SECTION III.—THE VEDA.[56]

The word _Veda_ is explained by Sanskrit scholars as meaning _knowing_

or _knowledge_, and as being related to the Greek oἵδα. The works

comprised under this designation are manifold, and appertain to

widely different epochs. In the first place they fall into two main

classes, the _Sanhitâ_ and the _Brâhmana_. The Sanhitâ portion of

the Veda consists of hymns or metrical compositions addressed to the

several deities worshiped by their authors, and expressing religious

sentiment; the Brâhmana portion, of theological treatises in prose

of an expository, ritualistic and didactic character. Across this

subdivision into two classes there runs another of the whole Veda into

four so-called Vedas, the Rig-Veda, the Yajur-Veda, the Sâma-Veda,

and the Atharva-Veda. Each of these has its own Sanhitâs, and its own

Brâhmanas; but the Sanhitâ, or hymns, of the three other Vedas are

not materially different from those of the Rig-Veda. On the Rig-Veda

they are all founded; this is the fundamental Veda, or great Veda; and

in knowing this one we should know all. The other three, according to

Max Müller, contain "chiefly extracts from the Rig-Veda, together with

sacrificial formulas, charms, and incantations" (Chips, vol. i. p. 9).

It must not therefore be imagined that we have in these four Vedas four

different collections of hymns. They are rather four different versions

of the same collection, the Sâma-Veda, for instance, containing but

seventy-one verses which are wanting in the Rig-Veda (S. V., p.

xxviii), and being otherwise "little more than a repetition of the Soma

Mandala of the Rich" (Wilson, vol. i. p. xxxvii), or of that book of

the Rig-Veda which is devoted to the god Soma. The Atharva-Veda-Sanhitâ

is indeed to a certain extent an exception; belonging to a later age,

it has some hymns altogether peculiar to itself, and its fifteenth

book "has something of the nature of a Brâhmana" (O. S. T., vol. i. p.

2). It must be noted, moreover, that of the Yajur-Veda there are two

different versions, the Black and the White Yajur-Veda, said to have

descended from two rival schools. The hymns of the first are termed the

Taittiriya-Sanhitâ, those of the second the Vâjasaneyi-Sanhitâ.

The origin of those four distinct, yet not different Vedas, is thus

explained. In certain sacrifices, formerly celebrated in India, four

classes of priests were required, each class being destined for the

performance of distinct offices. To such of these classes was assigned

one of the Vedas, which contained the hymns required by that class.

Thus the Sâma-Veda was the prayer-book of the Udgâtri priests, or

choristers, who chant the hymns. The Yajur-Veda was the prayer-book

of the Adhvaryu priests, or attendant ministers, who prepare the

ground, slay the victims, and so forth. The Atharva-Veda was said to be

intended for the Brahman who was, according to one of the Brâhmanas,

the "physician of the sacrifice;" the general superintendent who was to

tell if any mistake had been committed in it (A. B., 5. 5.—vol. ii. p.

376). For the fourth class, the Hotri priests, or reciters of hymns,

no special collection was made in the form of a liturgy. They used the

Rig-Veda, a collection of the hymns in general without any special

object, and they were supposed to know the sacred poetry without the

help of a prayer-book (A. S. L., pp. 175, 473, and Chips, vol. i. p. 9).

Originally preserved by scattered individuals (for the Mantra part of

the Vedas, [or their Sanhitâ] was composed in an age when writing was

not in use), the hymns were subsequently collected and arranged in

their present form: a task which Indian tradition assigns to Vyâsa, the

Arranger, but which was probably the work of many different scholars,

possibly during many generations. The same tradition asserts that each

Veda was collected, under Vyâsa's superintendence, by a different

editor; and that the collections, transmitted from these primary

compilers to their disciples, were, in the course of transmission,

rearranged in various ways, until the number of Sanhitâs of each Veda

in circulation was very considerable. Each school had its own version,

but the differences are supposed by Wilson to have concerned only the

order, not the matter of the Sûktas.

The extreme antiquity of our extant Veda is guaranteed by the amplest

testimony. In the indexes compiled by native scholars 500 or 600

years before Christ, "we find every hymn, every verse, every word and

syllable of the Veda accurately counted" (Chips, vol. i. p. 11). Before

this was done, not only was the whole vast collection complete, but it

was ancient; for had it been a recent composition it would not have

enjoyed the preëminent sanctity which rendered it the object of this

minute attention. And not only is the Veda ancient, but it has been

shown that, from the variety of its component strata, it must have been

the growth of no small period of time, its earliest elements being

of an almost unfathomable antiquity. Max Müller, who has elaborately

treated this question, divides the Vaidik age—the age during which

the Veda was in process of formation—into four great epochs. The most

primitive hymns of the Rig-Veda he attributes to what he terms _the

Chhandas period_ (from Chhandas, or metre), the limits of which cannot

be fixed in the ascending direction, but which descends no later than

1000 B.C. And he thinks that "we cannot well assign a date more recent

than 1200 to 1500 before our era" (Ibid., vol. i. p. 13) for the

composition of these hymns. The ten books of the Rig-Veda, however,

comprise the poetry of two different ages. Some of the hymns betray a

more recent origin, and must be assigned to the second, or _Mantra

period_. These comparatively modern compositions belong to a time

which may have extended from about 1000 to about 800 B.C. After this

we enter on the _Brâhmana period_, in which the Rig-Veda-Sanhitâ not

only existed, but had reached the stage of being misinterpreted, its

original sense having been forgotten. During this period—which we may

place from B.C. 800 to 600—the national thought took the form of prose,

and the Brâhmanas were written. Here the age of actually-inspired

literature terminates, and we arrive at the _Sûtra period_, which may

have lasted till 200 B.C. Works of high authority, but not in the

strict sense revealed works, were produced during these four hundred

years (A. S. L., _passim_). An equal, or greater antiquity is usually

claimed by other Sanskritists for these several classes of sacred

literature. Wilson would place Manu (who belongs to the Sûtra period)

not lower than the fifth or sixth century; the Brâhmana literature in

the seventh or eighth; and would allow at least four or five centuries

before this for the composition and currency of the hymns, thus

reaching the date of 1200 or 1300 before the Christian era (Wilson,

vol. i. p. xlvii).

