Was born in Union-street, Oxford-street, London. His father was a
tailor: he apprenticed his only son John Thomas, at the age of fourteen
years, to Mr. Brookes, a lady’s shoemaker, in Union-street. He served
Mr. Brookes till he was eighteen years of age, when, his father dying,
his mother purchased the remainder of his time, and his indentures were
given up to her, and he supported his mother for some years by his
labour.
At the age of twenty-one years he articled himself to learn the
boot-closing; and, in a short time became an excellent workman: A
prize-boot in the shop of a tradesman in the Strand was made by him.
When he was twenty-three years of age he married a respectable young
woman, named Welch. On the 1st of May, 1806, she brought him a boy,
who is now living with his mother. He was fourteen years of age on the
day his unfortunate father suffered the sentence of the law. Brunt was
thirty-eight years of age.
The following lines were written by Brunt in the Tower, upon the
Secretary of State sending a letter in answer to one written by the
Major, that the alleged traitors were not to be allowed knives or
forks, and only to be allowed to walk on the leads an hour each day:
The Home Department’s _Secretaire_,
His orders they would make you stare;
An hour a day allowed to walk,
But mind you neither wink nor talk!
For these are gifts of human reason,
And you are adepts in high treason:
No bigger rogues on earth there be on,
For so says Edwards the _espione_!
Let them eat and drink and sleep,
But knives and forks pray from them keep,
As they’ll commit assassination--
The rogues would overturn the nation!
At the bottom of the above lines were written the following couplets:
In modes of faith let graceless zealots fight,
He can’t be wrong whose life is in the right.
Life’s but a jest, and all things show it,
I thought so once, but now I know it!
J. T. BRUNT, _Tower of London_.
The following verses were written by Brunt, in Newgate, on the
Sunday evening, after taking leave of his wife; they were inclosed
in an envelope, which was addressed to his wife; it contained also a
shilling, the last money he possessed, and he requested his wife to
keep the shilling for his sake as long as she lived:
Tho’ in a cell I’m close confin’d,
No fears alarm the noble mind;
Tho’ death itself appears in view,
Daunts not the soul sincerely true!
Let Sidmouth and his base colleagues
Cajole and plot their dark intrigues;
Still each Briton’s last words shall be,
Oh! give me death or liberty!
J. T. BRUNT, _Newgate, April 30, 1820_.
_Proceedings relative to_ GEORGE EDWARDS, _the Spy_.
On Tuesday, the 2d May, Mr. Alderman Wood rose in his place in the
House of Commons, and said, that “he had a question to bring under the
consideration of the house, which he considered as one of the greatest
importance, and particularly to the house itself. He might be wrong in
the course which he had proposed to himself to pursue; but, if he were,
the Speaker would, no doubt, instruct him what was the proper mode
of bringing the matter forward. He had come to the determination of
treating it as a breach of privilege; and would here very briefly state
what were the facts.
“Seven persons had applied to him, in his official capacity of
magistrate, for a warrant to take up a man, stated to be then resident
in Fleet-street, whose name was said to be George Edwards. He
immediately went into a private examination of those individuals, with
the assistance of Sir W. Domville. Four of the parties deposed to some
very material facts, some of which, affecting the safety of that house,
he should now mention; but others, which were detailed at great length,
were of too horrible a description for him to repeat.
“They involved a plot, not merely to effect the destruction of that
house, and the honourable members within it, but of one of the highest
personages in this kingdom, and of his majesty’s ministers also. He
would, however, confine himself to the facts of the case as they
regarded that house. He would read the words of the deposition.
“Some time in that year deponent saw a man, of the name of Edwards,
going from one public-house to another, inviting persons to unite with
him in the execution of the plots against the government, which he
intended to bring forward. It then went on to state, that one of his
great plots was this:--He said, ‘that he could bring into the House of
Commons six or eight men very readily, and that it was not necessary
that they should come in _clean_.’ By that expression he meant, that
they might easily enter the House with something under their arms; for
they could so come into the lobby and other parts of the House with
books; no objection would be offered to their passing in with books
under their arms.
