RICHARD TIDD.]

“Gentlemen, when I think of this, it unmans me. I am no plotter--no

assassin--no traitor! Look well to the evidence, and to your own

hearts, before you pronounce the fatal verdict of ‘Guilty.’

“Gentlemen, the Earl of Harrowby I have known for years; I worked on

his Lordship’s estate in Staffordshire. Gentlemen, I knew him but to

respect him;--and yet it is suggested that I could raise the dagger of

the murderer to his breast.--Forbid it providence! Had I known that

this plot existed, I would have been the first to warn his Lordship

of his danger; but I declare solemnly that I knew not of such an

intention. I knew nothing of all these dark and bloody projects.

“Gentlemen, I have now done. I repeat, I will readily submit to death

if you think me capable of harbouring an intention to commit the crime

of high treason. If that is your persuasion, pronounce your verdict

accordingly. I hope my death may prove useful to my country,--for still

England I call thee so,--and I trust that those by whom I shall be

condemned, may lay down their lives with as clear a conscience.”

BARON GARROW, then addressed Tidd as follows:--“Richard Tidd, do you

wish to add any thing to what your counsel has stated for you? If you

do, this is the proper time.”

TIDD rose, and said, in a meek and humble voice, “The first thing I

have got to say is, that I had the misfortune to get acquainted with

Brunt about a month before Christmas, by his frequently going to see

Adams, who was living next door to me; our windows joined; by that

means I became acquainted with him.

“During the Christmas holidays, we kept them together; after the

holidays, I was introduced to Edwards, who does not now appear

against me; he was constantly coming to me afterwards; I always was a

hard-working man, working sixteen and eighteen hours a day. I never

had any time to spare, except on a Sunday. Messrs. Edwards and Brunt

together told me that there were certain meetings going on.

“I never attended any meeting after the acts to prevent illegal

meetings, till Edwards told me that he had authority to state from

persons high in rank, that meetings might take place to procure reform

in Parliament. I was then introduced to a room, where I was taken to,

in Brunt’s house. I did not see there any thing particular, till the

Sunday when I was proposed to take the chair.

“Certain propositions were then made, which made me declare I would

never more attend such meetings, and I fully determined that I would

not keep company with them afterwards. Prior to this Edwards came up

to my house, and said, that he had got certain materials, and Mr.

Thistlewood would be obliged to me if I would let them remain in my

house. I said, I would allow no such thing. He then went away, but

in the evening he came and brought the things, which the officers

afterwards seized.

“On Tuesday, Edwards and Brunt came to me, and asked me if I kept to my

determination--they added, that all the proceedings that were going on

were entirely flustered; they then said there was to be a meeting of

the Mary-le-bone Union, and asked me to go.

“Edwards said, every body going there for self-preservation took a

weapon of defence. I told him I had none; he said, if I had not, the

club would supply me with one; he then pulled out a pistol, and said,

you ought to arm yourself now.

“He also had a sword-stick, which he offered me. He afterwards gave

me a direction where the meeting was to be held. I have it now in

my pocket.”--[Here the prisoner produced a small piece of paper,

on which was written these words:--‘Horse and Groom, John-street,

Edgeware-road.’]

Tidd then went on. “During Wednesday, while I was at work, Edwards and

Brunt came to me, and said there was some people I must bring to the

club. I afterwards took Monument, but I do declare before you I never

knew any thing about a cabinet-dinner. It was never mentioned to me. I

was introduced into the stable, and in ten minutes after the officers

came in and apprehended me.

“This is all I have to say, and you may depend I have told the truth.”

The _Attorney-General_ rose to reply, and proceeded to point out the

various instances in which the evidence of Adams had been confirmed:

it was confirmed by Monument, who had not been deeply concerned in

the plot; but it was much more strongly confirmed by Hyden, who was

no accomplice, and who was in every way worthy of belief. There was,

he contended, a compleat chain of evidence, to prove that there was a

conspiracy to overturn the government: and if they believed that the

two prisoners at the bar took a prominent part in it, they could have

no hesitation as to the verdict they should give.

Mr. _Baron Garrow_, proceeded to deliver his charge to the Jury. He

went over the whole of the evidence, and commented on all the material

parts of it in a most perspicuous manner. While his lordship was

reading over the evidence of Monument, the prisoner Davidson caused a

written paper to be conveyed to him, and said he hoped it might be

read as a part of his defence, which he had before forgot to notice.

The learned Judge observed, that although it was not strictly regular

to comply with the prisoner’s request in the present stage of the

business, yet he was ready to allow him to make any statement which

might be of use to him. The statement was, that his (Davidson’s) house

had been searched, and nearly pulled down, and not the slightest

evidence was there found which went to show that he had been guilty of

any conspiracy.