Haug, who believes that "a strict distinction between a Chhandas and

Mantra period is hardly admissible," and that certain sacrificial

formulas, considered by Max Müller to be more recent, are in fact some

centuries older than the finished hymns ascribed by that scholar to the

Chhandas age, carries back the composition of both Sanhitâ and Brâhmana

to a much earlier date. "The bulk of the Brâhmanas" he assigns to B.C.

1400-1200; and "the bulk of the Sanhitâs" to B.C. 2000-1400; while "the

oldest hymns and sacrificial formulas may be a few hundred years more

ancient still," and thus "the very commencement of Vedic literature"

might be between B.C. 2400 and 2000 (A. B., vol. i. pp. 47, 48). While

Benfey, considering that the Prâtisâkhyas (a branch of the Sûtras) must

have been composed from B.C. 800 to 600, observes that the text of the

Sâma-Veda must extend beyond this epoch (S. V., p. xxix).

Of the several Sanhitâs, that of the Rig-Veda (whose name is derived

from a word _rich_, praise) is usually considered the most ancient,

though Benfey expresses the opinion that the text of the Sâma-Veda may

possibly be borrowed from an older version of the Rig-Veda than before

us (Ibid., p. xxix). Max Müller, on the other hand, conceives the Sâma

and Yajur-Vedas to have been probably the production of the Brâhmana

period (A. S. L., p. 457). He even denies to any but the Rich the right

to be called Veda at all (Chips, vol. i. p. 9). Whatever claim, or want

of claim, they may possess to the honor, it is certain that they have

for more than 2,000 years invariably received it at the hands of the

Hindus themselves. So far from admitting the preëminence of the Rich,

the ancient Hindus, according to one of their descendants, held the

Sâma in the highest veneration (Chhand. Up., introduction, p. 1). If a

doubt can exist as to the canonicity of any one of them, it can only

apply to the Atharva-Veda; for in certain texts we find mention made

of three Vedas only, the Atharva, from its comparatively late origin,

having apparently been long denied the privilege of admission to an

equal rank with its compeers.

Whatever their antiquity, the sanctity of these works in Indian opinion

is of the highest order. Never has the theory of inspiration been

pushed to such an extreme. The Veda was the direct creation of Brahma;

and the Rishis, or Sages, who are the nominal authors of the hymns,

did not compose them, but simply "saw" them. Although, therefore, the

name of one of these seers is coupled with each hymn, it must not be

supposed that he did more than perceive the divine poem which was

revealed to his privileged vision. And the Veda is distinguished as

_Sruti_, Revelation, from the _Smriti_, Tradition, under which term

is included a great variety of works enjoying a high, but not an

independent, authority. They are to be accepted, in theory at least,

only when they agree with the Veda, and to be set aside if they happen

to differ from it; while no such thing as a contradiction within the

body of the Veda is for a moment to be thought of as possible, apparent

inconsistencies being only due to our imperfect interpretations. The

Sruti class comprises only the Mantra of each Veda and its Brâhmanas;

the Smriti consists of the great national epics, namely the Râmâyana

and Mahâbhârata; the Mânava-Dharma-Sastra, or Menu; the Purânas; the

Sûtras, or aphorisms; and the so-called six Vedângas, a term indicating

six branches of study carried on by the help of treatises on the

pronunciation, grammar, metre, explanation of words, astronomy, and

ceremonial of the Veda. How thoroughly the Veda was analyzed, how

minutely every word of it was investigated, is shown by the fact that

these Vedângas all have direct reference to it, and were intended to

assist in its comprehension. And in ancient times it was the duty of

Brahmans to be well acquainted both with the Sûktas (hymns), and with

their application to ritual. A Brahman, indeed, who wanted to marry was

not obliged to devote more than twelve years to learning the Veda, but

an unmarrying Brahman might spend forty-eight years upon it (A. S. L.,

p. 503).

SUBDIVISION 1.—_The Sanhitâ._

Passing now to a more detailed consideration of the Mantra division, we

find that the Rig-Veda-Sanhitâ—the most comprehensive specimen of this

division—comprises more than a thousand short poems, of which the vast

majority are addressed to one or more of the Indian gods. A few only,

and those believed to be of later origin, are of a different character.

This collection is divided in two ways; into ten Mandalas, or eight

Ashtakas, the two divisions being quite independent of one another.

Under each of these greater heads are several lesser ones, which it is

needless to enumerate. The deities to whom the hymns are devoted are

exceedingly various and numerous, but as this is not an essay specially

intended to elucidate the Veda, but aiming only at a general comparison

of this with other sacred books, it would be going beyond our scope to

attempt a full account of their several names, attributes, and honors.

A few only of the more conspicuous gods need be noticed.

Of these, Agni, as the one with whose praises the Rig-Veda opens, and

who, next to Indra, is the principal character in the Vedic hymnology,

claims our attention first. He is the god of fire, or more literally,

he is the fire itself, and a god at the same time. His name is almost

identical with the Latin _Ignis_. He is frequently spoken of as

generated by the rubbing of sticks, for in this manner did the Rishis

kindle the fire required for their sacrifices. The sudden birth of the

fiery element in consequence of this process must have impressed them

as profoundly mysterious. They allude to it under various images.

Thus, the upper stick is said to impregnate the lower, which brings

forth Agni. He is the bearer of human sacrifices to the gods; a kind of

telegraph from earth to heaven. Many are the blessings asked of him.

But let the Rishis speak for themselves. Here is the first Sûkta of the

Rig-Veda-Sanhitâ:—

1. "I praise Agni, the household priest, the divine offerer of the

sacrifice, the inviter who keeps all treasures. 2. Agni, worthy of the

praises of the ancient Rishis, and also of ours, do thou bring hither

the gods. 3. By Agni, _the sacrificer_ enjoys wealth, that grows from

day to day, confers renown, and surrounds him with heroes. 4. Agni,

the sacrifice which thou keepest from all sides uninvaded, approaches

surely the gods. 5. Agni, inviter, performer of gracious deeds,

thou who art truthful, and who shinest with various glories, come

thou, O God, with the gods. 6. The prosperity, which thou, O Agni,

bestowest upon the worshiper, will be in truth _a prosperity_ to thee,

O Angiras. 7. We approach thee in our minds, O Agni, day after day,

by night and day, to offer thee our adoration. 8. Thee the radiant

guardian of the meet _reward_ of the sacrifices, who is resplendent

and increasing in his sacred house. 9. Be thou, O Agni, accessible to

us, as a father is to the son; be near us for our welfare" (Roer, p.