“These books were to have been filled with gun-barrels, cut down to the
length of four inches only, which were to be filled with gunpowder, and
plugged up at both ends; and these implements being thrown down in the
middle of the House, upon some occasion of a full attendance, when it
would be in a very crowded state, would explode with great violence,
and cause much destruction. The deposition went on to shew, that
Edwards on one occasion said, ‘Thistlewood is the boy for us; he’s the
one to do our work: he will very soon be out of Horsham-gaol.’ Now the
evidence next showed, that, two days after, Thistlewood did come out
of Horsham-gaol, and he was introduced to this Edwards at the house of
Preston, the cobbler; and that which was the strongest confirmation of
the whole statement, and proved it beyond all doubt, was, that Edwards
did get those very books made for the purpose; and that he procured the
gun-barrels, and had them cut up.
“At that time, too, he had not money enough to buy a pot of beer.
All at once, however, he got supplied with cash, and was enabled
to purchase several other weapons of defence, and arms, which the
deponents spoke of.
“Now, this was the general substance of the depositions as they
regarded that house; as to the other parts, which related to the
intended taking off of certain individuals, he had hardly satisfied
himself what might be the best mode of proceeding; or whether, from
the nature of the case, he might be justified in asking the House to
indulge him with a committee of secrecy, in which case it would not be
necessary for him to proceed with his present observations. The other
details, however, which he did not at present feel it his duty to bring
before the House, were of a most terrible description, and unfolded
plots of the most dreadful character.
“The persons who had made the depositions were respectable persons,
and not at all implicated in the late legal proceedings, as having
been evidence for the crown or for the prisoners. He had had several
other persons with him that same morning, who were all ready to swear
that they knew Edwards to have been engaged in these plots from time
to time. He had been asked by several individuals, how he intended
to proceed in this case; and he could now declare, that his mind was
made up to call that person (Edwards) before the bar of the house.
Whether, however, he should ask for a committee of secrecy, or proceed
in any other way, he was ready to bring this important business before
them, and he thought that he discharged his duty in so doing. He had
not thought it proper to swear those deponents to the truth of their
allegations, because all the acts charged against Edwards were stated
to have occurred either in the county of Middlesex or the city of
Westminster. As he never interfered in such a case, he told the parties
that they must go before a magistrate, either of Westminster or of the
county; or else that they must apply for a warrant to Lord Sidmouth. He
directed them to go to his Lordship; and promised that, upon procuring
the warrant, he would get it immediately backed, so as to make it
operative within the city of London.
“He thought the thing a matter of such importance that he took the
depositions in charge himself; and ordered the witnesses to attend him
at Lord Sidmouth’s immediately; but it so happened that his Lordship
had left the place a few minutes before his arrival. He left the
depositions with a person whom he had now in his eye, and had received
an answer; but he did not think proper now to give it.
“The existence of such a man as this Edwards it was almost impossible
to conceive. It was difficult to imagine a man, going about with all
this boldness from public-house to public-house--nay, even from one
private house to another, framing and discoursing of all these plots.
For his own part, however, when he looked at all the facts, he thought
it clear that Edwards had become connected with the conspirators at a
very early period; and he pledged himself, that, if the house should
adopt any question upon the subject, he would bring forward such
evidence as must convict the man. It was only to be apprehended that he
was not, perhaps, in the country, which he might have quitted by this
time; otherwise, no doubt, there were honourable gentlemen who were in
possession of him, so that he might be produced. He, therefore, felt
it his duty, under all the circumstances, before he sat down, to move,
‘That George Edwards be immediately brought to the bar of this house.’”
Mr. BATHURST objected to the motion, on the ground that an individual
charged with such high crimes as those imputed to Edwards, was an
improper person to be brought to the bar of the House of Commons,
on the charge of a breach of privilege; but stated that there was no
doubt, if the question was brought before the House in a proper shape
it would be entertained.
Mr. Alderman WOOD in reply said, “that he certainly set out with
intimating that he saw great difficulties in this question, but was,
indeed, quite happy to hear it observed, that if the business were
brought before the House properly, the House would properly entertain
it. He thought it right to state, that he had applied to another
quarter, to get the individual in question prosecuted, but in that
application he had been disappointed.
“When he first read over the depositions, which were of a nature, he
was sure, to make every man shudder with horror, he thought that not
a moment was to be lost in taking Edwards up, if he could be found;
and, he took it for granted that he could be found; for he was known
to have been in the possession of certain persons for a long time. His
plots were truly diabolical; and from the evidence it could be proved,
beyond contradiction or dispute, ‘that Edwards was the sole plotter and
founder of the whole Cato-street plot.’ At present knowing of no other
way than the motion he had suggested by which the man might be brought
to justice, he should leave the matter in the hands of the House.”
