Now it so fell out that on the following Sunday Laurence Braddon went

to visit a Mr. Evans, of the Custom House, at his country house at

Wanstead, in Essex, where was also a Mr. Halstead, and Evans was

telling Halstead that he had heard from a kinsman of his named

Edwards, also in the Customs, that his boy had been in the Tower yard

on the morning of the death of Lord Essex, and that he had seen a hand

thrust out of that nobleman's window, and a razor stained with blood

thrown down on the pavement of the yard. Next moment a maid-servant

wearing a white hood had run out, secured the razor and carried it

within, and that he had heard cries from within of "Murder! Murder!"

Braddon listened, walking up and down the room, as Evans told this

story. He was greatly excited by it, and thought that it pointed to a

murder having been committed, and that probably at the instigation of

the Duke of York.

Accordingly Braddon went next day to the quay and got Evans and

Edwards to meet him at the "Star" public-house and repeat the story.

It seemed that Edwards had two boys who were in Merchant Taylors'

School, and that one of their sisters was married and living in the

Tower. On the morning of the death of Lord Essex the lads were on

their way to school, when, passing the Tower, they heard that the King

and the Duke of York were in it, whereupon the younger, an urchin of

twelve or thirteen, gave his brother the slip, and ran in to see the

King and the Duke. After they had departed he remained in the yard

playing chuck-farthing with other boys, when he saw a hand thrust

forth from a window and throw a bloody razor into the court, and after

that a maid or woman in a white hood and stuff coat took it up and

went in, and then he heard a noise as of "Murder!" cried out. Braddon

then went to the house of Edwards to question the boy, who

prevaricated. Braddon believed that the child's mother and sister had

been at him, telling him that he was likely to get them all into

trouble if he persisted in his tale, and urged by them, professed that

he had told a lie.

The matter became common talk on the quay and the purlieus of the Tower.

Braddon had no great difficulty in finding a little girl named Jane

Lodeman, aged thirteen, who was in the same tale. This is what he took

down:--

"Jane Lodeman was in the Tower on Friday morning, 13th July last, and

standing almost over against the late Earl of Essex's lodging window,

she saw a hand cast a razor out of my lord's window, and immediately

upon this she heard shrieks, and that there was a soldier by my lord's

door, who cried out to those within the house that somebody should

come and take up a razor which was thrown out of the window, whereupon

there came a maid with a white hood out of the house, but who took up

the razor she can't tell."

Dated 8th August, 1683.

On July 20th Braddon had gone to Whitehall before he had obtained this

corroborative evidence, and had laid information before the King and

Council, and produced a written deposition as to what the boy Edwards

had said he had seen; but the boy's sister deposed that Mr. Laurence

Braddon had forced her brother to sign it. Soon after Braddon had

taken this step, he heard a rumour that the fact of the violent death

of the Earl of Essex had been known and discussed in Frome Selwood the

same day, and he hurried off to make inquiries into this. But on

reaching Salisbury he was arrested, thrown into prison, and brought

back to London. Another gentleman, a Mr. Speeke, had also been

spreading the report that Lord Essex had been foully murdered, and it

was hinted that the Duke of York, if not the King, had ordered the

assassination. Speeke also was arrested.

Narcissus Luttrell's account of the death of Essex is as follows:--

1683, 13th July.--"About nine in the morning, the Earl of Essex,

prisoner in the Tower of London, upon account of this new plott, did

most barbarously cut his own throat from one ear to the other with a

razor. What occasioned it is doubtfull: some say, the sense of his

guilt; others, the shame for being accused of such a crime, when his

father, the Lord Capell, died for his loyalty to the late King; however,

the coroner's jury have satt on his body, and found him _felo de se_,

tho' some stick not to say 'tis impossible he should murther himself in

so barbarous a manner; and his Majesty hath been pleased to give his

goods, which were forfeited by his killing himself, to his son."