1).

Even more important than Agni is Indra, the great national god of

the Hindus. He is above all things a combative god. His strength is

immense, and his worshipers implore him to give them victory and power.

He slays the demon Vrittra, a myth symbolizing the dispersion of clouds

by the sun. Above all, he loves the juice of the Soma plant (_Asclepias

acida_), which is poured out to him abundantly in sacrifice, which he

consumes with avidity, and from which he derives renewed force and

energy. These two stanzas, taken from the Sâma-Veda, express some of

his attributes:—

"Thou, O Indra, art glorious, thou art victorious, thou art the lord

of strength; thou conquerest the strong enemies singly and alone, thou

unconquered refuge of men. To thee, living One, we pray; to thee now

the very wise, for treasures, as for our share; may thy blessing be

granted us" (S. V., ii. 6. 2. 12).

The following hymn brings into especial prominence the more warlike

functions of Indra, and may be regarded as a prayer "in the time of war

and tumults:"—

8. "May Indra be the leader of these (our armies); may Brihaspati,

Largess, Sacrifice and Soma march in front; may the host of Maruts

precede the crushing, victorious armies of the gods. May the fierce

host of the vigorous Indra, of King Varuna, of the Adityas, and the

Maruts (go before us); the shout of the great-souled, conquering,

world-shaking gods, has ascended.... 10. Rouse, O opulent god, the

weapons, rouse the souls of our warriors, stimulate the power of the

mighty men; may shouts arise from the conquering chariots. 11. May

Indra be ours when the standards clash; may our arrows be victorious:

may our strong men gain the upper-hand; preserve us, O gods, in the

fray. 12. Bewildering the hearts of our enemies, O Apvâ (Apvâ is

explained as a disease or fear), take possession of their limbs and

pass onward; come near, burn them with fires in their hearts; may our

enemies fall into blind darkness" (O. S. T., vol. v. p. 110.—Rig-Veda,

x. 103).

Indra's Soma-drinking propensities are not particularly alluded to in

these verses: elsewhere they form the ever-recurring burden of the

chants of which he is the hero. Thus, to take but one specimen, which,

by its resemblance to others, may fitly stand for all, he is thus

lauded:—

1. "May the Somas delight thee! bestow grace, O hurler of lightning!

destroy him who hates the priest. 2. Thou who art praiseworthy, drink

our drink! thou art sprinkled with streams of honey! from thee, O

Indra, glory is derived.... 4. The Indus (the Somas) stream into thee,

like rivers, Indra! into the sea, and never overfill thee" (S. V., i.

1. 1).

Indra is, in fact, the Zeus of Indian mythology; the thunderer, the

god of the sky, the all-powerful protector of men and destroyer of

the demons of darkness. His functions are easily understood, but it

is curious that the Soma, which is offered to him in sacrifice, and

which he drinks with all the avidity of a confirmed toper, is itself

celebrated as a god of very considerable powers. Soma appears to be

regarded as a sort of mediator between the greatest gods and men,

especially between man and Indra. He is repeatedly entreated to go

to Indra, to flow around him, and thus to conciliate and delight him.

But Soma can confer benefits independently. One poet implores him to

stream forth blessing "on the ox, the man, and the horse; and, O king,

blessings on plants" (S. V., ii. 1. 1. 1). In the hymns devoted to him

he is raised to an exalted station among the celestial beings, while

the sacrifice in which he is drunk by the priests is the capital right

in the Brahmanical liturgy (A. B., vol. i. p. 59). The most eminent

virtues are inherent in this divine beverage, when taken with all the

ceremonies prescribed by traditional law. The Soma juice has, in the

opinion of Hindu theologians, "the power of uniting the sacrificer on

this earth with the celestial King Soma," and making him "an associate

of the gods, and an inhabitant of the celestial world" (Ibid., vol.

i. pp. 40, 80). Such was the excellence of this juice, that none

but Brahmans were permitted to imbibe it. Kings, at their inaugural

ceremonies, received a goblet which was nominally Soma, but on account

of their inferior caste they were in fact put off with some kind of

spirituous liquor which was supposed, by a mystical transformation,

to receive the properties of that most holy divinity (Ibid., vol. ii.

p. 522). Agreeably to this theory of Soma's extensive powers, he is

invoked in such terms, for instance, as these:—

7. "Place me, O purified god, in that everlasting and imperishable

world where there is eternal light and glory. O Indu (Soma), flow for

Indra. 8. Make me immortal in the world where king Vaivasvata (Yama,

the son of Vivasvat) lives, where is the innermost sphere of the sky,

where those great waters flow" (O. S. T., vol. v. p. 266.—Rig-Veda,

ix. 113).

Singular as it may seem that the juice of the Soma-plant should be at

once an object sacrificed on the altar to other gods and a god himself,

such a confusion of attributes will be less surprising to those who

are familiar with the Christian theory of the Atonement, in which the

same God is at once the person who decrees the sacrifice, the person

who accepts it, and the victim. At least the double function of Soma is

less perplexing than the triple function of Christ.

Considerable among Vedic deities are the Maruts, or gods of tempest.

They are in intimate alliance with Indra, to whom their violent nature

is closely akin. Their attributes are simple. A notion of them may

perhaps be gained from these verses:—

1. "What then now? When will you take (us) as a dear father takes

his son by both hands, O ye gods, for whom the sacred grass has been

trimmed? 2. Whither now? On what errand of yours are you going, in

heaven, not on earth? Where are your cows sporting? 3. Where are your

newest favors, O Maruts? Where the blessings? Where all delights?...