A short debate on the question then ensued, but it appearing that the
charge could not regularly be entertained by the House as a breach of
privilege, Mr. Alderman Wood was induced to withdraw the motion for the
present.
On the 9th of May the worthy Alderman, having newly-modelled his
motion, so as to move for a committee of secrecy to examine the
depositions in his possession, again called the attention of the House
to the subject. He commenced by stating that “in bringing forward the
motion, he had no object in view but the furtherance of justice, no
end to attain but the elucidation of certain extraordinary facts. He
had not willingly embarked in this business, which he wished to have
been taken up by his Majesty’s ministers. He had done all he could to
induce the Secretary of State for the Home Department[4] to bring to
trial and to punishment the individual whose name was so intimately
connected with the late conspiracy. He had done so as a magistrate.
“In consequence of information which he had received, he deemed it
necessary to lay before the Secretary of State all the documents he
could collect on the subject of Edward’s proceedings; and he produced
a number of persons who were ready to swear to the matters contained
in their depositions. He farther added, in his correspondence with
the Secretary of State, that he was then enabled to bring forward a
considerable body of evidence in support of what had previously been
alleged. He had attentively looked over a vast number of depositions,
which appeared to him to be of great importance. He had brought down
about thirty of them; and he craved the indulgence of the house while
he read over the whole of this evidence, preparatory to his moving for
a secret committee. His only wish was that a secret committee should be
appointed; and if the House at once agreed to it, he should be quite
contented with that result.
“If he could show that Edwards was the person who directed that
plot--if he could show that he was going about for two years
endeavouring to effect it--if he could prove that it was Edwards who
purchased the swords and the arms of all kinds--if he could prove, by
good evidence, that it was he who made the instruments of destruction
which were produced on the trial, and others which might now be
produced--he thought it would be quite impossible for the House to
refuse his motion. He could substantiate all this by evidence--by
the evidence of persons whose characters could not be impeached. He
could bring forward witnesses, who had lived four, five, and six
years with their employers, from whom they had received the best of
characters. They stated, that Edwards had called on them at different
times, and had endeavoured to seduce them: that he had drawn them into
public-houses--that he had made purchases of arms--and that he had sent
arms to their houses, they not knowing from whom those arms came, until
subsequent evidence made them acquainted with the fact.
“He had traced this man during a period of five years, although his
motion was confined to two. Some years ago he was living at Windsor,
and some favour was shown to him by persons about the Castle. He was
employed as a modeller in plaster-of-Paris[5]. Sometimes he was in
deep adversity, at other times his circumstances were better. At one
period he was walking about the streets selling his busts, without
shoes or stockings; and all at once he became comparatively rich. To
account for this, he stated that he was the relation of a German count,
from whom he had received some money; in obtaining which, he said, he
was assisted by Lord Castlereagh. This circumstance was sufficient to
excite suspicion in any rational mind.
“He would also prove that Edwards had been long connected with the
police-officers. This was a point which certainly must be considered
as very important. He pledged himself to show that Edwards was in
connexion with a police-officer who was the intimate friend of Castles,
and by whom Castles was employed to entice individuals to assist in
the liberation of French officers, those individuals being immediately
afterwards seized, for the purpose of procuring the reward. If he
traced deeds of this description to Edwards, he contended that the
committee ought to be granted. All this, doubtless, would be denied;
but he was prepared to prove it, and was determined to do his duty. He
had sought out the history of this man, as, on a former occasion, he
investigated and exposed the conduct of three individuals who stood in
a similar situation, and who, for the purpose of receiving the reward,
were inciting men to the commission of crimes.
“When, at last, he brought the villany of this atrocious traitor (he
could not denominate him a man) before the House--when he traced him,
forming his plots--meeting individuals at an appointed place, for the
purpose of carrying his schemes into execution--telling them, if they
were surprised, to proceed to Lord Harrowby’s--employing himself in
making those arms which were produced on the trial--and, above all,
when he proved that Edwards had brought Thistlewood to the lodging at
Davis’s house--that he had hired that lodging for him--that he did
not cause his apprehension the night of the discovery, but that he
caused his arrest the next morning, having waited until the _Gazette_,
offering a reward of 1,000_l._, was published;--when he proved all
this, could they refuse a full and fair enquiry? He could incontestibly
show, that Edwards told the persons engaged in the conspiracy, in
case they were disturbed, to follow him to Grosvenor-square; that he
accompanied a part of them on their way towards Cato-street to Holborn;
that he quarrelled with one of the persons who declined going further;
that when the discovery was made, he informed Mrs. Thistlewood where
her husband was; that he went the next morning to Harris’s, and desired
him to keep Thistlewood all day, and that he would be removed at night;
and finally, that he brought the officers to seize him.
