CHAPTER II.

PREPARATION FOR CONFLICT.

DEFENCELESS CONDITION OF WASHINGTON--SECESSION SYMPATHIZERS IN

OFFICE--VOLUNTEERS IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA--COL. CHARLES P.

STONE--PROTECTION OF PUBLIC OFFICES AND GUARDING OF

COMMUNICATIONS--UPRISING OF THE PEOPLE--RESPONSE OF THE MILITIA--THE

SIXTH MASSACHUSETTS IN BALTIMORE--THE NEW YORK SEVENTH REACHES

WASHINGTON--DEATH OF COLONEL ELLSWORTH--SOUTHERN MILITARY

AGGRESSION--HARPER'S FERRY CAPTURED--GOSPORT NAVY YARD BURNED AND

EVACUATED.

During the interval between the election and the inauguration of

President Lincoln, a very alarming condition of affairs existed at the

national capital. The administration was in the hands of men who, even

those who were not actively disloyal, were not Republicans, and did

not desire to assume responsibility for the crisis which the

Republican success at the polls had precipitated.

[Illustration: ON THE MARCH.]

[Illustration]

[Illustration: RETURN FROM SKIRMISHING.]

The Government service was honeycombed with secession sentiment, which

extended from cabinet officers down to department clerks. Always

essentially a city of Southern sympathies, Washington was filled with

the advocates of State Rights. The retiring Democratic President,

James Buchanan, in addition to a perhaps not unnatural timidity in the

face of impending war and a reluctance to embroil his administration

in affairs which it properly belonged to the incoming administration

to settle, was also torn with conflicting opinions as to the

constitutional questions involved, especially as to his power to

coerce a sovereign State. Turning to his cabinet for advice, he was

easily led to do the things that simplified the Southern preparations

to leave the Union.

{20} It has been told that the regular army troops had been sent away

from Washington, leaving a mere handful of marines on duty there. It

became a problem for loyal men to devise means for the maintenance of

order at the seat of Government. It being the policy of the Government

at that time to do nothing to provoke hostilities, it was deemed

unwise to bring regular troops openly into Washington. There was no

regularly organized militia there; only a few independent companies of

doubtful, or unascertained, loyalty.

The aged Gen. Winfield Scott was in command of the army in 1860, and

appreciating that trouble would come either from continued

acquiescence in the aggressions of the South or from a show of force,

he advised the President to quietly enroll the loyal people of the

District of Columbia for the guardianship of the capital. For this

duty he called in Charles P. Stone, a graduate of West Point and a

veteran of the Mexican war, who was made Inspector-General of the

District of Columbia, with the rank of colonel.

Colonel Stone took measures to ascertain the sentiments of the

existing independent military companies. With admirable diplomacy he

disarmed such of them as were found to be disloyal. Some of them he

found to be in excellent condition of drill and equipment, by

connivance of the Secretary of War, John B. Floyd, and they were well

aware that it was their destiny to help defend the South against the

"coercion" of the Yankees. Opposition from the War Department to

Colonel Stone's measures ceased with Floyd's resignation, and under

the new Secretary of War, Joseph Holt (afterward Lincoln's

Attorney-General), he was able to enroll in a few weeks thirty-three

companies of infantry volunteers and two troops of cavalry, under

trustworthy leaders. These were recruited from neighborhoods, from

among artisans, and from fire companies. All this was done with the

discretion required by the strained condition of public feeling, which

was such that, as General Scott said to Colonel Stone, "a dog-fight

might cause the gutters of the capital to run with blood." As the time

for Lincoln's inauguration approached, it became safe to move more

openly; and by the 4th of March a company of sappers and miners and a

battery had been brought down from West Point, while thirty new

companies had been added to the volunteer force of the District.

[Illustration: WASH-DAY IN CAMP--GUARDING THE SUPPLY TRAIN.]

{21} [Illustration: LAST MOMENTS OF JOHN BROWN.

John Brown of Ossawatomie, spake on his dying day:

"I will not have to shrive my soul a priest in slavery's pay,

But let some poor slave-mother, whom I have striven to free,

With her children, from the gallows stair, put up a prayer for me!"

John Brown of Ossawatomie, they led him out to die:

And lo! a poor slave-mother, with her little child, pressed nigh;

Then the bold blue eye grew tender, and the old harsh face grew

mild,

As he stooped between the crowding ranks, and kissed the negro's

child!

