The gentleman says that women have no right to petition on political

subjects; that it is discreditable, not only to their section of the

country, but also to the national character; that these females could have

a sufficient field for the exercise of their influence in the discharge of

their duties to their fathers, their husbands, or their children--cheering

the domestic circle, and shedding over it the mild radiance of the social

virtues, instead of rushing into the fierce struggles of political life. I

admit, sir, that it is their duty to attend to these things. I subscribe

fully, to the elegant compliment, passed by him upon those members of the

female sex who devote their time to these duties. But I say that the

correct principle is, that women are not only justified, but exhibit the

most exalted virtue, when they do depart from the domestic circle, and

enter on the concerns of their country, of humanity, and of their God. The

mere departure of woman from the duties of the domestic circle, far from

being a reproach to her, is a virtue of the highest order, when it is done

from purity of motive, by appropriate means, and towards a virtuous

purpose. That is the principle I maintain, and which the gentleman has to

refute, if he applies the position he has taken to the mothers, the

sisters, and the daughters of the men of my district who voted to send me

here. The motive, the means, and the purpose of their petition will bear

his scrutiny.

Why, sir, what does the gentleman understand by "political subjects?"

Everything in which this House has an agency-everything which relates to

peace and war, or to any of the great interests of society. Are women to

have no opinions or actions on subjects relating to the general welfare?

Where did the gentleman get this principle? Did he find it in sacred

history--in the language of Miriam the Prophetess, in one of the noblest

and most sublime songs of triumph that ever met the human eye or ear? Did

the gentleman never hear of the deed of Jael, who slew the dreaded enemy of

her country? Has he forgotten Esther, who, by her petition saved her people

and her country? Sir, I might go through the whole sacred history, and

find innumerable examples of women, who not only took an active part in the

politics of their times, but who are held up with honor to posterity for

doing so.

To go from sacred history to profane, does the gentleman there find it

"discreditable" for women to take any interest or any part in political

affairs? Has he forgotten the Spartan mother, who said to her son, when

going out to battle, "My son, come back to me with thy shield, or upon thy

shield?" Does he not remember Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, who

declared that her children were her jewels? And why? Because they were the

champions of freedom. Has he not read of Arria, who, under imperial

despotism, when her husband was condemned to die by a tyrant, plunged the

sword into her own bosom, and, handing it to her husband, said, "Take it,

Pætus, it does not hurt," and expired?

To come to a later period, what names are more illustrious than that of

Elizabeth, the great British queen, and that of Isabella of Castile, the

patroness of Columbus, the virtual discoverer of this hemisphere, for

without her that discovery would not have been made? Did they bring

"discredit" on their sex by mingling in politics? And what were the women

of the United States in the struggle of the Revolution? Were they devoted

exclusively to the duties and enjoyments of the fireside? When the soldiers

were destitute of clothing, or sick, or in prison, from whence did relief

come? From the hearts where patriotism erects her favorite shrine, and from

the hand which is seldom withdrawn when the soldier is in need. The voice

of our history speaks trumpet-tongued of the daring and intrepid spirit of

patriotism burning in the bosoms of the ladies of that day "Politics," sir,

"rushing into the vortex of politics!" They gloried in being called rebel

ladies, refusing to attend balls and entertainments, but crowding to the

hospitals and prison-ships! And, sir, is that spirit to be charged here, in

this hall where we are sitting, as being "discreditable" to our country's

name? So far from regarding such conduct as a national reproach, I approve

of it, and glory in it.

J. Q. Adams.

C.

VALUE OF POPULARITY.

MY Lords, I come now to speak upon what, indeed, I would have gladly

avoided, had I not been particularly pointed at for the part I have taken

in this bill. It has been said by a noble lord on my left hand, that I,

likewise, am running the race of popularity. If the noble lord means by

popularity, that applause bestowed by after-ages on good and virtuous

actions, I have long been struggling in that race; to what purpose,

all-trying time can alone determine: but, if the noble lord means that

mushroom popularity which is raised without merit, and lost without crime,

he is much mistaken in his opinion.