After his Lordship had read over the evidence of Hyden, he said it was

the most important of any that had been given to the Court, because

the conspiracy had been communicated to him by one of the parties,

who invited him to assist in it; and because he went immediately and

communicated to Lord Harrowby the danger which ministers were in. He

pretended to show a readiness to join the conspirators, but he never

did join them; and one reason for not refusing to take a part in the

plot was, a threat held out that any man who did not join would be put

to death.

“The learned counsel for the prisoners had endeavoured to throw some

discredit on this witness, on the ground of his being an accomplice;

but there was not the slightest ground for such a supposition; nor

did it appear to him that the slightest inroad had been made on his

testimony. On the contrary, he ought to be considered as an instrument

in the hands of Providence in saving fifteen of the first men in the

country, and perhaps many others, from destruction; and all persons

then present in Court, ought to consider themselves indebted to him.

“Here it was clearly in evidence, that the intention of the

conspirators was to murder the most respectable and virtuous characters

in the kingdom; and that not content with that, they were to destroy

the house of the Bishop of London, one of the most amiable men in the

kingdom, who of all other men in the world was the least likely to give

offence to any body.

“What then could be their motive for all these unprovoked atrocities,

but the ulterior object of revolution? If plunder was their object,

where were the implements in which they were to carry away their

plunder? What necessity was there to add murder to their offence? What

occasion had they for a box full of ball cartridges? What was their

object in all this, but the ulterior object of effecting a revolution?

The usual argument of inadequacy of means had been used on this

occasion; and it was said, nothing certainly could be more preposterous

than to suppose a revolution could be effected by such contemptible

means; but it was proved, that a plan had been formed--that a band of

ruffians, reeking with the blood of the most illustrious men in the

kingdom, had intended to overturn the government, by stirring up the

people to insurrection.

“Such men as these might imagine that the object could be effectual,

without ever considering the adequacy of the means. Before the

commencement of the French Revolution, the first beginnings were

as contemptible as this; and every body knew the vast extent and

the wide-spreading desolation, by which these small beginnings were

followed.”

After a variety of other observations, all tending to show that the

evidence of the accomplices was confirmed in various instances by

credible witnesses, particularly by Joseph Hale, the apprentice of

Brunt; and by Hyden, the cow-keeper, who was no party in the plot, and

who acted honestly and conscientiously, his Lordship concluded his

charge.

The Jury then retired, and after an absence of forty minutes, returned

with a verdict of “GUILTY UPON THE THIRD COUNT,” with the exception

of the eighth and tenth overt-acts. The count in question alleged a

conspiracy to levy war.

At the conclusion of the trial of Tidd and Davidson,

Mr. CURWOOD addressed the Court, intimating a desire, on the part

of James Wilson, to withdraw his plea of misnomer to the indictment

against him for high treason, and to plead “Guilty,” and the

Attorney-General stating that he had no objection to this course,

James Wilson was put to the bar, and, on being questioned by Mr.

Shelton, pleaded Guilty.

Mr. WALFORD then said, he was instructed to make a similar tender on

the part of the five remaining prisoners, and

Mr. BARON GARROW directed the prisoners to be brought to the bar.

John Harrison, Richard Bradburn, John Shaw Strange, James Gilchrist,

and Charles Cooper, were then brought into the Court, and

Mr. Walford again addressed his lordship, and said that he had watched,

with great diligence, the whole of these proceedings, and from what

had passed under his observation, he thought he should best consult

the interests of the five unhappy men at the bar, for whom, with his

learned friend (Mr. Broderick), he was counsel, by recommending them to

acknowledge the deepness of their offending, and to throw themselves on

the leniency of their Sovereign, who, he was persuaded, would follow

the steps of his revered father, by tempering justice with mercy.

Mr. BRODERICK said, he too had watched with the most anxious solicitude

the progress of the trials which had taken place upon this indictment,

and he felt satisfied that he could not better consult the interests

of the prisoners, than by adopting the course suggested by his

learned friend. These unfortunate men were desirous of making the

only reparation in their power to the offended laws of their country,

by acknowledging their guilt. They did not ask for mercy, but they

entertained a hope that their contrition would have the desired effect,

and would induce an extension towards them of that brightest attribute

in the person of the Sovereign.

Mr. BARON GARROW then explained to the prisoners the situation in which

they stood, and that their plea must be received without any pledge

on his part, and with a full understanding that they were to receive

judgment to die.

They all expressed their concurrence in what had been said by their

counsel, and, having withdrawn their previous plea of _Not Guilty_,

they pleaded _Guilty_, and were removed from the bar; and the gentlemen

of the Jury were dismissed with the thanks of their country.

An Authentic History of the Cato-Street Conspiracy With the trials at large of the conspirators, for high treason and murder, a description of their weapons and combustible machines, and every particular connected with the rise, progress, discovery, and termination of the horrid plot · 第 58 / 80 题