J. G. Whittier.]

In the first enthusiasm over the dramatic incidents attending the

beginning of hostilities, the great services rendered by these troops

were overlooked by the public. Abraham Lincoln's journey to Washington

was beset with such danger that the last stage of it was made

secretly, in advance of the published programme, and there was great

rejoicing when it was announced that the President was "safe in

Washington." He could not have been safe there except for the {22}

presence of Colonel Stone's volunteers. Trouble was apprehended at his

inauguration. But the dispositions made by Colonel Stone secured peace

and quiet for that ceremonial in a city teeming with traitors and

would-be assassins. The advance to Washington of the troops called out

by Lincoln's proclamation of April 15 was opposed in Maryland,

regiments were attacked in the streets of Baltimore, and communicating

railroad bridges were burned in order that no more troops for the

subjugation of the South might pass through that border city. The

South was flocking to arms, stimulated by the desire of seizing

Washington. To a delegation that called on the President to protest

against the passage of troops through Baltimore, Mr. Lincoln summed up

the situation by saying: "I _must_ have troops for the defence of the

capital. The Carolinians are marching across Virginia to seize the

capital and hang me. What am I to do? I _must_ have troops, I say; and

as they can neither crawl under Maryland nor fly over it, they must

come across it."

During all this troubled time the District volunteers were the only

reliance for the security of the public property, for guarding the

approaches to the city, and for keeping open the communications for

the entrance of the coming troops. They were among the first to be

mustered into the United States service, and among the first to

advance into Virginia.

[Illustration: LONG BRIDGE--OVER THE POTOMAC, AT WASHINGTON. The

planks were laid loose on the beams, and at night they were taken up,

so that the bridge could not be crossed by the Confederate cavalry

that hovered about the capital.]

To secure the public buildings against a rising among the

secessionists living in Washington, the volunteer companies and the

regular army batteries were conveniently posted, the bridges and

highways leading to the city were guarded, and signals were arranged

for the concentration at any given point of the eight thousand men who

now constituted the garrison of the capital. Provisions were collected

and stored, many of them in the Capitol building, and, to such extent

as the force warranted, Washington was considered secure unless a

Southern army was marched against it. And this impending danger was

daily increasing. On April 17, Jefferson Davis, the President of the

Confederacy, had called for thirty-two thousand troops, and had

offered letters of marque to vessels to attack American commerce. The

arrival of the militia called out by President Lincoln's proclamation

was anxiously awaited.

* * * * *

Almost before the boom of the guns that were fired on Sumter had

ceased, military preparations were actively under way in nearly every

city and village in the North. The uniformed {23} militia regiments

were promptly filled up to their full numbers by new enlistments. Home

Guards were organized in country towns, to defend their homes should

the war be waged in the North, and to man afresh, when necessary, the

companies already sent out. To fife and drum, the ununiformed farmers

marched up and down the village green, temporarily armed with

shot-guns and smooth-bore rifles, acquiring proficiency in "Hardee's

Tactics" under the direction of old militia officers who had shone

resplendent on former "training days." Neither custom nor regulations

prescribing any particular uniforms, the greatest variety of fancy was

shown in the equipment of the volunteers. Some adopted the zouave

uniform, which had become popular through the then recent war between

France and Austria and the memories of Magenta and Solferino.

Garibaldi was a popular hero of the day, and the red shirts of his

trusty men were another of the uniforms particularly favored. The war

enthusiasm extended to the women and children, and sewing circles were

organized for the making of many useful, and also many useless,

articles for camp and hospital. The "havelocks"--a cap-cover and cape

combined--however useful in India, were not wanted in America. Later,

when there were sick and wounded to be cared for, these organizations

of women were of inestimable service in preparing lint, bandages, and

delicacies for the hospitals.

[Illustration: BRIGADIER-GENERAL MONTGOMERY C. MEIGS.]

[Illustration: MAJ.-GEN. JOHN E. WOOL.]

[Illustration: OLD CAPITOL PRISON, WASHINGTON, D. C.]