I defy the noble lord to point out a single action of my life, in which the

popularity of the times ever had the smallest influence on my

determinations. I have a more permanent and steady rule for my conduct, the

dictates of my own breast. Those that have foregone that pleasing adviser,

and given up their mind to be the slave of every popular impulse, I

sincerely pity: I pity them still more, if their vanity leads them to

mistake the shouts of the mob for the trumpet of fame. Experience might

inform them, that many who have been saluted with the huzzahs of a crowd

one day, have received its execrations the next; and many who by the

popularity of their times, have been held up as spotless patriots, have,

nevertheless, appeared upon the historian's page,--when truth has triumphed

over delusion,--the assassins of liberty.

True liberty, in my opinion, can only exist when justice is equally

administered to all,--to the king and to the beggar. Where is the justice,

then, or where is the law, that protects a member of Parliament more than

any other man from the punishment due to his crimes? The laws of this

country allow no place, nor employment to be a sanctuary for crimes; and

where I have the honor to sit as judge, neither royal favor, nor popular

applause shall ever protect the guilty.

Lord Mansfield.

CI.

SCORN TO BE SLAVES.

The voice of your father's blood cries to you from the ground, "My sons,

scorn to be slaves! In vain we met the frowns of tyrants; in vain we

crossed the boisterous ocean, found a new world, and prepared it for the

happy residence of liberty; in vain we toiled; in vain we fought; we bled

in vain, if you, our offspring, want valor to repel the assaults of her

invaders!" Stain not the glory of your worthy ancestors; but, like them,

resolve never to part with your birthright. Be wise in your deliberations,

and determined in your exertions for the preservation of your liberty.

Follow not the dictates of passion, but enlist yourselves under the sacred

banner of reason; use every method in your power to secure your rights; at

least, prevent the curses of posterity from being heaped upon your

memories. If you, with united zeal and fortitude, oppose the torrent of

oppression; if you feel the true fire of patriotism burning in your

breasts; if you, from your souls, despise the most gaudy dress which

slavery can wear; if you really prefer the lonely cottage, while blessed

with liberty, to gilded palaces, surrounded with the ensigns of slavery you

may have the fullest assurance that tyranny with her whole accursed train,

will hide her hideous head in confusion, shame, and despair.

If you perform your part, you must have the strongest confidence, that the

same Almighty Being, who protected your pious, and venerable forefathers,

who enabled them to turn a barren wilderness into a fruitful field, who so

often made bare His arm for their salvation, will still be mindful of their

offspring.

May that Almighty Being graciously preside in all our councils. May He

direct us to such measures as He himself shall approve, and be pleased to

bless. May we be ever favored of God. May our land be a land of liberty,

the seat of virtue, the asylum of the oppressed, "a name and a praise in

the whole earth," until the last shock of time shall bury the empires of

the world in undistinguished ruin.

J. Warren.

CII.

LOSS OF THE ARCTIC.

It was autumn. Hundreds had wended their way from pilgrimages; from Rome

and its treasures of dead art, and its glory of living nature; from the

sides of the Switzer's mountains, and from the capitals of various nations,

all of them saying in their hearts, we will wait for the September gales to

have done with their equinoctial fury, and then we will embark; we will

slide across the appeased ocean, and in the gorgeous month of October, we

will greet our longed-for native land, and our heart-loved homes.

And so the throng streamed along from Berlin, from Paris, from the Orient,

converging upon London, still hastening toward the welcome ship, and

narrowing every day the circle of engagements and preparations. They

crowded aboard. Never had the Arctic borne such a host of passengers, nor

passengers so nearly related to so many of us. The hour was come. The

signal-ball fell at Greenwich. It was noon also at Liverpool. The anchors

were weighed; the great hull swayed to the current; the national colors

streamed abroad, as if themselves instinct with life and national sympathy.

The bell strikes; the wheels revolve; the signal-gun beats its echoes, in

upon every structure along the shore, and the Arctic glides joyfully forth

from the jersey, and turns her prow to the winding channel, and begins her

homeward run. The pilot stood at the wheel, and men saw him. Death sat upon

the prow, and no eye beheld him. Whoever stood at the wheel in all the

voyage, Death was the pilot that steered the craft, and none knew it. He

neither revealed his presence nor whispered his errand.

