‘the silver

Cynthia held up her lamp in the heavens’ the while. ‘The night

silenced all but our divine doctor, who sometimes uttered things fit

to be spoken in a season when all nature seems to be hushed and

hearkening. I followed, gathering wisdom as I went, till I found, by

my horse’s stumbling, that I was in a bad road, and that the blind

was leading the blind. So I placed my servant between the doctor and

myself; which he not perceiving, went on in a most philosophical

strain, to the great admiration of my poor clown of a servant, who,

not being wrought up to any pitch of enthusiasm, nor making any

answer to all the fine things he heard, the doctor, wondering I was

dumb, and grieving I was so stupid, looked round and declared his

surprise.’”

Young’s oddity and absence of mind are gathered from other sources

besides these stories of Mrs. Montagu’s, and gave rise to the report that

he was the original of Fielding’s “Parson Adams;” but this Croft denies,

and mentions another Young, who really sat for the portrait, and who, we

imagine, had both more Greek and more genuine simplicity than the poet.

His love of chatting with Colley Cibber was an indication that the old

predilection for the stage survived, in spite of his emphatic contempt

for “all joys but joys that never can expire;” and the production of “The

Brothers,” at Drury Lane in 1753, after a suppression of fifteen years,

was perhaps not entirely due to the expressed desire to give the proceeds

to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. The author’s profits

were not more than £400—in those days a disappointing sum; and Young, as

we learn from his friend Richardson, did not make this the limit of his

donation, but gave a thousand guineas to the Society. “I had some talk

with him,” says Richardson, in one of his letters, “about this great

action. ‘I always,’ said he, ‘intended to do something handsome for the

Society. Had I deferred it to my demise, I should have given away my

son’s money. All the world are inclined to pleasure; could I have given

myself a greater by disposing of the sum to a different use, I should

have done it.’” Surely he took his old friend Richardson for “Lorenzo!”

His next work was “The Centaur not Fabulous; in Six Letters to a Friend,

on the Life in Vogue,” which reads very much like the most objurgatory

parts of the “Night Thoughts” reduced to prose. It is preceded by a

preface which, though addressed to a lady, is in its denunciations of

vice as grossly indecent and almost as flippant as the epilogues written

by “friends,” which he allowed to be reprinted after his tragedies in the

latest edition of his works. We like much better than “The Centaur,”

“Conjectures on Original Composition,” written in 1759, for the sake, he

says, of communicating to the world the well-known anecdote about

Addison’s deathbed, and with the exception of his poem on Resignation,

the last thing he ever published.

The estrangement from his son, which must have embittered the later years

of his life, appears to have begun not many years after the mother’s

death. On the marriage of her second daughter, who had previously

presided over Young’s household, a Mrs. Hallows, understood to be a woman

of discreet age, and the daughter (a widow) of a clergyman who was an old

friend of Young’s, became housekeeper at Welwyn. Opinions about ladies

are apt to differ. “Mrs. Hallows was a woman of piety, improved by

reading,” says one witness. “She was a very coarse woman,” says Dr.

Johnson; and we shall presently find some indirect evidence that her

temper was perhaps not quite so much improved as her piety. Servants, it

seems, were not fond of remaining long in the house with her; a satirical

curate, named Kidgell, hints at “drops of juniper” taken as a cordial

(but perhaps he was spiteful, and a teetotaller); and Young’s son is said

to have told his father that “an old man should not resign himself to the

management of anybody.” The result was, that the son was banished from

home for the rest of his father’s life-time, though Young seems never to

have thought of disinheriting him.

Our latest glimpses of the aged poet are derived from certain letters of

Mr. Jones, his curate—letters preserved in the British Museum, and

happily made accessible to common mortals in Nichols’s “Anecdotes.” Mr.

Jones was a man of some literary activity and ambition—a collector of

interesting documents, and one of those concerned in the “Free and Candid

Disquisitions,” the design of which was “to point out such things in our

ecclesiastical establishment as want to be reviewed and amended.” On

these and kindred subjects he corresponded with Dr. Birch, occasionally

troubling him with queries and manuscripts. We have a respect for Mr.

Jones. Unlike any person who ever troubled _us_ with queries or

manuscripts, he mitigates the infliction by such gifts as “a fat pullet,”

wishing he “had anything better to send; but this depauperizing vicarage

(of Alconbury) too often checks the freedom and forwardness of my mind.”