Prompt to discern the coming appeal to arms, John A. Andrew, the

famous "war governor" of Massachusetts, had begun to recruit, arm, and

equip his State militia as early as February, 1860, and by the time

the call for troops came he had thirteen thousand men ready, not only

to go to the front, but to furnish their own camp equipage and

rations. Of these, nearly four thousand responded to the first call

for three-months' volunteers. The first regiment to start for

Washington was the Sixth Militia, Col. Edward F. Jones, which left

Boston on April 17, only three days after the fall of Sumter. The

passage of the train bearing this regiment was one long ovation from

Boston to Philadelphia. At the latter city, as at New York, the men

were received with enthusiastic hospitality, welcomed, fed, and plied

with good things for their already overstocked haversacks; and it

began to seem as though war were one continuous picnic. At least until

the defence of Washington should begin, they were under no

apprehension of trouble, until, on approaching Baltimore, on April 19,

the anniversary of the Revolutionary battle of Lexington, the officers

were warned that the passage of the regiment through that city would

be forcibly opposed by a mob, which was already collected and marching

about the city, following a secession flag. Colonel Jones ordered

ammunition to be distributed, and, passing through the cars in person,

he warned the men that they were to pay no attention to abuse or even

missiles, and that, if it became necessary for them to fire on the

mob, they would receive orders to that effect from their commandants.

The passage of trains through Baltimore at that period was by horse

power across the city, from one depot to another. The horses being

quickly attached as soon as the locomotive was taken off, cars

carrying about two-thirds of the regiment were driven rapidly over the

route; but to intercept the remaining four companies the mob

barricaded the tracks, and it became necessary for these to abandon

the cars and cover the remaining distance on foot. At once they became

the target for showers of stones thrown by the mob, and in order to

lessen the need of armed resistance, the officers gave the order to

proceed at the double-quick. It was a mistake, but a common one when

citizen soldiers are dealing with a mob; the most merciful as well as

the wisest course being to scatter the mob promptly by a warning,

followed by the promised volley. The mob thought they had the troops

on the run, and were encouraged to believe that they either dared not

shoot or that they were without ammunition. The missiles were followed

with pistol shots, at which one soldier fell dead. Then the order to

fire was given to the troops, and several of the crowd, rioters and

spectators, fell. The mayor of Baltimore joined the officers at the

head of the column, to give his authority to its progress, and also to

tell the officers to {24} defend themselves. Instead of being faced

about to confront the mob, the troops were marched steadily forward,

turning about as they advanced and delivering a desultory fire, which,

however, did not deter the mob from continuing its attack. At last,

Marshal Kane, of the Baltimore police, interposed with a company of

policemen between the rear of troops and the rioters, formed a line,

and ordered the mob back on penalty of a pistol volley. This was so

effective as to practically end the affair, and without further

serious disturbance the detachment joined their comrades at the Camden

station, and boarded the train that took them to Washington. The

regiment's loss was four killed and thirty-six wounded. The men were

furious over the affair, and it required all the authority of the

colonel to keep them from leaving the cars and taking vengeance on

Baltimore for the death of their comrades. Arrived at Washington, the

first regiment to come in response to the call of the President, they

were quartered in the Senate Chamber.

[Illustration: EPISCOPAL CHURCH, ALEXANDRIA, VA. General George

Washington and General Robert Lee attended this church.]

[Illustration: PROVOST-MARSHAL'S OFFICE, ALEXANDRIA, VA.]

After this incident, the mayor and police of Baltimore, who had done

their duty handsomely, with the approval of the governor destroyed the

tracks and railway bridges leading into the city, that there might be

no repetition of such scenes; and the troops that followed--the

Twenty-seventh Pennsylvania (which, unarmed, had reached Baltimore

with the Sixth Massachusetts, but had to turn back), the Eighth

Massachusetts under Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, and the famous Seventh

New York--had to reach Washington by way of Annapolis. The Seventh,

under Colonel Lefferts, was the first home regiment to leave New York

City, and nothing could exceed the enthusiasm of the demonstrations

that accompanied its march down Broadway. To greet its passage out of

the city to the front, all business was suspended, and the population

turned _en masse_ into the streets. Boxes of cigars and other luxuries

were thrust into the hands of the men as they passed down Broadway in

a triumphal march such as has never been surpassed in the annals of

the city. There was a certain dramatic element, new at the time, and

scarcely repeated during the war, in this departure of a regiment

composed literally of the flower of a great and wealthy city,

representing its best elements, social and commercial. When General

(then Major) McDowell mustered them in at Washington, he said to one

of the captains: "You have a company of officers, not privates;" and

out of the less than one thousand men composing this command, over six

hundred, mostly privates, afterward became officers in the Union army.