And so hope was effulgent, and little gayety disported itself, and joy was

with every guest. Amid all the inconveniences of the voyage, there was

still that which hushed every murmur,--"Home is not far away." And every

morning it was still one night nearer home! Eight days had passed. They

beheld that distant bank of mist that forever haunts the vast shallows of

Newfoundland. Boldly they made it; and plunging in, its pliant wreaths

wrapped them about. They shall never emerge. The last sunlight has flashed

from that deck. The last voyage is done to ship and passengers. At noon

there came noiselessly stealing from the north that fated instrument of

destruction. In that mysterious shroud, that vast atmosphere of mist, both

steamers were holding their way with rushing prow and roaring wheels, but

invisible.

At a league's distance, unconscious, and at nearer approach, unwarned;

within hail, and bearing right towards each other, unseen, unfelt, till in

a moment more, emerging from the gray mists, the ill-omened Vesta dealt her

deadly stroke to the Arctic. The death-blow was scarcely felt along the

mighty hull. She neither reeled nor shivered. Neither commander nor

officers seemed that they had suffered harm. Prompt upon humanity the brave

Luce (let his name be ever spoken with admiration and respect) ordered away

his boat with the first officer to inquire if the stranger had suffered

harm. As Gourley went over the ship's side, oh, that some good angel had

called to the brave commander in the words of Paul on a like occasion,

"Except these abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved."

They departed, and with them the hope of the ship, for now the waters

gaining upon the hold and rising upon the fires, revealed the mortal blow.

Oh, had now that stern, brave mate, Gourley, been on deck, whom the sailors

were wont to mind--had he stood to execute sufficiently the commander's

will--we may believe that we should not have had to blush for the cowardice

and recreancy of the crew, nor weep for the untimely dead. But, apparently,

each subordinate officer lost all presence of mind, then courage, and so

honor. In a wild scramble, that ignoble mob of firemen, engineers, waiters,

and crew, rushed for the boats, and abandoned the helpless women, children,

and men to the mercy of the deep! Four hours there were from the

catastrophe of collision to the catastrophe of sinking!

Oh, what a burial was here! Not as when one is borne from his home, among

weeping throngs, and gently carried to the green fields, and laid

peacefully beneath the turf and the flowers. No priest stood to pronounce a

burial-service. It was an ocean grave. The mists alone shrouded the

burial-place. No spade prepared the grave, nor sexton filled up the

hollowed earth. Down, down they sank, and the quick returning waters

smoothed out every ripple, and left the sea as if it had not been.

H. W. Beecher.

CIII.

THE GLORY AND GRANDEUR OF PEACE.

Whatever may be the judgment of poets, of moralist, of satirists, or even

of soldiers, it is certain that the glory of arms still exercises no mean

influence over the minds of men. The art of war, which has been happily

termed by a French divine, the baleful art by which men learn to

exterminate one another, is yet held even among Christians, to be an

honorable pursuit; and the animal courage, which it stimulates and

develops, is prized as a transcendent virtue. It will be for another age,

and a higher civilization, to appreciate the more exalted character of the

art of benevolence, the art of extending happiness and all good influences,

by word or deed, to the largest number of mankind, which, in blessed

contrast with the misery, the degradation, the wickedness of war, shall

shine resplendent, the true grandeur of peace. All then will be willing to

join with the early poet in saying, at least,

"Through louder fame attend the martial rage,

'T is greater glory to reform the age."

Then shall the soul thrill with a nobler heroism than that of battle.

Peaceful industry, with untold multitudes of cheerful and beneficent

laborers, shall be its gladsome token. Literature, full of sympathy and

comfort for the heart of man, shall appear in garments of purer glory than

she has yet assumed. Science shall extend the bounds of knowledge and power

adding unimaginable strength to the hands of man, opening innumerable

resources in the earth, and revealing new secrets and harmonies in the

skies. Art, elevated and refined, shall lavish fresh streams of beauty and

grace. Charity, in streams of milk and honey, shall diffuse itself among

all the habitations of the world.