Another day comes a “pound canister of tea,” another, a “young fatted

goose.” Clearly, Mr. Jones was entirely unlike your literary

correspondents of the present day; he forwarded manuscripts, but he had

“bowels,” and forwarded poultry too. His first letter from Welwyn is

dated June, 1759, not quite six years before Young’s death. In June,

1762, he expresses a wish to go to London “this summer. But,” he

continues:

“My time and pains are almost continually taken up here, and . . . I

have been (I now find) a considerable loser, upon the whole, by

continuing here so long. The consideration of this, and the

inconveniences I sustained, and do still experience, from my late

illness, obliged me at last to acquaint the Doctor (Young) with my

case, and to assure him that I plainly perceived the duty and

confinement here to be too much for me; for which reason I must (I

said) beg to be at liberty to resign my charge at Michaelmas. I

began to give him these notices in February, when I was very ill; and

now I perceive, by what he told me the other day, that he is in some

difficulty: for which reason he is at last (he says) resolved to

advertise, _and even_ (_which is much wondered at_) _to raise the

salary considerably __higher_. (What he allowed my predecessors was

20_l._ per annum; and now he proposes 50_l._, as he tells me.) I

never asked him to raise it for me, though I well knew it was not

equal to the duty; nor did I say a word about myself when he lately

suggested to me his intentions upon this subject.”

In a postscript to this letter he says:

“I may mention to you farther, as a friend that may be trusted, that

in all likelihood the poor old gentleman will not find it a very easy

matter, unless by dint of money, _and force upon himself_, to procure

a man that he can like for his next curate, _nor one that will stay

with him so long as I have done_. Then, his great age will recur to

people’s thoughts; and if he has any foibles, either in temper or

conduct, they will be sure not to be forgotten on this occasion by

those who know him; and those who do not will probably be on their

guard. On these and the like considerations, it is by no means an

eligible office to be seeking out for a curate for him, as he has

several times wished me to do; and would, if he knew that I am now

writing to you, wish your assistance also. But my best friends here,

_who well foresee the probable consequences_, and wish me well,

earnestly dissuade me from complying: and I will decline the office

with as much decency as I can: but high salary will, I suppose, fetch

in somebody or other, soon.”

In the following July he writes:

“The old gentleman here (I may venture to tell you freely) seems to

me to be in a pretty odd way of late—moping, dejected, self-willed,

and as if surrounded with some perplexing circumstances. Though I

visit him pretty frequently for short intervals, I say very little to

his affairs, not choosing to be a party concerned, especially in

cases of so critical and tender a nature. There is much mystery in

almost all his temporal affairs, as well as in many of his

speculative theories. Whoever lives in this neighborhood to see his

exit will probably see and hear some very strange things. Time will

show;—I am afraid, not greatly to his credit. There is thought to be

_an irremovable obstruction to his happiness within his walls_, _as

well as another without them_; but the former is the more powerful,

and like to continue so. He has this day been trying anew to engage

me to stay with him. No lucrative views can tempt me to sacrifice my

liberty or my health, to such measures as are proposed here. _Nor do

I like to __have to do with persons whose word and honor cannot be

depended on_. So much for this very odd and unhappy topic.”

In August Mr. Jones’s tone is slightly modified. Earnest entreaties, not

lucrative considerations, have induced him to cheer the Doctor’s dejected

heart by remaining at Welwyn some time longer. The Doctor is, “in

various respects, a very unhappy man,” and few know so much of these

respects as Mr. Jones. In September he recurs to the subject:

“My ancient gentleman here is still full of trouble, which moves my

concern, though it moves only the secret laughter of many, and some

untoward surmises in disfavor of him and his household. The loss of

a very large sum of money (about 200_l._) is talked of; whereof this

vill and neighborhood is full. Some disbelieve; others says, ‘_It is

no wonder_, _where about eighteen or more servants are sometimes

taken and dismissed in the course of a year_.’ The gentleman himself

is allowed by all to be far more harmless and easy in his family than

some one else who hath too much the lead in it. This, among others,

was one reason for my late motion to quit.”

No other mention of Young’s affairs occurs until April 2d, 1765, when he

says that Dr. Young is very ill, attended by two physicians.