On November 6th he says: "Mr. Speak was brought to the Court of King's

Bench, and charged with two informations: the 1st, for saying the King

was as great a Papist as the Duke of York; that the Duke durst not doe

what he did but that the King did animate him; that what Pilkington

had formerly said of the Duke of York was true; with much other such

scandalous stuff; and 2nd was for sayeing that the Earl of Essex was

killed and murdered by those that attended on him in the Tower; to

both these he pleaded Not Guilty."

1683-4, February 7th.--"Mr. Lawrence Braddon and Mr. Hugh Speke were

tried at the Court of King's Bench, by a jury of Middlesex, upon an

information reciting the commitment of the late Earl of Essex to the

Tower for treason in conspiring the death of the King, etc., and that

the 13th July last he cut his own throat, and was found _felo de se_

by the coroner's inquisition; the said Braddon and Speke did conspire

by writing and otherwise, to spread a false and scandalous report,

that the said Earl was murdered by some persons about him, and

endeavoured to suborn witnesses to testifye the same. The evidence for

the King, was first, the warder of the Tower, who testified as to his

Lordship's commitment; then the coroner, and the inquisition taken

before him, whereby his Lordship was found _felo de se_, was read;

then the particular evidence against Mr. Braddon was, by severall

persons, how busy and sollicitous he was to take persons'

informations, and to examine a little child about ten years old, about

a discourse that ran through the town that a bloody razor was thrown

out of his Lordship's window; and that the cry of Murder was heard;

and that a servant maid came presently out of the house of the Lord of

Essex, and took up the razor, and carried it in; and that then it was

said the Lord of Essex had killed himself. Then the severall

informations Braddon had taken in writing relating to this matter were

read, and some of the informants themselves examined, whose testimony

much differ'd from their informations, then severall testified the

confident and strange discourse this Braddon frequently us'd

concerning the matter. The evidence against Mr. Speke was only a

letter writt by him to Sir Robert Atkins th' elder, and carried by Mr.

Braddon, but was seized about him when he was going thither, which

contained severall expressions in commendation of Mr. Braddon and his

zeale, with reflexions on this matter; then the evidence was given of

his Lordship's cutting his own throat with a razor, which was proved

by his own servant, a Frenchman; by the warder, by the centinell, and

by Capt. Hawley. The defendants' proof was, first, Braddon pretended

he did nothing but out of zeale to have the truth come out: then he

call'd some witnesses to prove that there was a discourse of the Lord

of Essex's being killed, and a razor thrown out, before he concern'd

himself in it. Speke had little to say against the letter, but own'd

it to be his hand; so that the jury, after a little while, agreed of

their verdict, and found the defendant Braddon guilty of all that was

laid in the information, and the defendant Speke guilty of all except

the conspiring to suborn witnesses.

"'Twas strange any man should concern himself in an affair of this

moment on the information of a boy ten years old, who had denied all

after he had confess'd it, and did at his tryall, and make all this

rent that was about it."

April 21st, 1684.--"Mr. Laurence Braddon and Mr. Hugh Speke, convicted

last term upon an endeavour to lay the murder of the late Earl of

Essex upon the Government, were brought to the Court of King's Bench

to receive their judgments; which was, that Braddon should pay a fine

of £2000, and Speke £1000 to the King; that they find sureties for

their good behaviour during their lives, and be committed to the

King's Bench prison till they doe so."

Hugh Speke, who was tried along with Laurence Braddon, was an

inveterate plotter. Macaulay thus describes him: "Hugh Speke (was) a

young man of good family, but of a singularly base and depraved

nature. His love of mischief and of dark and crooked ways amounted

almost to madness. To cause confusion without being found out was his

business and his pastime; and he had a rare skill in using honest

enthusiasts as the instruments of his cold-blooded malice."

Referring to the case of Braddon, Macaulay adds: "He had attempted, by

means of one of his puppets, to fasten on Charles and James the crime

of murdering Essex in the Tower. On this occasion the agency of Speke

had been traced; and though he succeeded in throwing the greater part

of the blame on his dupe, he had not escaped with impunity."

