accompanied him in the same vessel, very lighthearted, and expectant
of great things. Pepys had gone over to meet the King, and he says,
May 24th, 1660: "Walking upon the decks, were persons of honour all
the afternoon, among others Thomas Killigrew, a merry droll, but a
gentleman of great esteem with the King, who told us many merry
stories." Among them one Pepys quotes, which is profane.
Thomas Killigrew was appointed Groom of the Bedchamber, with a salary
of £400 per annum, which he augmented by receiving bribes from those
who were solicitous to obtain posts under the Crown, and to use his
influence with the King to get them.
He had now an opportunity of producing on the London stage the plays
that he had composed whilst abroad. Of these there were eight, comedies
and tragi-comedies, all borrowed, none exhibiting any genuine wit, but
steeped in ordure. One, _The Parson's Wedding_, borrowed from _The
Antiquary_, by Shakerly Marmion, and _Raw Alley_, by Lord Barrey, was
actually to be performed wholly by women. It has been well said by Mr.
Tregellas: "We find ourselves indeed 'surrounded by foreheads of bronze,
hearts like the nether millstone, and tongues set on fire of hell.' I
must add that they have scarcely a sparkle of that witty wickedness
which one meets with in the writings of Sir Charles Sedley."
All Killigrew's plays were printed in folio in 1644. Pepys did not see
much merit in them. Of _The Parson's Wedding_ he says: "Luellin tells
me what an obscene, loose play this is, that is acted by nothing but
women, at the King's House." Of _Claracilla_, "a poor play." Of _Love
at First Sight_, "I find the play to be a poor thing, and so I
perceive every body else do." Nor did he think much of Killigrew's
conversation. He described it as "poor and frothy."
In _The Companion to the Playhouse_, 1764, there are some stories told
of Killigrew.
"After the Restoration he continued in high favour with the King, and
had frequently access to him when he was denied to the first peers of
the realm; and being a man of great wit and liveliness of parts, and
having from his long intimacy with that monarch, and being continually
about his person during his troubles, acquired a freedom of
familiarity with him, which even the pomp of Majesty afterwards could
not check in him, he sometimes, by way of jest, which King Charles was
ever fond of, if genuine, even tho' himself was the object of the
satire, would adventure bold truths which scarcely any one beside
would have dared even to hint to. One story in particular is related
of him, which, if true, is a strong proof of the great lengths he
would sometimes proceed in his freedoms of this kind, which is as
follows: When the King's unbounded passion for women had given his
mistress such an ascendancy over him, that, like the effeminate
Persian monarch, he was fitter to have handled a distaff than to wield
a sceptre, and for the conversation of his concubines utterly
neglected the most important affairs of state, Mr. Killigrew went to
pay his Majesty a visit in his private apartments, habited like a
pilgrim who was bent on a long journey. The King, surprised at the
oddity of his appearance, immediately asked him what was the meaning
of it, and whither he was going. '_To Hell_,' bluntly replied the man.
'Prithee,' said the King, 'what can your errand be to that place?' 'To
fetch back Oliver Cromwell,' rejoined he, 'that he may take some care
of the affairs of England, for his successor takes none at all.'"
This was not the only time that Killigrew gave good counsel to the
King. Pepys says: "Mr. Pierce did tell me as a great truth, as being
told by Mr. Cowley, who was by, and heard it, that Tom Killigrew
should publicly tell the King that his matters were coming into a very
ill state, and that yet there was a way to help all. Says he: 'There
is a good, honest, able man, that I could name, that, if your Majesty
would employ, and command to see all things well executed, all things
would soon be mended; and this one is Charles Stuart, who now spends
his time in employing his lips about the Court, and hath no other
employment, but if you would give him this employment, he were the
fittest man in the world to perform it.' This, he says, is most true;
but the King do not profit by any of this, but lays it aside, and
remembers nothing, but to his pleasures again."
On another occasion Killigrew is said to have placed under the
candlestick where Charles II supped, five small papers, on each of
which he had written the word ALL. The King on seeing them, asked what
he meant by these five words. "If your Majesty will grant my pardon,
I will tell you," was his reply. Pardon being promised, Killigrew
said: "The first ALL signified that the country had sent all it could
to the exchequer; the second, that the City had lent all it could and
would; the third, that the Court had spent all; the fourth, that if we
did not mend all; the fifth would be the worse for all."