6. Let not one sin after another, difficult to be conquered, overcome

us; may it depart together with lust. 7. Truly they are furious

and powerful; even to the desert the Rudriyas bring rain that is

never dried up. 8. The lightning lows like a cow, it follows as a

mother follows after her young, that the shower (of the Maruts)

may be let loose. 9. Even by day the Maruts create darkness with

the water-bearing cloud, when they drench the earth. 10. From the

shout of the Maruts over the whole space of the earth, men reeled

forward. 11. Maruts on your strong-hoofed steeds go on easy roads

after those bright ones (the clouds) which are still locked up. 12.

May your felloes be strong, the chariots, and their horses; may your

reins be well fashioned. 13. Speak out forever with thy voice to

praise the Lord of prayer, Agni, who is like a friend, the bright

one. 14. Fashion a hymn in thy mouth! Expand like a cloud! Sing a

song of praise. 15. Worship the host of the Maruts, the brisk, the

praiseworthy, the singers. May the strong ones stay here among us" (R.

V. S., vol. i. p. 65.—Rig-Veda, i. 38).

The most charming member of the Vedic pantheon, and the one who seems

to have called forth from the Rishis the deepest poetical feeling,

is Ushas (Ἔως), the Dawn. Her continual reappearance, or birth,

morning after morning, seems to have filled them with delight and

tenderness. The hymn now to be quoted—too long to be extracted in

full—gives expression to the feelings with which they gazed upon this

ever-recurring mystery:—

2. "The fair and bright Ushas, with her bright child (the Sun), has

arrived; to her the dark (night) has relinquished her abodes; kindred

to one another, immortal, alternating Day and Night go on changing

color. 3. The same is the never-ending path of the two sisters, which

they travel, commanded by the gods. They strive not, they rest

not, the prolific Night and Dawn, concordant, though unlike. 4. The

shining Ushas, leader of joyful voices (or hymns) has been perceived;

she has opened for us the doors (of the sky); setting in motion all

moving things, she has revealed to us riches. Ushas has awakened all

creatures.... 6. (Arousing) one to seek royal power, another to follow

after fame, another for grand efforts, another to pursue as it were

his particular object,—Ushas awakes all creatures to consider their

different modes of life. 7. She, the daughter of the sky, has been

beheld breaking forth, youthful clad in shining attire: mistress of

all earthly treasures. Auspicious Ushas, shine here to-day. 8. Ushas

follows the track of the Dawns that are past, and is the first of the

unnumbered Dawns that are to come, breaking forth, arousing life and

awaking every one that was dead.... 10. How great is the interval that

lies between the Dawns which have arisen, and those which are yet to

arise! Ushas yearns longingly after the former Dawns, and gladly goes

on shining with the others (that are to come). 11. Those mortals are

gone who saw the earliest Ushas dawning; we shall gaze upon her now;

and the men are coming who are to behold her on future morns.... 13.

Perpetually in former days did the divine Ushas dawn; and now to-day

the magnificent goddess beams upon this world: undecaying, immortal,

she marches on by her own will" (O. S. T., vol. v. p. 188.—Rig-Veda,

i. 113).

Hardly a trace of a moral element is to be found in those productions

of the Rishis which have hitherto been quoted. And such as these are is

the general character of the Rig-Veda-Sanhitâ. It consists in petitions

for purely material advantages, coupled with unbounded celebrations of

the power of the god invoked, often under the coarsest anthropomorphic

images. But while it must be admitted that the sentiment expressed is

rarely of a high order, it must not be supposed that the old Hindu

gods are altogether destitute of ethical attributes. Marked exceptions

to the general tenor of the supplications offered to them certainly

occur. There are passages which betray a decided consciousness of

sin, a desire to be forgiven and a conviction that certain kinds of

conduct entail divine disapprobation, while other kinds bring divine

approbation. Thus, in the hymns addressed to the Adityas, a class of

gods generally reckoned as twelve in number, and to Mitra and Varuna,

two of these Adityas, such feelings are plainly expressed (O. S. T.,

vol. v. p. 56 ff). Of these two, Mitra is sometimes explained as the

Sun, or the god of Day, Varuna as the god of Night. Varuna—whose name

corresponds to that of Ouranos—is a very great and powerful divinity,

who is endowed by his adorers with the very highest attributes. He is

said to have meted out heaven and earth, and to dwell in all worlds as

their sovereign, embracing them within him (Ibid., vol. v. p. 61). He

is said to witness sin, and is entreated to have mercy on sinners. One

penitent poet implores Varuna to tell him for what offense he seeks to

kill his worshiper and friend, for all the sages tell him that it is

Varuna who is angry with him. And he pleadingly contends that he was

not an intentional culprit; he has been seduced by "wine, anger, dice,

or thoughtlessness." Another begs the god that, in whatever way mortals

may have broken his laws, he will be gracious. A third admits that

he, who was Varuna's friend, has offended against him, but asks that

they who are guilty may not reap the fruits of their sin; concluding

with this amicable hint: "Do thou, a wise god, grant protection to

him who praises thee" (O. S. T., vol. v. pp. 66, 67). "The attributes

and functions ascribed to Varuna," observes Dr. Muir, "impart to his

character a moral elevation and sanctity far surpassing that attributed

to any other Vedic deity" (Ibid., vol. v. p. 66). And while even in the

earlier portion of the Rig-Veda—from which the above expressions have

been collected by Dr. Muir—such qualities are ascribed to Varuna, we

shall find a still higher conception of his character in a later work,

the Atharva-Veda. Here is the description of the Lord of Heaven from

the mouth of the Indian Psalmist:—

1. "The great lord of these worlds sees as if he were near. If a man

thinks he is walking by stealth, the gods know it all. 2. If a man

stands or walks or hides, if he goes to lie down or to get up, what

two people sitting together whisper, King Varuna knows it, he is there

as the third. 3. This earth, too, belongs to Varuna, the king, and

this wide sky with its ends far apart. The two seas (the sky and the

ocean) are Varuna's loins; he is also contained in this small drop of

water. 4. He who should flee far beyond the sky, even he would not be

rid of Varuna, the king. His spies proceed from heaven towards this

world; with thousand eyes they overlook this earth. 5. King Varuna

sees all this that is between heaven and earth, and what is beyond. He

has counted the twinklings of the eyes of men. As a player throws the

dice he settles all things. 6. May all thy fatal nooses, which stand

spread out seven by seven and threefold, catch the man who tells a

lie; may they pass by him who tells the truth" (A. S. L.—Atharva-Veda,

iv. 16).