He was certainly a clever scoundrel, for he managed to cover up most

of his traces in the affair of the charge of the murder of Essex.

Braddon was sincere, while Speke was not. Braddon was convinced that a

murder had been committed, and he had not a well-balanced mind to

weigh evidence. Speke cared nothing whether crime had been committed

or not so long as he could disturb men's minds with a suspicion that

one had been committed, and that by the King's brother and heir

presumptive to the Crown.

The evidence produced by Laurence Braddon was practically worthless. He

had but the word of two little children, and the boy had retracted and

acknowledged that he had told lies. As to the fact of the death of Lord

Essex being known at Frome on the 13th, showing that the murder had been

premeditated and was part of a widely ramified scheme of the Papists, it

was shown that nothing was known there of it till many days later.

The evidence for the King was Bomeny, the valet de chambre of Lord

Essex. He stated that the Earl had long nails, and that morning had

asked for a penknife so as to pare them. Bomeny had commissioned a

footman, William Turner, to get one, and bring it along with some

provisions ordered for the Earl's breakfast. Turner brought the

provisions, but had forgotten about the penknife, whereupon Lord Essex

began to cut his nails with his razor, and the footman was again

despatched for a penknife. Just then the King and the Duke of York

arrived at the Tower, and there was great bustle in the yard, and Bomeny

left the Earl's room. When he met the footman with the knife he

returned, but not finding Lord Essex in his chamber, he tried to open

the closet door, when he found that there was an obstruction. Somewhat

alarmed, he ran to Russell, the warder, whose door was almost opposite

on the same staircase, and both went to the closet, and found Lord Essex

lying in it with his throat cut and his feet against the door.

Russell corroborated this evidence, and added that no one could

possibly ascend the stair and enter Lord Essex's chamber without his

knowledge. The soldier, Lloyd, who acted as sentinel at the entrance

to the Earl's quarters, testified that there was no truth in the

children's tale about the razor, and that no maid had issued from the

door to pick one up.

It was further established that the closet window did not look into

the main yard, and was so arranged that a hand could not be passed out

of it.

Judge Jeffreys conducted the investigation, and that in a most

unseemly manner. Apparently he was drunk at the time, and was so

confused that he was not able to follow the evidence. He browbeat the

witnesses in the most offensive way.

On November 6th, 1684, a French Protestant refugee, named Borleau, was

indicted for selling a scandalous book called _L'Esprit de Monsieur

Arnaud_, in which he declared that the Earl of Essex had not cut his

own throat, but had been foully murdered. He pleaded guilty, and the

King graciously allowed him to be fined only 6s. 8d., and to be

discharged without paying his fees. There was most certainly fish made

of one and fowl of another.

Again, in December of the same year a book appeared entitled _An

Enquiry about the Barbarous Murder of the Earl of Essex_, that was

vended surreptitiously, and a broadside written by Colonel Danvers,

giving the evidence that he was murdered, was thrown in at open doors

and distributed in the streets of London. A hundred pounds was offered

for the apprehension of Danvers. As to the book, it was from the pen

of Laurence Braddon, and was later, when it could be done safely,

acknowledged by him. On January 23rd, 1684-5, a Mr. Henry Baker

pleaded guilty to an information for using scandalous words about the

Duke of York, and at the same time a printer, Norden, did the same to

an indictment for publishing the "scandalous libell in vindication of

the lord of Essex." And on February 3rd one of the jury at the

inquest, Launcelot Colston by name, was had up before King's Bench on

a charge of having said that he did not believe that the Earl had cut

his throat, for he could not have done so himself in the way in which

he was found. Norden was sentenced to pay 200 marks, and to stand in

the pillory at Ratcliffe, and to be bound to his good behaviour for

seven years, and be committed to prison till this was done.

In 1685, on the landing of the Duke of Monmouth, in the Proclamation

he published, he charged King James with the murder of Essex, with his

own hand.