Does any one ask for the signs of this approaching era? The increasing

beneficence and intelligence of our own day, the broad-spread sympathy with

human suffering, the widening thoughts of men, the longings of the heart

for a higher condition on earth, the unfulfilled promises of Christian

progress, are the auspicious auguries of this happy future. As early

voyagers over untried realms of waste, we have already observed the signs

of land. The green twig and fresh red berry have floated by our bark; the

odors of the shore fan our faces; nay, we may seem to descry the distant

gleam of light, and hear from the more earnest observers, as Columbus

heard, after midnight, from the mast-head of the Pinta, the joyful cry of

Land! Land! and lo! a new world broke upon his early morning gaze.

C. Sumner.

CIV.

ANCIENT AND MODERN PRODUCTIONS.

The classics possess a peculiar charm, from the circumstance that they have

been the models, I might almost say the masters, of composition and

thought, in all ages. In the contemplation of these august teachers of

mankind, we are filled with conflicting emotions. They are the early voice

of the world, better remembered and more cherished still than all the

intermediate words that have been uttered, as the lessons of childhood

still haunt us when the impressions of later years have been effaced from

the mind. But they show with most unwelcome frequency the tokens of the

world's childhood, before passion had yielded to the sway of reason and the

affections. They want the highest charm of purity, of righteousness, of

elevated sentiments, of love to God and man. It is not in the frigid

philosophy of the porch and academy that we are to seek these; not in the

marvelous teachings of Socrates, as they come mended by the mellifluous

words of Plato; not in the resounding line of Homer, on whose inspiring

tale of blood Alexander pillowed his head; not in the animated strain of

Pindar, where virtue is pictured in the successful strife of an athlete at

the Isthmian games; not in the torrent of Demosthenes, dark with self-love

and the spirit of vengeance; not in the fitful philosophy and intemperate

eloquence of Tully; not in the genial libertinism of Horace, or the

stately atheism of Lucretius. No! these must not be our masters; in none of

these are we to seek the way of life. For eighteen hundred years the spirit

of these writers has been engaged in weaponless contest with the Sermon

on the Mount, and those two sublime commandments on which hang all the law

and the prophets. The strife is still pending. Heathenism, which has

possessed itself of such siren forms, is not yet exorcised. It still tempts

the young, controls the affairs of active life, and haunts the meditations

of age.

Our own productions, though they may yield to those of the ancients in the

arrangement of ideas, in method, in beauty of form, and in freshness of

illustration, are immeasurably superior in the truth, delicacy, all

elevation of their sentiments,--above all, in the benign recollection of

that great Christian revelation, the brotherhood of man. How vain are

eloquence and poetry compared with this heaven-descended truth! Put in one

scale that simple utterance, and in the other the lore of antiquity, with

its accumulating glosses and commentaries, and the last will be light and

trivial in the balance. Greek poetry has been likened to the song of the

nightingale as she sits in the rich, symmetrical crown of the palm-tree,

trilling her thick-warbled notes; but even this is less sweet and tender

than the music of the human heart.

C. Sumner.

CV.

THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE.

Why ought the slave trade to be abolished? Because it is incurable

injustice! How much stronger, then, is the argument for immediate than

gradual abolition! By allowing it to continue even for one hour, do not my

right honorable friends weaken--do they not desert their own arguments of

its injustice? If on the ground of injustice it ought to be abolished at

last, why ought it not now? Why is injustice to be suffered to remain for a

single hour?

I know of no evil that ever has existed, nor can imagine any evil to exist,

worse than the tearing of eighty thousands persons annually from their

native land, by a combination of the most civilized nations in the most

enlightened quarter of the globe; but more especially by that nation which

calls herself the most free and the most happy of them all. Even if these

miserable beings were proved guilty of every crime before you take them off

of which however not a single proof is adduced ought we to take upon

ourselves the office of executioners? And even if we condescend so far,

still can we be justified in taking them, unless we have clear proof that

they are criminals?