A consciousness of the unity of Deity, under whatever form he may be

worshiped, adumbrated here and there in earlier hymns, becomes very

prominent in the later portions of the Veda. From the most ancient

times, possibly, occasional sages may have attained the conception so

familiar to the Hindu thinkers of a later age, that a single mysterious

essence of divinity pervaded the universe. And in the tenth book of the

Rig-Veda, which is generally admitted to belong to a more recent age

than the other nine books, as also in the Atharva-Veda, this essence

is celebrated under various names; as Purusha, as Brahma, as Prajapati

(Lord), or Skambha (Support). The hymns in which this consciousness

appears are extremely mystical, but a notice of the Veda, however

slight, would be very imperfect without a due recognition of their

presence. They form the speculative element partly in the midst of,

partly succeeding to, the simple, practical, naked presentation of

the commonplace daily wants and physical desires of the early Rishis.

Take the following texts from the first book of the Rig-Veda. They

give utterance to an incipient sentiment of divine unity. The first

celebrates a goddess Aditi: "Aditi is the sky, Aditi is the air, Aditi

is the mother and father and son. Aditi is all the gods and the five

classes of men. Aditi is whatever has been born. Aditi is whatever

shall be born" (O. S. T., vol. v. p. 354.—Rig-Veda, i. 89. 10). More

remarkable than this—for we may suspect here a sectarian desire to

glorify a favorite goddess—is this assertion: "They call him Indra,

Mitra, Varuna, Agni; and he is the celestial (well-winged) Garutmat.

Sages name variously that which is but one: they call it Agni, Yama,

Mâtarisvan" (O. S. T., vol. v. p. 353.—Rig-Veda, i. 164. 46). In the

tenth book of the Rig-Veda, the presence of the speculative element in

the theology of the Rishis,—their longing to find a universal Being

whom they could adore,—is much more marked. Thus do they express this

sentiment:—"Wise poets make the beautiful-winged, though he is one,

manifold by words" (Chips, vol. i. p. 29.—Rig-Veda, x. 114. 5). Or more

elaborately thus:—

1. "In the beginning there arose the golden Child—He was the one born

lord of all that is. He established the earth and this sky;—Who is

the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifice? 2. He who gives life,

He who gives strength; whose command all the bright gods revere;

whose shadow is immortality, whose shadow is death;—Who is the God

to whom we shall offer our sacrifice? 3. He who through his power is

the one King of the breathing and awakening world; He who governs all

man and beast; Who is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifice?

4. He whose greatness these snowy mountains, whose greatness the

sea proclaims, with the distant river—He whose these regions are,

as it were his two arms;—Who is the God to whom we shall offer our

sacrifice? 5. He through whom the sky is bright and the earth firm—He

through whom the heaven was established,—nay, the highest heaven;—He

who measured out the light in the air;—Who is the God to whom we shall

offer our sacrifice? 6. He to whom heaven and earth, standing firm

by His will, took up, trembling inwardly—He over whom the rising sun

shines forth;—Who is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifice?

7. Wherever the mighty water-clouds went, where they placed the seed

and lit the fire, thence arose He who is the sole life of the bright

gods;—Who is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifice? 8. He who

by his might looked even over the water-clouds, the clouds which

gave strength and lit the sacrifice; He who alone is God above all

gods;—Who is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifice? 9. May He

not destroy us—He the creator of the earth; or He, the righteous, who

created the heaven; He also created the bright and mighty waters;—Who

is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifice?" (Chips, vol. i. p.

29, or A. S. L., p. 569.—Rig-Veda, x. 121).

The same book contains a very important hymn, entitled the Purusha

Sûkta. In it we find ourselves transported from the transparent

elemental worship of the ancient Aryas into the misty region of

Brahmanical subtleties. Purusha appears to be conceived as the

universal essence of the world, all existences being but one-quarter

of him. The theory of sacrifice occupies, as in the later Indian

literature generally, a prominent position. Purusha's sacrifice

involved the momentous consequences of the creation of the several

Vedas and of living creatures. The four castes sprang from different

parts of his person, the parts corresponding to their relative

dignity. The purpose of this portion is obvious, namely, to give

greater sanctity to the system of caste, a system to which the earlier

hymn makes no allusion, and which we may suppose to have grown up

subsequently to the era of their composition. Tedious as it is, the

Purusha Sûkta is too weighty to be quite passed over.

1. "Purusha has a thousand heads, a thousand eyes, a thousand feet.

On every side enveloping the earth, he overpassed (it) by a space of

ten fingers. 2. Purusha himself is this whole (universe), whatever

has been and whatever shall be. He is also the lord of immortality,

since (or when) by food he expands. 3. Such is his greatness, and

Purusha is superior to this. All existences are a quarter of him; and

three-fourths of him are that which is immortal in the sky. 4. With

three-quarters Purusha mounted upwards. A quarter of him was again

produced here. He was then diffused everywhere over things which eat

and things which do not eat. 5. From him was born Virāj, and from

Virāj, Purusha. When born, he extended beyond the earth, both behind

and before. 6. When the gods performed a sacrifice with Purusha as

the oblation, the spring was its butter, the summer its fuel, and the

autumn its (accompanying) offering. 7. This victim, Purusha, born in

the beginning, they immolated on the sacrificial grass. With him the

gods, the Sādhyas, and the Rishis sacrificed. 9. From that universal

sacrifice sprang the rich and sāman verses, the metres and the yajush.