Among these were such names as Abram Duryea, who organized "Duryea's

Zouaves;" Egbert L. Viele, Noah L. Farnam, Edward L. Molineux,

Alexander Shaler, Louis Fitzgerald, Philip Schuyler, FitzJames

O'Brien; Robert G. Shaw, who fell at Fort Wagner, leading to the

assault his Massachusetts regiment, which was the first colored

regiment to be organized under State authority; and Theodore Winthrop,

whose death at Big Bethel, as a brave officer and man of letters, was

one of the conspicuous casualties of the early days of the war.

These troops were taken on transports from Philadelphia to Annapolis,

another town of {25} Southern sympathies, where, except for the

hospitality of the United States Naval Academy, they were most

unwelcome. From that point they made their way, at first by train, and

then, being obstructed by the destruction of railroads and railroad

bridges, by forced marches, until they reached Annapolis Junction,

where they were met by a regiment sent out from Washington to meet

them, and thence proceeded by rail again. The strict discipline of

Colonel Lefferts, to which they owed their successful pioneer work in

opening the way to the capital, took them in review past President

Lincoln at the White House before they breakfasted, and they had no

let-up on the hardship of their service until they were quartered in

the House of Representatives, where they were subsequently sworn into

the service of the Government.

This episode is worth recounting, since it was the determined advance

of these troops--the Eighth Massachusetts, under Colonel Hinks,

accompanying them--in spite of rumors of a large secessionist force

between them and Washington, that made access to the seat of

government practicable for the regiments that promptly followed them,

including more men from Pennsylvania and Massachusetts, the First

Rhode Island, the Sixth, Eighth, Ninth, and Seventy-first New York,

the latter regiments reaching Annapolis before the Seventh New York

and Eighth Massachusetts left, thus keeping the way open. Had the

rumored fifteen thousand rebels actually lain between Annapolis and

Washington, it would have gone hard with the Government and the

fortunes of the Union.

Troops continued to pour into Washington, until it really became an

embarrassment to know what to do with them. They "bunked" all over the

city, were quartered so far as practicable in the Government

buildings, and made the national capital festive with the pranks in

which they let off the animal spirits they carried into the grand

picnic they seemed to have started on. Among them, a regiment of

Zouaves, recruited from the New York Fire Department by Col. Elmer E.

Ellsworth, was conspicuous. They were the last of the old-time

"toughs," and they made things lively in the capital. They swarmed

over the Capitol building, scaling its walls and running about its

cornices in true fire-laddie fashion, and once they rendered a

distinct service to the city of Washington by saving a burning

building adjoining Willard's Hotel, displaying a reckless daring that

gave the District firemen some new ideas.

[Illustration: COLONEL ELMER E. ELLSWORTH.]

[Illustration: MARSHALL HOUSE, ALEXANDRIA. Where Colonel Ellsworth was

killed.]

[Illustration: THE DEATH OF ELLSWORTH.]

{26} [Illustration: JEFFERSON DAVIS AND HIS CABINET. JUDAH P.

BENJAMIN, Attorney-General--War--State. JOHN H. REAGAN,

Postmaster-General. STEPHEN R. MALLORY, Secretary of the Navy.

CHRISTOPHER G. MEMMINGER, Secretary of the Treasury. ROBERT TOOMBS,

Secretary of State. LEROY P. WALKER, Secretary of War.]

Ellsworth had attracted much attention in 1860 by the admirable work

of a company of Chicago Zouaves, with which he had given exhibition

drills in the East, and he was early commissioned a second lieutenant

in the regular army. But he resigned this position in order to

organize the Fire Zouaves, which he marched down Broadway under escort

of the Fire Department, and entered upon active service only to

sacrifice his life at the very beginning in a needless but tragic

manner. As soon as troops arrived in Washington in sufficient numbers,

the Government determined to make Washington secure by seizing its

outposts. Among these were Arlington Heights, across the Potomac, on

the "sacred soil of Virginia," of which this occupation was termed the

first "invasion." Ellsworth's regiment occupied the city of

Alexandria; and then, discovering a secession flag flying from the

Marshall House, the colonel mounted to the roof in person and tore the

flag down. Descending, he was met at the foot of the stairs by

Jackson, the proprietor of the hotel, who shot him dead with a

shot-gun. Ellsworth's death was promptly avenged by Private Francis E.