This was afterwards adapted and turned upon the family of William of
Orange: "That he was William Think-all; his queen Mary Take-all;
Prince George of Denmark, George Drink-all; and Princess Anne, Anne
Eat-all."
Although Thomas Killigrew went by the designation of the King's
Jester, he held no official position as such.
"Mr. Cooling told us how the King, once speaking of the Duke of York's
being mastered by his wife, said to some of the company, by that he
would go no more abroad with this Tom Otter (a hen-pecked husband in
Ben Jonson's _Epicæne_), meaning the Duke of York and his wife. Tom
Killigrew, being by, said, 'Sir, pray which is the best, for a man to
be a Tom Otter to his wife or to his mistress?' meaning the King's
being so to my Lady Castlemaine."
Killigrew was engaged one morning with one of his own plays, which he
took up in the window, whilst His Majesty was shaving. "Ah,
Killigrew," asked the King, "what will you say at the Last Day in
defence of the idle words in that book?" To which Tom replied, that he
could give a better account of his "idle words," than the King would
be able to give respecting his "idle promises and more idle patents,
that had undone more than ever did his books."
"One more story is related of him, which is not barren of humour. King
Charles's fondness for pleasure, to which he almost always made
business give way, used frequently to delay affairs of consequence,
from His Majesty's disappointing the Council of his presence when met
for dispatch of business, which neglect gave great disgust and offence
to many of those who were treated with this seeming disrespect. On one
of these occasions the Duke of Lauderdale, who was naturally impetuous
and turbulent, quitted the council-chamber in a violent passion, and,
meeting Mr. Killigrew presently after, expressed himself on the
occasion in very disrespectful terms of His Majesty. Killigrew begged
His Grace to moderate his passion, and offered to lay him a wager of a
hundred pounds that he himself would prevail on His Majesty to come to
the council within half an hour. The Duke, surprised at the boldness
of the assertion, and warmed by his resentment against the King,
accepted the wager, on which Killigrew immediately went to the King,
and without ceremony told him what had happened, adding these words:
'I knew that Your Majesty hated Lauderdale, though the necessity of
your affairs compels you to carry an outward appearance of civility;
now, if you choose to be rid of a man who is thus disagreeable to you,
you need only go this once to council, for I know his covetous
disposition so perfectly, that I am well persuaded, rather than pay
this hundred pounds, he would hang himself out of the way, and never
plague you more.'
"The King was so pleased with the archness of the observation, that he
immediately replied, 'Well, then, Killigrew, I positively will go.'
And kept his word accordingly."
Pepys has a good deal to say about Killigrew. He tells how Killigrew
became enamoured of the stage when a boy. "He would go to the 'Red
Bull,' and when the man cried to the boys, 'Who will go and be a
devil, and he shall see the play for nothing?' then would he go in,
and be a devil upon the stage, and so get to see plays."
2nd August, 1664. "To the King's playhouse, and there saw _Bartholomew
Fayre_, which do still please me, and is, as it is acted, the best
comedy in the world, I believe. I chanced to sit by Tom Killigrew, who
tells me that he is setting up a nursery (for actors), that is, is
going to build a house in Moorefields, wherein he will have common
plays acted."
12th February, 1666-7. "With my Lord Bronnaker by coach to his house,
there to hear some Italian musique, and there we met Tom Killigrew, Sir
Robert Murray, and the Italian, Signor Baptista, who hath proposed a
play in Italian for the Opera, which T. Killigrew do intend to have up."
Thomas Killigrew was nearly sixty years old when he narrowly escaped
assassination in S. James's Park. He had been carrying on an intrigue
with Lady Shrewsbury, but found a dangerous and more successful rival in
the Duke of Buckingham. Whereupon in spite and revenge he poured over
the lady a stream of foul and venomous satire. The result was that one
evening, on his return from the Duke of York's, some ruffians, hired for
the purpose, set upon Tom's chair, through which they passed their
swords three times, wounding him in the arm. The assassins then fled,
having killed his man, and believing they had killed Tom Killigrew.
He recovered from his wound, lived on thirteen or fourteen years
longer, and was buried in Westminster Abbey on 19th March, 1682-3.
His son Thomas was a playwright, and his son Charles proprietor of
"the Playhouse, Drury Lane."