In January, 1689, a Captain Hawley, Major Whitley, and some two or

three more were imprisoned for maintaining that Essex had not

committed suicide. But this was at the moment when all power was

slipping out of the hands of King James II; the Prince of Orange came

to the throne, and on February 23rd a Captain Holland was arrested and

thrown into prison on the charge of having been concerned in the

murder of the Earl, and this was followed by numerous other arrests.

But the prison-doors were thrown open for Laurence Braddon to issue

forth and recommence his accusations of murder. He republished the

"Enquiry into and Detection of the Barbarous Murther of the late Earl

of Essex; or a Vindication of that Noble Person from the Guilt and

Infamy of having Destroyed himself."

Even before the throne, vacated by King James, had been filled by the

Prince of Orange, the Lords had appointed a committee to examine into

the truth of the frightful stories circulated relative to the death of

Essex. The committee, which consisted wholly of zealous Whigs,

continued its inquiries till all reasonable men were convinced that he

had fallen by his own hand, and till Lady Essex, his brother, and his

most intimate friends requested that the investigation might be

pursued no further. That under Judge Jeffreys had been open to

suspicion, this could not. But nothing would alter the persuasion of

Braddon that this was a case of murder.

Next year, 1690, he came out with a fresh pamphlet, "Essex's Innocency

and Honour Vindicated, or Murther, Subornation, Perjury, and

Oppression, justly charged on the Murtherers of that Noble and True

Patriot Arthur (late) Earl of Essex," etc.

It had become a matter of party feeling, and it was held by all true

Protestants to be their duty to believe in the murder, so as to

blacken the character of James II. The evidence, however, was too poor

to convince a cool-minded man like Bishop Burnet, and in his _History

of His Own Times_ he spoke of Essex having cut his own throat.

Thereupon Laurence Braddon resumed his pen and published an attack on

the Bishop: "Bishop Burnet's History charged with great partiality and

misrepresentations, to make the present and future ages believe that

Arthur, Earl of Essex, in 1683, murdered himselfe, with observations

upon the suppos'd poysoning of King Charles the Second," 1724.

In 1695 Braddon was appointed solicitor to the wine-licensing office,

with a salary of £100 per annum.

In one point Braddon showed great perspicuity and good feeling. In 1717

he published a pamphlet entitled "The Miseries of the Poor, a National

Sin and Shame"; and when his scheme for the relief of the poor had been

animadverted upon unfavourably, in 1722, he answered these objections in

another tractate: "Particular answers to the most material objections

made to the proposal humbly presented to His Majesty for relieving,

reforming, and employing all the poor of Great Britain," 1722.

Laurence Braddon died on Sunday, 29th November, 1724.

The Braddons must have been a family of some consequence in S. Gennys,

although their arms and pedigree are not recorded in the Heralds'

Visitations. At the trial of Laurence, it was stated that his father's

income from his property was fully £800 per annum. Laurence derived

his fiery Protestantism from his father, who had been a

Parliamentarian officer of some distinction in the Civil War. His

father is buried in the chancel of S. Gennys, and some verses are

inscribed on the ledgerstone, beginning:--

In war and peace I bore command,

Both gun and sword I wore.

The arms borne by the family are: _Sable_, a bend lozengy, _arg._--arms

that in their beautiful simplicity proclaim their antiquity.

The old mansion of the Braddons in S. Gennys has been pulled down and

a modern farm-house erected on the site.

THOMASINE BONAVENTURA

Week S. Mary stands in a treeless wind-swept situation, 530 feet above

the sea, near the source of two small streams rising in the desolate

downs to the south, which unite their waters at Langford, and have

sawn for themselves deep clefts that are well wooded. At a remote

period this district must have been the scene of contests, for it is

studded with earthworks. There was a castle at Week, but camps also

crowning a height in Westwood and in Swannacott Wood; and Week S. Mary

with its castle stood aloft, defended by one of these on each side.