10. From it sprang horses, and all animals with two rows of teeth;

kine sprang from it; from it goats and sheep. 11. When (the gods)

divided Purusha, into how many parts did they cut him up? what was his

mouth? what arms (had he)? what (two objects) are said (to have been)

his thighs and feet? 12. The Brahman was his mouth; the Râjanya was

made his arms; the being (called) the Vaisya, he was his thighs; the

Sûdra sprang from his feet. 13. The moon sprang from his soul (manas),

the sun from his eye, Indra and Agni from his mouth, and Vāyu from his

breath. 14. From his navel arose the air, from his head the sky, from

his feet the earth, from his ear the (four) quarters; in this manner

(the gods) formed the worlds. 15. When the gods, performing sacrifice,

bound Purusha as a victim, there were seven sticks (stuck up) for it

(around the fire), and thrice seven pieces of fuel were made. 16. With

sacrifice the gods performed the sacrifice. These were the earliest

rites. These great powers have sought the sky, where are the former

Sādhyas, gods" (O. S. T., vol. i. p. 9.—Rig-Veda, x. 90).

The wide interval which separates theological theories of this kind

from the primitive hymns to the old polytheistic gods, is also marked

by a tendency to personify abstract intellectual conceptions, and to

confer exalted attributes upon them. Skambha, or Support, mentioned

above; Kâla, Time, celebrated in the Atharva-Veda; Speech, endowed

with personal powers in the tenth book of the Rig-Veda; Wisdom, to

whom prayer is offered in the Atharva-Veda, are instances of this

generalizing tendency. As a specimen, the hymn to Wisdom may be taken,

and readers may console themselves with the reflection that it is our

last quotation from the Mantra part of the Veda:—

1. "Come to us, wisdom, the first, with cows and horses; (come)

thou with the rays of the sun; thou art to us an object of worship.

2. To (obtain) the succor of the gods, I invoke wisdom the first,

full of prayer, inspired by prayer, praised by rishis, imbibed by

Brahmachārins. 3. We introduce within me that wisdom which Ribhus

know, that wisdom which divine beings (asurāh) know, that excellent

wisdom which rishis know. 4. Make me, O Agni, wise to-day with that

wisdom which the wise rishis—the makers of things existing—know. 5.

We introduce wisdom in the evening, wisdom in the morning, wisdom at

noon, wisdom with the rays of the sun, and with speech" (O. S. T.,

vol. i. p. 255 note.—Atharva-Veda, vi. 108).

Interesting as the Mantra of the Vedas is from the fact of its being

the oldest Bible of the Aryan race, it is impossible for modern

readers to feel much enthusiasm for its contents. The patient labor of

these scholars who have engaged in translations of some parts of it

for the benefit of European readers is highly commendable, but it is

probable that few who have read any considerable number of these hymns

will be desirous of a further acquaintance with them, unless for the

purpose of some special researches. Indeed, it may be said that the

devoted industry of Benfey, Muir, Max Müller, and others, has placed

more than a sufficient number of them within reach of the general

public to enable us all to judge of their literary value and their

religious teaching. With regard to the former, it would be difficult to

concede to them anything but a very modest place. In beauty of style,

expression, or ideas, they appear to me to be almost totally deficient.

Assuming, as we are entitled to do, that all the best specimens have

been already culled by scholars eager to find something attractive in

the Veda, it must be confessed that the general run of the hymns is

singularly monotonous, and their language by no means conspicuous for

poetical coloring. No doubt, poetry always loses in translation; but

Isaiah and Homer are still beautiful in a German or English dress; the

Sûktas of the Rig-Veda are not. A few exceptions no doubt occur, as in

the stanzas to Ushas, or Dawn, quoted above, but the ordinary level is

not a high one.

Although, however, the literary merit of the Veda cannot be ranked

high, its value to the religious history of humanity at large, and of

our race in particular, can hardly be overrated. To the comparative

mythologist, above all, it possesses illimitable interest, from the

new light it sheds upon the origin and significance of many of those

world-wide tales which, in their metamorphosed Hellenic shape, could

not be effectually brought under the process of dissection by which

their primitive elements have now been laid bare. Mythology is beyond

the province of this work, and therefore I purposely refrain from

entering upon any explanation of the physical meaning of the old Aryan

gods, or of the stories in which they figure.[57] All that I have to do

with here is the grade attained in the development of religious feeling

among those who worshiped them. And this, it is plain, was at first a

very elementary one. The more striking phenomena of nature—the sun, the

moon, the sky, the storms, the dawn, the fire—at first attracted their

attention, and absorbed their adoration. To these personal beings, as

they seemed to the awe-struck Rishis, petitions of the rudest type were

confidently addressed. Very little allusion, if any, was made to the

necessities of the moral nature; the craving for spiritual knowledge

was scarcely felt; but great stress was laid on temporal prosperity.

Boons of the most material kind were looked for at the hands of the

gods. Plenty of offspring, plenty of physical strength, plenty of

property, especially in cattle, and victory over enemies; such are the

requests most commonly poured into the ears of Indra, or Agni, or the

Maruts. These gods are regarded as the sympathizing friends of men, and

if they should fail to do what may reasonably be expected of a god, are

almost upbraided for their negligence. The conception of their power

is a high one, though that of their moral nature is still rudimentary.

Their greatness and their glory, their victories, their splendor,

are described in vigorous and high-sounding phrases. The changes are

rung upon their peculiar attributes or their famous exploits. Each

god in his turn is a great god; but all are separate individuals;

there appears in the crude Aryan mind to be as yet no dawning of the

perplexing questions on the unity of the Divine which troubled its

later development. For as it progresses, the Hindu religion gradually

changes. External calm, succeeding the wars of the first settlers,

promotes internal activity. The great problem of the Universe is

no longer solved, five or six centuries after the older Rishis had

passed away, in the simple fashion which satisfied their curiosity.

Multiplicity is now resolved into unity; mystical abstractions take

the place of the elementary powers of nature. Speech is a goddess; the

Vedas themselves—as in the Purusha hymn—acquire a quasi-divinity; the

Brahmachârin, or student of theology, is endowed with supernatural

attributes, due to the sacred character of his pursuits. Sacrifice,

fixed and regulated down to the smallest minutiæ, has a peculiar

efficacy, and becomes something of far deeper meaning than a merely

acceptable present to the gods. Every posture, every word, every

tone acquires importance. There are charms, there are curses, there

are incantations for good and evil purposes, for the acquisition of

wealth or the destruction of an enemy. It is by its collection of such

magical formulæ that the Atharva-Veda is distinguished from its three

predecessors. It forms the last stone laid upon the edifice of the

genuine Veda, an edifice built up by the labor of many centuries, and

including the whole of that original revelation to which the centuries

that succeeded it bowed down in reverence and in faith.