The Killigrews have now passed, not individually only, but as a family
off the stage of life, and are remembered only by their deeds, good
and bad, as recorded in history. It was usually said of Tom Killigrew
that when he attempted to write he was dull, whereas in conversation
he was smart; and this was precisely the reverse of Cowley, who did
not shine in conversation, but sparkled with his pen. In allusion to
this Denham wrote:--
Had Cowley ne'er spoken, and Killigrew ne'er writ,
Combin'd in one, they'd make a matchless wit.
NICOLAS ROSCARROCK
Nicolas Roscarrock was the fifth son of Richard Roscarrock, of
Roscarrock, in S. Endelion, by Isabell, daughter of Richard Trevenor.
His grandmother was a Boscawen. His father during his lifetime had
settled upon him the estates of Penhall, Carbura, and Newtown, in the
parishes of S. Cleer and S. Germans.
He first studied at Exeter College, Oxford, and took his B.A. in 1568.
Carew, in his _Survey of Cornwall_, p. 299, tells us of "his
industrious delight in matters of history and antiquity."
In 1577 Roscarrock was admitted student of the Inner Temple. In the
same year was published by Richard Tottell _The Worthies of Armorie
... collected and gathered by John Bossewell_, to which were prefixed
ninety-four verses, entitled _Cilenus, Censur of the Author of his
High Court of Herehautry_, by Nicolas Roscarrocke.
In the Inner Temple he seems to have been associated with Raleigh, for
in 1576 appeared _The Steepleglas, a satyre_, and among commendatory
verses are some signed "N. R." and the rest by "Walter Rawely of the
Inner Temple."
In 1577 he was in Cornwall, where he suffered much annoyance because of
his faith, as he refused to conform to the English liturgy, and
maintained the Papal supremacy. It was in 1570 that Pope Pius V had
issued a bull of excommunication against Elizabeth, deprived her of her
title to the crown, and absolved her subjects from their oaths of
allegiance. This violent and ill-judged proceeding at once converted all
those who held by the Pope into suspected traitors; and measures were
adopted against them, the more so as the Jesuits and their agents were
more than suspected of forming plots for the assassination of the Queen.
Nicolas Roscarrock was accused at Launceston Assizes on September
16th, 1577, "for not going to church." He was in London later, and was
an active member of the "Young Men's Club," 1579-81.
From the _State Papers_, 1547-50, we learn that two spies were
employed by the Government to discover Nicolas Roscarrock. He had,
however, probably fled to Douay, where a Roscarrock is entered in the
_Douay Diary_ as landing on September, 1580.
But he was again in England in 1581, when he was sent to the Tower,
where by a refinement of cruelty he was placed in a cell adjoining
that of a friend who had been racked, that the moans of the latter
might intimidate Roscarrock into giving evidence of plots against the
life of the Queen. On January 14th, 1581, Nicolas was himself tortured
on the rack. He remained for five years in prison in the Tower, and in
the Fleet again till 1594, in all fourteen years.
He was finally released, and went in 1607 north to Naworth to Lord
William Howard, with whom he remained till his death, which took place
in 1633 or 1634, when he had reached an advanced age.
Such in brief is the history of Nicolas Roscarrock.
Whilst he was at Naworth, he occupied himself in compiling a volume of
the _Lives of the English Saints_.
The first part he wrote with his own hand, but as his sight failed, he
was obliged to employ an amanuensis, who wrote very untidily and made
strange havoc of many of the names, which he wrote phonetically from
dictation. The MS. has undergone annotation by two hands: one was
Roscarrock himself, who added in matters which reached him later; the
other was Dom Gregory Hungate, a Benedictine.
As far as can be judged, the MS. was compiled between 1610 and 1625.[32]
After the dispersion of Lord William Howard's library, we do not know
what became of the book till about 1700, when it formed a portion of a
library bequeathed to Brent Eleigh parish, in Suffolk, by a certain Mr.
Edward Colman, sometime of Trinity College, Cambridge. Here it seems to
have undergone rough usage, and it was probably there that the MS. lost
so many pages torn out. As it is, it consists of no fewer than 850
pages; folio 253 is missing, also some pages from the beginning and
something like ninety at the end that have been torn out.
At the sale of the Brent Eleigh Library, the MS. was purchased by the
University Library managers, Cambridge, and it is now in that library
(Add. MS. 3041).
It is a thick volume, measuring 1 ft. by 8-1/4 in.