Formerly there was not so much enclosed land as there is at present;

but it was precisely the moorland that extended over so large a

portion of the parish that constituted its wealth, for on this waste

pastured vast flocks of sheep, whose fleeces were in request at a time

when wool was the staple industry in the West of England.

The ridge of bare, uplifted, carboniferous rock and clay, cold and

bleak, was formerly scantily provided with roads, and with homesteads

few and far between; and to guide the traveller through the waste,

certain churches with lofty towers were erected on high

ground--Pancrasweek, Holsworthy, Bridgerule, Week S. Mary--to enable him

to make his way across country from one to the other. A farm or a

manor-house nestled in a combe, sheltered from the wind, from the sea,

and the driving rain; but farmer and squire drew their wealth from the

sheep on the uplands, which were moreover strewn, as they still are,

with barrows, under which lie the dead of the Bronze and Stone ages.

Davies Gilbert absurdly derives the name of the place from the

Cornish, and makes it signify "sweet." No more unsuitable epithet

could have been applied. It signifies _vicus_, a village or hamlet,

and is found also at Pancrasweek, Germansweek, and elsewhere.

In the village are still to be seen the remains of the old school and

chantry founded by Thomasine Bonaventura, a shepherd girl, native of

the place, whose story is told by Carew and by Hall; and from them we

take it.

Thomasine was born about the year 1450, in the reign of Henry VI, and

her father was a small farmer who had his flock of sheep pasturing on

the wild waste common-lands. Thomasine watched it, and spun from her

distaff. Above the desolate moors to the south-west stood up blue

against the sky the rugged height of Brown Willy, crowned by its

mighty cairns; to the west and south-west stretched the Atlantic, into

which the evening sun went down in a blaze of glory.

One day a London merchant, a dealer in wool, came riding over the

moor; probably from Tintagel or Forrabury, and making direct for Week

S. Mary tower, when he passed a barrow on which sat the shepherd girl

spinning, the breeze from the sea blowing her dark hair about, singing

some old ballad, but ever keeping her eye on her father's sheep.

Behind him trailed a line of horses laden with the packs of wool that

he had purchased, led by his men. He halted to speak to the girl,

probably to learn from her where he might best ford the stream in the

valley below. She answered, and he was pleased with her intelligence,

and not less with her beauty. He inquired who she was, what was her

name, and what the circumstances of her parents. To all these

questions she gave prompt and direct answers. Then, still more taken

with her, he asked Thomasine whether she would accompany him to

London, to be servant to his wife, and he offered her good wages and

kind treatment. She replied, with caution, that she was under the

guardianship of her father and mother, and that she could not accept

his proposal without their consent.

Thereupon the merchant rode on, and upon reaching Week S. Mary

inquired for the house of the parents of Thomasine and laid his offer

before them. When they hesitated, he referred them to his customers.

The parents, no doubt, were highly elated at being able to get their

daughter into a situation in London, where all the streets were paved

with gold. But it may well be doubted whether they dreamt of what was

in store for her.

So she parted from her parents, certainly with many tears on her part,

and earnest injunctions from father and mother to conduct herself in a

modest and obedient manner.

Now these wool merchants and clothiers were men of mighty repute and

good substance in the land. In Thomas Deloney's delightful _Pleasant

Historie of Thomas of Reading_, 1600, we read: "Among all crafts this

was the onely chiefe, for that it was the chiefest merchandize, by the

which our Country became famous throwout all Nations. And it was

verily thought that the one halfe of the people in the land lived in

those dayes thereby, and in such good sort, that in the Commonwealth

there were few or no beggars at all: poore people, whom God lightly

blessed with most children, did by meanes of this occupation so order

them, that by the time that they were come to be sixe or seven yeares

of age, they were able to get their owne bread. Idlenesse was then

banished our coast, so that it was a rare thing to heare of a thiefe

in those dayes. Therefore it was not without cause that Clothiers were

then both honoured and loved."

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