SUBDIVISION 2.—_The Brâhmanas._

Attached to this edifice as an outgrowth rather than an integral part,

the treatises known as Brâhmanas took their place as appendages of

the Sanhitâ. Although they are reckoned by the Hindus as belonging

to the Sruti, although their nominal rank is thus not inferior to

that of the true Veda, yet it must have taken them many generations

to acquire a position of honor to which nothing but tradition could

possibly entitle them. For any gleams of poetical inspiration, of

imaginative religious feeling, of naturalness or simple earnestness

that had shone athwart the minds of devout authors in preceding ages,

had apparently passed away when the Brâhmanas were composed. They are

the elaborate disquisitions of scholars, not the outpourings of men of

feeling. Religion was cut and dried when they were written; every part

of it has become a matter of definition, of theory, of classification.

If in the Vedic hymns we are placed before a stage where religious

faith is a living body, whose movements, perhaps uncouth, are still

energetic and genuine, the Brâmhanas, on the other hand, take us into

the dissecting-room, where the constituent elements of its corpse are

exposed to our observation. Not indeed that a true or deep faith had

ceased in the Brâhmana period; such an assertion would no doubt be

extravagant; but the Brâhmanas themselves are the products of minds

more given to analysis than to sentiment, and of an age in which the

predominant tendency, at least among cultivated Brahmans, was not so

much to feel religion as to think about it. It is so everywhere. The

Hebrew Bible, once fixed and completed, gives rise to the Mishnah.

The Apostles and Fathers of the Christian Church are followed by

a race of schoolmen. The simple Sûtras of Buddhism, replete with

plain, world-wide lessons of moral truth, give place to the abstruse

developments of incomprehensible theology. Thus the Brâhmanas mark the

epoch when the Veda had finally ceased to grow, and its every word

and letter had become the object of an unquestioning adoration as the

immediate emanation of God.

But among a people so subtle and so inquisitive in all matters of

religious belief as the Hindus, opinion could not rest unmoved upon

the original foundation. Their minds did not, like those of the Jews,

stop short for ever in their intellectual progression, chained to the

unshakeable rock of a god-given Revelation. Ever active, ever attracted

to the enigmas of life, the Brahmans pushed their speculations into

new regions of thought, pondered upon new problems, and invented new

solutions. Not that we are to expect to find in the literature of

this period any valuable discoveries or any very striking philosophy.

The true philosophical systems came later. But still we do find a

restless spirit of inquiry, ever prompting fresh efforts to conceive

the significance of the gods or to penetrate the mysteries of nature,

though the questions discussed are often trifling, and the results

arrived at frivolous.

Every Veda has, as already stated, its own Brâhmana or Brâhmanas.

Thus, two of these treatises appertain to the Rig-Veda; three to the

Sâma-Veda, one to the Black and one to the White Yajur-Veda, and one to

the Atharva-Veda (O. S. T., vol. i. p. 5). Appended to the Brâhmanas,

and forming, according to Dr. Muir, their "most recent portions," are

the Âranyakas and Upanishads, a kind of supplementary works devoted

to the elucidation of the highest points of theology. The Brâhmanas

present an example of Ritualism in all its glory. They fix the exact

nature of every part of every ceremony; describe minutely the mode

in which each sacrifice is to be offered; mention the Mantras to be

recited on each occasion; declare the benefits to be expected from the

several rites, and explain the reasons—drawn from the history of the

gods—why they are all to be performed in this particular way and order,

and in no other. They are in fact liturgies, accompanied by exposition.

Hence they are totally unfit for quotation in a general work, for

they would be incomprehensible without an accompanying essay on the

Vedic sacrifices, entering into details which would interest none but

professional students of the subject.

Thus, the Aitareya Brâhmana occupies itself entirely with the duties of

the Hotri priests; for the recitation of the Rig-Veda, to which this

Brâhmana belonged, was their province. Occasionally, however, the

Brâhmanas, Upanishads, and Âranyakas are enlivened by the introduction

of apologues, intended to illustrate the point of theological dogma

to which the author is addressing himself. Some of these apologues

are curious, though the style in which they are related is generally

so prolix as to preclude extraction. A notion of them may be gathered

from condensed statements. Thus, in the Brihad Âranyaka Upanishad a

story is told of a dispute among the vital organs as to which of them

was "best founded," _i. e._, most essential to life. To obtain the

decision of this controversy they repaired to Brahma, who said, "He

amongst you is best founded by whose departure the body is found to

suffer most." Hereupon Speech departed, and returning after a year's

absence, inquired how the others had lived without it. "They said, 'As

dumb people who do not speak by speech, breathing by the vital breath,

seeing by the eye, hearing by the ear, thinking by the mind, and

begetting children, so have we lived.'" The eye, the ear, the mind, the

organ of generation, each departed for a year, and, _mutatis mutandis_,

with similar results; blindness, deafness, idiocy, impotence, were all

compatible with life. Lastly, "the vital breath being about to depart,

as a great, noble horse from the Sindhu country raises its hoofs, so it

shook these vital organs from their places. They said, 'Do not depart,

O Venerable. We cannot live without thee.' 'If I am such, then offer

sacrifice to me.' (They answered)—'Be it so.'" All the other organs

hereupon admitted that their own existence depended on that of the

vital breath (B. A. U., ch. vi. p. 259).

Several narratives in various Brâhmanas point to the fact that

theological knowledge was not in these early days confined to the

single caste by which it was afterwards monopolized, for they speak

of well-read kings by whom Brahmans were instructed. In the Chândogya

Upanishad, for example, five members of the Brahmanical caste engaged

in a debate upon the question "Which is our soul, and which is Brahma?"