It possesses an Introduction, "How Saynts may be esteemed soe,
Secondlye of their Commemorations and the trewest enfalliblest manner
of discovering them, and what Course the Collector of this Alphebitt
of Saints that he observed in this Collection." Then follows an
article on the Canonizing of Saints, and another "Of the Course and
Order which is to be observed in my Collection." Then ensues a
Calendar, and this is followed by an alphabetical biographical notice
of the saints to Simon Sudbury, where the rest is torn away.
Nicolas Roscarrock had recourse mainly to printed authorities, to
Capgrave, Surius, Harpsfield, and to Whytford's _Martyrologie_. But he
had also access to the MSS. of Edward Powell, a Welsh priest, who had
a considerable collection of Welsh saintly pedigrees. With regard to
the Cornish saints, he records current traditions of his time, that he
had collected in his youth. But he had also a MS. Cornish life of S.
Columba, to which Hals refers. Unhappily, he has not given us the
original, only its substance. And he quotes from a Cornish hymn or
ballad relative to S. Mabenna, but which to our great regret he does
not give. Here and there he indulges in verses of his own composition
in honour of the saints, but they are of no poetic merit.
In the volume is a letter undated, addressed by one W. Webbe to--we
suppose--the chaplain at Naworth. It is as follows:--
"Most Worthy Syr,
"Mr. Trewenna Roscarrock found in the library of Oxford a story of
a certain Christian and his wife who came out of Ireland with
their children to fly the persecution, and lived in Cornwall: and
after some tyme both he and his wife with the children suffered
martyrdom in Cornwall, and in their honour were faire Churches
dedicated. Some of the names of these saints (as wee suppose) wear
these as follow:--
"S. Essye, S. Milior, S. Que, S. Einendar, S. Eue, S. Maubon, S.
Breage, S. Earvin, S. Merrine, &c.
"They were about 20 at the least; the story at large, Mr.
Roscarrock's Book, and keeping noe coppy of it lent it to his
brother, Mr. Nicolas Roscarocke, who lived and dyed at my Lord
William Hoard's House in y^e North.
"Now some worthye Catholickes of Cornwall being desirous to
understand the full story, to the end they may the better honour
these Saynts of their County, besought me to write unto the North
about this, and get out of Mr. Nicolas Roscarocke's writings this
story, they knowing that he was wont to compile together such
monuments for further memorye. I did soe and I was assured by a
good Gentleman a friend of mine, and who actually lives with the
house, that Sir William Hoard, my Lord William's son, had Mr.
Nicolas Roscarock's written booke, and papers, and that he would
most willingly pleasure my Countrymen in this holy desire of
theirs--Wherefore Worthy Syr I shall humble intreate you for God's
sake, and for the honours of these glorious [sai[33]]nts martyrs,
to deale efficaciously with Syr William Hoard [to obta]ine a copy
of this story for all our comforts and wee [shall be al]wayes
obleidged to pray for you and Syr William [both in] this worlde
and in the next.
"Your servant to his honor,
"H. WEBBE."
FOOTNOTES:
[32] Authorities for his life: Ormsby, _The Household Books of Lord
William Howard_, Surtees Soc., 1878, pp. 506 _et seq._; Gildew's
_Biographical Dictionary of English Catholics; Jesuits in Conflict_,
1873, p. 206; the _Douay Diaries_, ed. Knox; Boase and Courtney's
_Bibliographia Cornubiensis; Notes and Queries_, 5th series, IV, 402-4
(1875); Morris, _Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers_, 1st series,
1872, p. 95, 2nd series, 1875, pp. 33, 79-80; Challoner's _Memoirs of
Missionary Priests_, p. 32; _Dict. of National Biography_, _State
Papers_, etc.; an admirable and exhaustive Life in MS. by Rev. E. Nolan,
Trinity College, Cambridge, in the University Library, Cambridge.
[33] A corner of the letter is torn off, but it is easy to supply the
missing portions of the words and sentences.
LIEUTENANT PHILIP G. KING
The Commissioners of His Majesty's Navy, near the close of 1786,
advertised for a certain number of vessels to be taken up for the
purpose of conveying between seven and eight hundred male and female
convicts to Botany Bay, in New South Wales, whither it had been
determined by the Government to transport them, after having sought in
vain upon the African coast for a situation possessing the requisites
for the establishment of a penal colony. The following vessels were at
length contracted for, and assembled in the Thames to fit and take in
stores: the _Alexander_, _Scarborough_, _Charlotte_, _Lady Penrhyn_,
and _Friendship_ as transports; and the _Fishbourne_, _Golden Grove_,
and _Borrowdale_--these latter as storeships. The _Prince of Wales_
was afterwards added to the number of transports. The transports
immediately prepared for the reception of the convicts, and the
storeships took on board provisions for two years, with tools,
implements of agriculture, seeds, etc.