“He could further show that Edwards had taken lodgings, under the
assumed name of Walls, in Pimlico. He referred the owner of the house
to a porter, at Buckingham-gate, for his character, who told him,
‘This is Mr. Walls, of Windsor.’ He remained at these lodgings for a
considerable time with a police-officer.
“He would now proceed to the depositions:
“A person named Pickard[6], a weaver, working for his father, deposed
that he had casually met with Edwards at a public-house. Edwards called
him by name, though he did not recollect having seen him before.
Edwards told him “It was time the b--y thieves _was_ destroyed. A
number of persons, say six (he continued), might get admission into
the gallery of the House of Commons, provided with tin cases, painted
to represent books, and filled with pistol-barrels. One of these,
provided with hemp, as a fuse, might be thrown into the House, when the
members were engaged in debate.” Deponent farther said, that Edwards
gave him a small steel instrument, to fix to a walking-stick. He also
stated that Edwards was constantly going after him.
“Another individual, William Coudry, stated, that he attended several
meetings when Edwards was present, and was informed by him, on one
occasion, that a cabinet dinner was to be given at Lord Westmoreland’s,
at which Lord Castlereagh would be present. Edwards said, ‘the b----y
Irish butcher must be made away with.’ Coudry stated also that he had
often seen Edwards afterwards preparing destructive instruments.
“A person named Seymour stated, that he knew Edwards four or five
years, having met him some time ago, and he proposed that deponent
should go to a meeting in Smithfield. He replied to Edwards, that he
would not go, for that he was not inclined to join in those bad pranks.
Edwards afterwards told this man that the meeting had not turned out
to their expectation. This was a man of considerable respectability.
Another man had seen Edwards at a coffee-house, in June, and was told
by him that the only means was, to destroy his majesty’s ministers,
by throwing hand-grenades into their carriages. Another individual
was called on by Edwards on the 19th of August, three days after the
dispersion of the meeting. Edwards stated to him, that Manchester was
on fire, that the New Bailey was taken, and that Hunt was killed, and
added, ‘Come out immediately, all are ready; we have nothing to do but
rallying our forces.’ Edwards came again at eight in the evening, and
said something so wicked, that the man would have nothing more to do
with him.
“Edwards called on another man at his mechanical business, and asked if
the men were all reformers. After coming several times he saw a sword
hung up in the place, and said he would be very much obliged to him for
it. The individual gave it. Edwards said, ‘you have more?’ He replied
that he had not. Edwards said such swords were very cheap, and they
could get them as cheap as the government. The man gave him no more,
but soon afterwards a bundle was brought to him containing twenty-four
swords and some pikes, and Edwards carried away a number of them under
his coat, and sent for others. He said to this individual, ‘Pray come
and see what we are about.’ He went, and saw Edwards in a flannel
jacket, surrounded with combustibles; he saw him making cartridges and
hand-grenades, and arranging all the implements of destruction. The
man, who had formerly been at sea, would stay no longer.
“A man of the name of Chambers[7] was visited by Edwards, and was
desired to permit him to leave there some arms. Edwards said that
all was ready. He offered money to two Irishmen who came in, and
brought them to a public-house, where he treated them with some drink.
Mary Barker, daughter of one of the unfortunate men, stated that the
hand-grenades and other things found in her father’s (Tidd’s) house,
were entirely brought in the night before by Edwards.[8]
“Another individual--he was not desired by any of those persons to
conceal their names, and if any member wished for the names he was
ready to give them,--the individual to whom he alluded knew Edwards; he
had known William Edwards, brother of this Edwards, connected with the
police, and had worked with him at the palace at Windsor. This man was
conducted by Edwards to Cato-street, but when he saw the preparations
there, he immediately ran away. Edwards presented his sword to prevent
another from going away from Cato-street. To another person Edwards
said, ‘Now is the time to destroy his majesty’s ministers, if the
country is not to be ruined.’ The man replied, ‘Such a thing might do
very well for a foreigner; it would not do for an Englishman.’ Edwards
then got Thistlewood to come along with him to this man. Thistlewood
had sold an estate to a friend of the man’s, and was therefore known
to him. But the man said to them, ‘I’ll hear no more of that.’