“Having mentioned this young gentleman (Dr. Young’s son), I would

acquaint you next, that he came hither this morning, having been sent

for, as I am told, by the direction of Mrs. Hallows. Indeed, she

intimated to me as much herself. And if this be so, I must say, that

it is one of the most prudent Acts she ever did, or could have done

in such a case as this; as it may prove a means of preventing much

confusion after the death of the Doctor. I have had some little

discourse with the son: he seems much affected, and I believe really

is so. He earnestly wishes his father might be pleased to ask after

him; for you must know he has not yet done this, nor is, in my

opinion, like to do it. And it has been said farther, that upon a

late application made to him on the behalf of his son, he desired

that no more might be said to him about it. How true this may be I

cannot as yet be certain; all I shall say is, it seems not improbable

. . . I heartily wish the ancient man’s heart may prove tender toward

his son; _though_, _knowing him so well_, _I can scarce hope to hear

such desirable news_.”

Eleven days later he writes:

“I have now the pleasure to acquaint you, that the late Dr. Young,

though he had for many years kept his son at a distance from him, yet

has now at last left him all his possessions, after the payment of

certain legacies; so that the young gentleman (who bears a fair

character, and behaves well, as far as I can hear or see) will, I

hope, soon enjoy and make a prudent use of a handsome fortune. The

father, on his deathbed, and since my return from London, was applied

to in the tenderest manner, by one of his physicians, and by another

person, to admit the son into his presence, to make submission,

intreat forgiveness, and obtain his blessing. As to an interview

with his son, he intimated that he chose to decline it, as his

spirits were then low and his nerves weak. With regard to the next

particular, he said, ‘_I heartily forgive him_;’ and upon ‘mention of

this last, he gently lifted up his hand, and letting it gently fall,

pronounced these words, ‘_God bless him_!’ . . . I know it will give

you pleasure to be farther informed that he was pleased to make

respectful mention of me in his will; expressing his satisfaction in

my care of his parish, _bequeathing to me a handsome legacy_, and

appointing me to be one of his executors.”

So far Mr. Jones, in his confidential correspondence with a “friend, who

may be trusted.” In a letter communicated apparently by him to the

_Gentleman’s Magazine_, seven years later, namely, in 1782, on the

appearance of Croft’s biography of Young, we find him speaking of “the

ancient gentleman” in a tone of reverential eulogy, quite at variance

with the free comments we have just quoted. But the Rev. John Jones was

probably of opinion, with Mrs. Montagu, whose contemporary and

retrospective letters are also set in a different key, that “the

interests of religion were connected with the character of a man so

distinguished for piety as Dr. Young.” At all events, a subsequent

quasi-official statement weighs nothing as evidence against contemporary,

spontaneous, and confidential hints.

To Mrs. Hallows, Young left a legacy of £1000, with the request that she

would destroy all his manuscripts. This final request, from some unknown

cause, was not complied with, and among the papers he left behind him was

the following letter from Archbishop Secker, which probably marks the

date of his latest effort after preferment:

“DEANERY OF ST. PAUL’S, July 8, 1758.

“Good DR. YOUNG: I have long wondered that more suitable notice of

your great merit hath not been taken by persons in power. But how to

remedy the omission I see not. No encouragement hath ever been given

me to mention things of this nature to his Majesty. And therefore,

in all likelihood, the only consequence of doing it would be

weakening the little influence which else I may possibly have on some

other occasions. _Your fortune and your reputation set you above the

need of advancement_; _and your sentiments above that concern for

it_, _on your own account_, which, on that of the public, is

sincerely felt by

“Your loving Brother,

“THO. CANT.”

The loving brother’s irony is severe!

Perhaps the least questionable testimony to the better side of Young’s

character is that of Bishop Hildesley, who, as the vicar of a parish near

Welwyn, had been Young’s neighbor for upward of twenty years. The

affection of the clergy for each other, we have observed, is, like that

of the fair sex, not at all of a blind and infatuated kind; and we may

therefore the rather believe them when they give each other any

extra-official praise. Bishop Hildesley, then writing of Young to

Richardson, says:

“The impertinence of my frequent visits to him was amply rewarded;

forasmuch as, I can truly say, he never received me but with

agreeable open complacency; and I never left him but with profitable

pleasure and improvement. He was one or other, the most modest, the

most patient of contradiction, and the most informing and

entertaining I ever conversed with—at least, of any man who had so

just pretensions to pertinacity and reserve.”

Mr. Langton, however, who was also a frequent visitor of Young’s,

informed Boswell—

“That there was an air of benevolence in his manner; but that he

could obtain from him less information than he had hoped to receive

from one who had lived so much in intercourse with the brightest men

of what had been called the Augustan age of England; and that he

showed a degree of eager curiosity concerning the common occurrences

that were then passing, which appeared somewhat remarkable in a man

of such intellectual stores, of such an advanced age, and who had

retired from life with declared disappointment in his expectations.”