On October 24th Captain Arthur Phillips hoisted a pennant on board
H.M.S. _Sirius_, of twenty guns, then lying at Deptford. As the
government of the meditated colony, as well as the command of the
_Sirius_, was given to Captain Phillips, it was thought necessary to
appoint another captain to her, who might command on any service in
which she might be employed for the colony, while Captain Phillips
would be engaged supervising the convicts on shore. For this purpose
John Hunter was nominated second captain of the _Sirius_.
On March 5th, 1787, order for embarkation arrived, and on Monday, May
7th, Captain Phillips arrived at Portsmouth and took command of the
little fleet, then lying at the Mother Bank.
Phillips had with him two lieutenants, Philip Gidley King and Mr. Dawes.
Philip G. King was the son of Philip King, a draper in Launceston, by
his wife, the daughter of John Gidley, attorney, of Exeter. Philip G.
King was born at Launceston 23rd April, 1758. He was midshipman on board
the _Swallow_ in 1770-5, and now was placed under Captain Phillips to
assist in the settlement of felons in a colony at Botany Bay.
Whilst the little fleet was on its way down the Channel, it was
discovered that a plot had been formed among the convicts on board the
_Scarborough_ to mutiny. They hoped to obtain command of the vessel,
when those in the other transports would follow their example, and
they trusted that the entire fleet would fall into their power. The
scheme was insane, as H.M.S. _Sirius_ could knock the transports to
pieces with her guns. The plot was betrayed by one of the convicts to
the commanding officer on board the _Scarborough_, and he at once
communicated with Captain Phillips. The two ringleaders were brought
on board the _Sirius_, and each was given two dozen lashes.
The fleet sailed for Teneriffe, and thence, on the 11th June, for Rio
de Janeiro; and from thence for the Cape of Good Hope.
On November 10th, Captain Phillips sailed ahead of the fleet in the
_Supply_ to reconnoitre the coast of New South Wales, and ascertain
where best to land, and he took with him the _Alexander_, the
_Scarborough_, and the _Friendship_, and having on board his two
lieutenants, King and Dawes.
[Illustration: LIEUTENANT PHILIP GIDLEY KING]
On January 19th, 1788, he landed in Botany Bay, and sent Lieutenant
King to survey the coast and inland as far as might be.
Botany Bay being found to be a station of inferior advantages to what
was expected, and no spot appearing proper for the colony, Governor
Phillips at once resolved to transfer it to another excellent inlet,
about twelve miles further to the north, called Port Jackson, on the
south side of which, at a spot called Sydney Cove, the settlement was
decided to be made.
The spot chosen for this purpose was at the head of the cove, near a
run of fresh water, which stole silently along through a very thick
wood, the stillness of which had thus, for the first time since the
Creation, been interrupted by the rude sound of the labourer's axe and
the downfall of the ancient inhabitants--a stillness and tranquillity
which from that day were to give place to the noise of labour, the
confusion of carriers, and all the clamour of the bringing on shore of
the stores, and the erection of habitations.
A flagstaff was set up and the Union Jack hoisted, when the Marines
fired several volleys, and the healths of the King and Royal Family
were drunk, as well as success to the new colony.
The disembarkation of the troops and convicts took place on the
following day.
The confusion that ensued will not be wondered at when it is
considered that every man stepped from his boat literally into a
virgin forest. Parties of people were to be seen on all sides
variously employed, some in clearing ground for the different
encampments, others in pitching tents, or bringing up such stores as
were more immediately needed. As the woods were opened and the ground
cleared, the various encampments were extended, and all gradually
assumed the appearance of regularity.
A portable canvas house, brought over for the governor, was erected on
the south side of the cove, which was named Sydney, in compliment to
the principal Secretary of State for the Home Department. There also a
small body of convicts was put under tents. The detachment of marines
was encamped at the head of the cove near the stream, and on the west
side was planted the main body of convicts.
The women were not disembarked till the 6th February, when, every person
belonging to the settlement being landed, the whole amounted to 1030
persons. The tents for the sick were placed on the west side, and it was
observed with concern that their number was fast increasing. Scurvy,
that had not appeared during the voyage, now broke out, and this, along
with dysentery, began to fill the hospital, and several died.