Brownell, who had accompanied him, and who put a bullet through

Jackson's head; but, as the first death of an officer, it created

wide-spread excitement {27} throughout the North, not excelled by that

over the Massachusetts men who fell in Baltimore, and royal honors

were shown to his remains. They lay in state in the White House, where

he had been a great favorite with the President, and were conveyed to

their last resting-place with every military distinction. Perhaps this

incident, more than any that had yet occurred, brought home to the

people of the North the reality of the war that was upon them. But it

only stimulated recruiting; the death of Ellsworth weighing far less

with the generous patriotism of the young men who filled up regiment

after regiment, than the glory of Ellsworth, and the honor of Private

Brownell.

* * * * *

While the levies were coming into Washington, the Southern leaders had

not been idle. Response to Jefferson Davis's call for troops was

general all over the States, and the week that intervened between

Sumter and the riot in Baltimore was a busy one. In Virginia, the

Governor took into his own hands measures for the defence of his

State. As early as April 15 he caused a number of militia officers to

be summoned to Richmond, and he placed in their hands the execution of

a movement to capture the United States Arsenal at Harper's Ferry, at

the junction of the Potomac and Shenandoah Rivers. Proceeding with a

small command through an unfriendly country, these officers, among

whom was the afterward famous Confederate general, John D. Imboden,

reached their destination in the gray of the early morning of April

18, the day after the Virginia Legislature had passed the ordinance of

secession. Instead of the resistance they had looked forward to on

information that a Massachusetts regiment was guarding Harper's Ferry,

they were welcomed with the sight of buildings in flames, which told

them, only too truly, that the United States garrison had abandoned

the place on their approach, and had set fire to the arsenal and

stores to save them from falling into the hands of the Confederates.

[Illustration: JEFFERSON DAVIS'S RESIDENCE IN RICHMOND.]

Early warning of the attempted seizure of Harper's Ferry had been

confided to a messenger who had volunteered to acquaint the Government

with the impending peril, and word was sent that heavy reinforcements

alone would save this property to the United States. But in those

formative days, when many earnest men hesitated between loyalty to the

Union and loyalty to their State, when officers like Lee abandoned the

old service with reluctance under a sense of paramount duty to their

State, a man who was loyal one day would conclude overnight to secede

with his State. And from some such cause as this, or through fear of

the consequences, the messenger never delivered the message to the War

Department, and the reinforcements, though anxiously expected, never

came. The arsenal had been left in charge of Lieut. Roger Jones, who

had been ordered to Harper's Ferry from Carlisle Barracks, Penn., with

a small force of forty-five men. Hearing nothing from Washington in

response to his request for aid, he made up his mind on the evening of

April 17, that the only course open to him was to save his garrison by

retreat, and destroy the property thus abandoned. This determination

was confirmed by the news brought to him, by a former superintendent

of the arsenal, of the coming of the Virginia troops. Although this

same man had loyally reported, so long before as January, that an

attempt might be made, he now told the workmen engaged at the arsenal

that within twenty-four hours the arsenal would be in the hands of the

Virginia forces, and advised them to protect the property, cast their

lot with the secessionists, and insure to themselves a continuance of

work under the new régime.

Lieutenant Jones immediately made secret preparations. He had trains

of powder laid through the buildings, and when the force of thirteen

hundred Virginians had approached to within a mile of the arsenal, at

nine o'clock on the evening of April 17, the torch was applied, and

the flames ran through the works, which were quickly burning. Some of

the powder trains had been wet by the Southern sympathizers among the

workmen, but the result was a practical destruction of nearly all that

would have been valuable as munitions of war. The powder that was

stored in the buildings exploded from time to time, effectually

preventing serious efforts to put out the fire. The garrison was

withdrawn {28} across the Potomac and marched back to Carlisle. When

the Virginians came up the next morning, they found only the burning

arsenal buildings to greet them.

Enough property was rescued from the destruction to make the capture a

useful one to the Confederates, however; and the possession of

Harper's Ferry gave them command of an important line of communication

with Washington, by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Anticipating the

use of this line for the transportation of Western troops to

Washington, Gen. Kenton Harper, commanding the Virginians, stopped the

first train through; but his only capture was the person of Gen.