Unable to satisfy themselves, they repaired, accompanied by another

theologian who had been unable to answer them, to a monarch named

Asvapati, and declining his proffered gifts, requested him to impart to

them the knowledge he possessed of the Universal Soul. He accordingly

asked each of them in turn which soul he adored. The first replied

that he adored the heaven; the second, the sun; the third, the winds;

the fourth, the sky; the fifth, water; the sixth, the earth. To

each of them in turn the king admitted that it was indeed a partial

manifestation of the Universal Soul which he worshiped, and that its

adoration would confer some advantages. But, he finally added, "You

consume food, knowing the Universal Soul to be many; but he who adoreth

that Universal Soul which pervadeth the heaven and the earth, and is

the principal object indicated by (the pronoun) _I_, consumeth food

everywhere and in all regions, in every form and in every faculty." Of

that all-pervading Soul the several phenomena of the visible Universe

worshiped by the Brahmans in their ignorance are but parts (Chhand.

Up., ch. v. section 11-18, p. 92-97). Other Brâhmanas tell similar

stories of the occasional preëminence of the Kshattriya caste in the

rivalry of learning. Thus, the Satapatha Brâhmana, the Brihad Âranyaka

Upanishad, and the Kaushîtaki Brâhmana Upanishad, all refer to a

certain king Ajâtasatru, who proved himself superior in theological

disputation to a Brahman named Bālāki, "renowned as a man well-read in

the Veda." Let us take the version of the last-named Upanishad. Bālāki

proposed to "declare divine knowledge" to the king, who offered to give

him a thousand cows for his tuition. But after he had propounded his

views on the Deity, and had been put to shame by the king's answers,

the latter said, "Thou hast vainly proposed to me; let me teach

thee divine knowledge. He, son of Balaka, who is the maker of these

souls, whose work that is,—he is the object of knowledge." Convinced

of his ignorance, Bālāki proposed to become the king's pupil. "The

king replied, 'I regard it as an inversion of the proper rule that a

Kshattriya should initiate a Brahman. But come, I will instruct thee'"

(O. S. T., vol. i. p. 431).

Both these stories illustrate the striving towards conceptions of the

unity of the divine essence which is characteristic of this speculative

age. The next, from the Satapatha Brâhmana, has reference to another

important point,—the future of the soul. A young Brahman, called

Svetaketu, came to a monarch who inquired whether he had received a

suitable education from his father. The youth replied that he had.

Hereupon the king proceeded to put him through an examination, in

which he completely broke down. One of the questions was this:—"Dost

thou know the means of attaining the path which leads to the gods, or

that which leads to the Pitris (Ancestors (_patres_)); by what act

the one or the other is gained?" In other words did he know the way

to heaven? The student did not. Vexed at his failure, the young man

hastened to his father, reproached him with having declared that he

was instructed, and complained that the Râjanya had asked him five

questions, of which he knew not even one. Gautama inquired what they

were, and on hearing them, assured his son that he had taught him all

he himself knew. "But come, let us proceed thither, and become his

pupils." Receiving his guest with due respect, the king offered Gautama

a boon. Gautama begged for an explanation of the five questions.

"That," said the king, "is one of the divine boons; ask one of those

that are human." But Gautama protested that he had wealth enough of all

kinds, and added, "Be not illiberal towards us in respect to that which

is immense, infinite, boundless." The king accordingly accepted them as

his pupils, saying, "Do not attach any blame to me, as your ancestors

(did not). This knowledge has never heretofore dwelt in any Brahman;

but I shall declare it to thee. For who should refuse thee when thou so

speakest?" (O. S. T., vol. i. p. 434.)

Unhistorical as they probably are in their details, these traditions

are curious both as illustrating the predominant inclination to

speculative inquiries, and the fact that in those inquiries the

priestly caste was sometimes outshone by their more secular rivals. The

following quotation bears upon another doctrine, the transcendent merit

of patience under trials, even of the severest kind. Manu, the typical

ancestor of mankind, is represented as resigning his most precious

possessions to enable impious priests to perform a sacrifice:—

"Manu had a bull. Into it an Asura-slaying, enemy-slaying voice had

entered. In consequence of this (bull's) snorting and bellowing,

Asuras and Râkshasas (these are species of demons) were continually

destroyed. Then the Asuras said, 'This bull, alas! does us mischief;

how shall we overcome him?' Now there were two priests of the Asuras

called Kilâta and Akuli. They said, 'Manu is a devout believer: let

us make trial of him.' They went and said to him, 'Let us sacrifice

for thee.' 'With what victim?' he asked. 'With this bull,' they

replied. 'Be it so,' he answered. When it had been slaughtered,

the voice departed out of it, and entered into Manu's wife Mânavî.

Wherever they hear her speaking, the Asuras and Râkshasas continue to

be destroyed in consequence of her voice. The Asuras said, 'She does

us yet more mischief; for the human voice speaks more.' Kilâta and

Akuli said, 'Manu is a devout believer: let us make trial of him.'

They came and said to him, 'Manu, let us sacrifice for thee.' 'With

what victim?' he asked. 'With this (thy) wife,' they replied. 'Be it

so,' he answered" (O. S. T., vol. i. p. 188).

Sometimes, though not often, the Brâhmanas contain references to

moral conduct. A very theological definition of Duty is given in the

Chândogya Upanishad, where it is stated, "Threefold is the division of

Duty. Sacrifice, study, and charity constitute the first; penance is

the second; and residence by a Brahmachârin (a student of theology)

exclusively in the house of a tutor is the third. All those [who attend

to these duties] attain virtuous regions; the believer in Brahma alone

attains to immortality" (A. B., vii. 2. 10). In another Brâhmana it is

asserted that "the marriage of Faith and Truth is a most happy one. For

by Faith and Truth joined they conquer the celestial world" (Chhand.

Up., ch. ii. sec. 23). And the the story of Sunahsepa, which contains

an emphatic repudiation of human sacrifice, has a moral bearing. As a

rule, however, the Brâhmanas do not concern themselves with ethical

questions. The rules of sacrifice, and the doctrines of a complicated

theology, are their main business; and the topics they are thus led to

debate in elaborate detail must frequently impress the European reader

as not only uninteresting, but unmeaning.

An analysis of religious belief · 第 3 / 11 章