The same substance, we know, will exhibit different qualities under

different tests; and, after all, imperfect reports of individual

impressions, whether immediate or traditional, are a very frail basis on

which to build our opinion of a man. One’s character may be very

indifferently mirrored in the mind of the most intimate neighbor; it all

depends on the quality of that gentleman’s reflecting surface.

But, discarding any inferences from such uncertain evidence, the outline

of Young’s character is too distinctly traceable in the well-attested

facts of his life, and yet more in the self-betrayal that runs through

all his works, for us to fear that our general estimate of him may be

false. For, while no poet seems less easy and spontaneous than Young, no

poet discloses himself more completely. Men’s minds have no hiding-place

out of themselves—their affectations do but betray another phase of their

nature. And if, in the present view of Young, we seem to be more intent

on laying bare unfavorable facts than on shrouding them in “charitable

speeches,” it is not because we have any irreverential pleasure in

turning men’s characters “the seamy side without,” but because we see no

great advantage in considering a man as he was _not_. Young’s

biographers and critics have usually set out from the position that he

was a great religious teacher, and that his poetry is morally sublime;

and they have toned down his failings into harmony with their conception

of the divine and the poet. For our own part, we set out from precisely

the opposite conviction—namely, that the religious and moral spirit of

Young’s poetry is low and false, and we think it of some importance to

show that the “Night Thoughts” are the reflex of the mind in which the

higher human sympathies were inactive. This judgment is entirely opposed

to our youthful predilections and enthusiasm. The sweet garden-breath of

early enjoyment lingers about many a page of the “Night Thoughts,” and

even of the “Last Day,” giving an extrinsic charm to passages of stilted

rhetoric and false sentiment; but the sober and repeated reading of

maturer years has convinced us that it would hardly be possible to find a

more typical instance than Young’s poetry, of the mistake which

substitutes interested obedience for sympathetic emotion, and baptizes

egoism as religion.

* * * * *

Pope said of Young, that he had “much of a sublime genius without

common-sense.” The deficiency Pope meant to indicate was, we imagine,

moral rather than intellectual: it was the want of that fine sense of

what is fitting in speech and action, which is often eminently possessed

by men and women whose intellect is of a very common order, but who have

the sincerity and dignity which can never coexist with the selfish

preoccupations of vanity or interest. This was the “common-sense” in

which Young was conspicuously deficient; and it was partly owing to this

deficiency that his genius, waiting to be determined by the highest

prize, fluttered uncertainly from effort to effort, until, when he was

more than sixty, it suddenly spread its broad wing, and soared so as to

arrest the gaze of other generations besides his own. For he had no

versatility of faculty to mislead him. The “Night Thoughts” only differ

from his previous works in the degree and not in the kind of power they

manifest. Whether he writes prose or poetry, rhyme or blank verse,

dramas, satires, odes, or meditations, we see everywhere the same

Young—the same narrow circle of thoughts, the same love of abstractions,

the same telescopic view of human things, the same appetency toward

antithetic apothegm and rhapsodic climax. The passages that arrest us in

his tragedies are those in which he anticipates some fine passage in the

“Night Thoughts,” and where his characters are only transparent shadows

through which we see the bewigged _embonpoint_ of the didactic poet,

excogitating epigrams or ecstatic soliloquies by the light of a candle

fixed in a skull. Thus, in “The Revenge,” “Alonzo,” in the conflict of

jealousy and love that at once urges and forbids him to murder his wife,

says:

“This vast and solid earth, that blazing sun,

Those skies, through which it rolls, must all have end.

What then is man? The smallest part of nothing.

Day buries day; month, month; and year the year!

Our life is but a chain of many deaths.

Can then Death’s self be feared? Our life much rather:

_Life is the desert_, _life the solitude_;

Death joins us to the great majority;

’Tis to be born to Plato and to Cæsar;

’Tis to be great forever;

’Tis pleasure, ’tis ambition, then, to die.”

His prose writings all read like the “Night Thoughts,” either diluted

into prose or not yet crystallized into poetry. For example, in his

“Thoughts for Age,” he says:

“Though we stand on its awful brink, such our leaden bias to the

world, we turn our faces the wrong way; we are still looking on our

old acquaintance, _Time_; though now so wasted and reduced, that we

can see little more of him than his wings and his scythe: our age

enlarges his wings to our imagination; and our fear of death, his

scythe; as Time himself grows less. His consumption is deep; his

annihilation is at hand.”

The Essays of "George Eliot" Complete · 第 15 / 21 题