William S. Harney, of the regular army, who was on his way to

Washington to resign his commission rather than engage in the civil

war. He was made a prisoner and sent to Richmond, whence he was

allowed to proceed on his errand. General Harney did not resign, but

was presently sent to Missouri to command the Department of the West.

But his conciliating method of dealing with the enemy, together with

his uncertain loyalty, caused him to be relieved very soon. The

strategic value of Harper's Ferry was developed under Col. Thomas J.

Jackson (afterward the celebrated "Stonewall"), who was made colonel

commandant of all the Virginia forces, superseding all the previously

existing militia generals. Robert E. Lee had been given the general

command of the State troops, with Jackson as his executive officer,

and by a legislative ordinance every militia officer above the grade

of captain had been relegated to private life unless reappointed by

the governor under the new dispensation.

[Illustration: THE CAPITOL AT RICHMOND.]

The bridge at Point of Rocks, a few miles down the Potomac toward

Washington, was seized and fortified against a possible attack by

General Butler, who was near Baltimore; and by a clever _ruse_ a great

number of trains on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad were "bagged," and

the cars and engines side-tracked into Strasburg, greatly facilitating

the Confederate train service in Virginia. Horses and supplies were

secured from the neighboring country, and when Gen. Joseph E. Johnston

superseded Jackson a month later at Harper's Ferry, the Confederates

were in good shape to confront an advance on their position from

Maryland or Pennsylvania, or to send reinforcements, as they did, when

the first considerable struggle of the war came at Bull Run, fifty

miles south of them.

[Illustration: ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS, Vice-President C. S. A.]

Another destruction of Government property by Government officers,

about this time, most unnecessary and unfortunate, deprived the Navy

Department of ships and material that would have been incalculably

precious, and furnished the Confederates with three ships, one of

which, the _Merrimac_, was to be heard from later in a signal manner.

At the Gosport Navy Yard, opposite Norfolk, Va., there were, besides

many munitions of war, no less than eleven fine war ships, a majority

of which were armed and ready for sea. The Government made prompt

preparations to secure these after the fall of Sumter; and but for the

delay of the commandant, Commodore Charles S. McCauley, in executing

his orders, a number of the vessels, with stores, armament, and crews,

would have been withdrawn into safe waters. But under the influence of

his junior officers, most of whom subsequently joined the Confederacy,

he deferred action until better prepared. This delay was fatal; for on

April 18 he suddenly was confronted by a hostile force, though small

in numbers, under General Taliaferro, which had seized Norfolk and

threatened the navy yard. The {29} action of the latter in waiting one

day for expected reinforcements from Richmond, and Commodore

McCauley's promise not to move a vessel or fire a shot except in

defence, gave the Union commander time to do what he could to destroy

the property in his charge; and on April 20 he scuttled every ship in

the harbor, sinking them just before the arrival of Capt. Hiram

Paulding in the _Pawnee_ with orders to relieve McCauley, and to save

or destroy the property. Seeing that it would be possible for the

enemy to raise the sunken vessels, and that after the ships had been

rendered useless he could not hold the place with his small force,

Paulding decided to complete the work of destruction as far as

possible, and told off his men in detachments for this duty. Ships,

ship-houses, barracks, wharves, were at the signal (a rocket) set

ablaze, and the display was magnificent as pyrotechnics, and

discouraging to the enemy, which had expected to secure a ready-made

navy for the taking of it. When to the roar of the flames was added

the boom of the loaded guns as the fire reached them, the effect was

tremendous. Under cover of all this, the _Pawnee_ drew out of the

harbor, accompanied by the steam-tug _Yankee_ towing the _Cumberland_,

which alone of the fleet had not been scuttled, and bearing the loyal

garrison and crews. In the haste with which the work of destruction

had been undertaken, the result was incomplete. The mine under the

dry-dock did not explode; and that most useful appliance, together

with many shops, cannon, and provisions, was secured by the

Confederates, who also succeeded in raising and using three of the

sunken and partially burned vessels--the _Merrimac_, _Raritan_, and

_Plymouth_, under the guns of the first of which, from behind its

armored sides, the _Cumberland_ afterward came to grief in Hampton

Roads.

[Illustration: BRIGADIER-GENERAL E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant

Adjutant-General.]

[Illustration: BRIGADIER-GENERAL CHARLES P. STONE.]

[Illustration: BRIGADIER-GENERAL WILLIAM S. HARNEY.]

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