“Another man was applied to by Edwards, on the 19th of January, and
was told by him that the destruction of ministers, either in their
carriages or at cabinet dinners, was determined on. He would not weary
the house by detailing all the practices of this infernal person. One
very long and very interesting paper in this matter, which explained
the whole from beginning to end, was written by one of the unfortunate
individuals who had been seduced--it might therefore be said that it
was deserving of little credit. Another person stated Edwards to have
been patronized at Windsor, and that he knew him to be a spy. Another
person, who had been on the waggon at the Smithfield meeting, stated,
that Edwards gave a hint to a person who was about to speak of what he
should say--gave him a pint of beer--told him to speak out, and among
other things suggested, that they were ready with fire-balls. It was a
very extraordinary disclosure, and never had there been a thing devised
so well. In the whole proceedings not one instance was found of one
person seduced, seducing another. A was not found to have seduced B;
but in all cases Edwards was the seducer.
“Of some of the papers he was not prepared to give any account, as they
had come into his hands only since he came into the house; but he had
stated the facts brought forward by such persons as were sufficient
to convict Edwards. He should hear, perhaps, that those persons were
themselves guilty of misprision of treason; he was prepared to hear
that, and to say something in reply. But that did not at all lessen the
guilt of the individual who was seducing others to acts of treason.
Edwards had gone on with these practices, and supplied others with
money. He could prove money to have passed from Edwards to many of the
deluded persons. It was remarkable that Edwards was near the spot when
Thistlewood was taken in Harris’s house. Whether he had received the
1,000_l._ or not, he did not know. If he had, he could now live without
labour, at least without such labour as he might otherwise be dependent
on.
“This was established by the testimony of a very respectable man,
who kept a school in St. George’s, Hanover-square, with respect to
whose conduct in this business the trustees had held a meeting, and
found nothing to blame. This gentleman (Mr. Fowler) was applied to
by Edwards under the name of Wards, for lodgings, and Mr. Wake, who
kept Buckingham-gate, said to Mr. Fowler that he was a respectable
person. After he had been six weeks there, he said to Mr. Fowler, if
Mr. Sheriff Parkins or Mr. Sheriff Rothwell should call for him, his
name was Edwards. Mr. Fowler exclaimed, ‘Good God! have I got a spy
in my house all this time?’ There had been no subscription to provide
any money, except indeed a trifle for one of the persons implicated,
who had been in the debtors’ prison, but it was very small. There had
been, therefore no money provided among them that could account for
Edwards’ mode of living and acting.” The worthy alderman concluded
by moving, ‘That a secret committee be appointed to examine evidence
touching the criminal conduct of George Edwards for the last two years,
and particularly touching his connexion with the conspiracy detected in
Cato-street.’
The motion was seconded by Sir Robert Wilson, and a warm and animated
debate, between most of the leading members of the house ensued, in
which the principle of employing spies was strongly censured and
condemned by some members, and approved of and supported by others,
as a justifiable measure of state policy. The question was, however,
ultimately negatived.
The exertions of Mr. Alderman Wood in the House of Commons having been
rendered nugatory by the rejection of this motion, recourse was had
to the ordinary means of justice, and on Monday the 22d of May, the
Grand Jury for the County of Middlesex found a true bill against GEORGE
EDWARDS, for High Treason, and among the witnesses examined by the
Grand Jury in support of the charge were, Mrs. Thistlewood, Mrs. Brunt,
and Julian Thistlewood, (the son). Mr. Harmer was authorized to offer a
reward for the apprehension of Edwards, and the following advertisement
immediately appeared in the newspapers:
_High Treason.--One Hundred Guineas Reward._
A True Bill of indictment having been found by the Middlesex
Grand Jury against GEORGE EDWARDS for HIGH TREASON, whoever
will apprehend and lodge the said George Edwards in any of his
Majesty’s Gaols, shall, on application to Mr. James Harmer, of
Hatton-garden, London, receive the above reward.
The said George Edwards is by trade a modeller; he is about 5 feet
3 inches high, thin and pale faced, with an aquiline nose, grey
eyes, and light brown hair; he has lately gone by the name of
Wards, and is supposed to be about to leave this country for New
Brunswick under that assumed name.
The retreat of Edwards, however, has never been discovered, and the
general expectation is that a free pardon will be granted to him for
all acts of treason committed previous to a certain time, by which he
will be secured against the consequences of the bill found against him.
The witness Hiden, and the accomplices Monument and Adams, who became
evidence for the crown, are also detained in confinement, but will
probably be hereafter released by a general pardon.