I have shown how great is the enormity of this evil, even on the

supposition that we take only convicts and prisoners of war. But take the

subject in the other way; take it on the grounds stated by the right

honorable gentleman over the way, and how does it stand? Think of eighty

thousand persons carried away out of their country, by we know not what

means, for crimes imputed; for light or inconsiderable faults; for debt,

perhaps; for the crime of witchcraft; or a thousand other weak and

scandalous pretexts, besides all the fraud and kidnapping, the villainies

and perfidy, by which the slave trade is supplied. Reflect on these eighty

thousand persons thus annually taken off! There is something in the horror

of it, that surpasses all the bounds of imagination. Admitting that there

exists in Africa something like to courts of justice; yet what an office of

humiliation and meanness is it in us, to take upon ourselves to carry into

execution the partial, the cruel, iniquitous sentences of such courts, as

if we also were strangers to all religion, and to the first principles of

justice.

But that country, it is said, has been in some degree civilized, and

civilized by us. It is said they have gained some knowledge of the

principles of justice. What sir, have they gained the principles of justice

from us? Is their civilization brought about by us! Yes, we give them

enough of our intercourse to convey to them the means, and to initiate them

in the study of mutual destruction. We give them just enough of the forms

of justice to enable them to add the pretext of legal trials to their other

modes of perpetuating the most atrocious iniquity. We give them just enough

of European improvements, to enable them the more effectually to turn

Africa into a ravaged wilderness. But I refrain from attempting to

enumerate half the dreadful consequences of this system. Do you think

nothing of the ruin and the miseries in which so many other individuals,

still remaining in Africa, are involved in consequence of carrying off so

many myriads of people? Do you think nothing of their families which are

left behind; of the connections which are broken; of the friendships,

attachments, and relationships which are burst asunder? Do you think

nothing of the miseries in consequence, that are felt from generation to

generation; of the privation of that happiness which might be communicated

to them by the introduction of civilization, and of mental and moral

improvement? A happiness which you withhold from them so long as you permit

the slave trade to continue.

How shall we hope to obtain, if it be possible, forgiveness from Heaven for

these enormous evils we have committed, if we refuse to make use of those

means which the mercy of Providence hath still reserved for us, for wiping

away the guilt and shame with which we are now covered. If we refuse even

this degree of compensation; if, knowing the miseries we have caused, we

refuse even now to put a stop to them, how greatly aggravated will be the

guilt of Great Britain! and what a blot will these transactions forever be

in the history of this country! Shall we, then, delay to repair these

injuries, and to begin rendering justice to Africa? Shall we not count the

days and hours that are suffered to intervene, and to delay the

accomplishment of such a work? Reflect what an immense object is before

you; what an object for a nation to have in view, and to have a prospect,

under the favor of Providence, of being now permitted to attain! I think

the House will agree with me in cherishing the ardent wish to enter without

delay upon the measures necessary for these great ends; and I am sure that

the immediate abolition of the slave trade is the first, the principal the

most indispensable act of policy, of duty, and of justice, that the

Legislature of this country has to take, if it is indeed their wish to

secure those important objects to which I have alluded, and which we are

bound to pursue by the most solemn obligations.

W. Pitt.

CVI.

"LET THERE BE LIGHT."

From her earliest colonial history, the policy of Massachusetts has been to

develop the minds of all her people, and to imbue them with the principles

of duty, To do this work most effectually, she has begun with the young. If

she would continue to mount higher and higher towards the summit of

prosperity, she must continue the means by which her present elevation has

been gained. In doing this, she will not only exercise the noblest

prerogative of government, but will coöperate with the Almighty in one of

his sublimest works.

The Greek rhetorician, Longinus, quotes from the Mosaic account of the

creation what he calls the sublimest passage ever uttered: "God said, 'Let

there be light,' and there was light." From the centre of black immensity

effulgence burst forth. Above, beneath, on every side, its radiance

streamed out, silent, yet making each spot in the vast concave brighter

than the line which the lightning pencils upon the midnight cloud. Darkness

fled as the swift beams spread onward and outward, in an unending

circumfusion of splendor. Onward and outwards still they move to this day,

glorifying, through wider and wider regions of space, the infinite Author

from whose power and beneficence they sprang. But not only in the

beginning, when God created the heavens and the earth, did he say, "Let

there be light." Whenever a human soul is born into the world, its Creator

stands over it, and again pronounces the same sublime words, "Let there be

light."

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