THE CONQUEST OF INDIA AND OF THE SPICE COUNTRIES.
I.
Covilham and Paiva--Vasco da Gama--The Cape of Good Hope is
doubled--Escales at Sam-Braz--Mozambique, Mombaz, and Melinda--
Arrival at Calicut--Treason of the Zamorin--Battles--Return to
Europe--The scurvy--Death of Paul da Gama--Arrival at Lisbon.
At the same time that the King of Portugal, John II., despatched
Diaz to seek in the south of Africa the route to the Indies, he
ordered two gentlemen of his court to find out if it would not be
possible to attain the same end by an easier, safer, and more rapid
means; by way of the isthmus of Suez, the Red Sea, and the Indian
Ocean.
For carrying out such a mission there was needed a clever,
enterprising man, well acquainted with the difficulties of a journey
in those regions, and possessing a knowledge of the Oriental
languages, or at the very least, of Arabic. This agent must be of a
versatile disposition, and able to dissemble; capable, in a word, of
concealing the real meaning of projects which aimed at nothing less
than withdrawing all the commerce of Asia from the hands of the
Mussulmans and Arabs, and through them from the Venetians, in order
to enrich Portugal with it.
There was living at this time an experienced navigator, Pedro de
Covilham, who had served with distinction under Alonzo V. in the war
with Castille, and who had made a long stay in Africa. It was upon
him that John II. cast his eye, and Alonzo de Paiva was given him as
a colleague. They left Lisbon in the month of May, 1487, furnished
with detailed instructions, and with a chart drawn according to
Bishop Calsadilla's map of the World, by the help of which the tour
of Africa might be made.
The two travellers reached Alexandria and Cairo, where they were
much gratified at meeting with some Moorish traders from Fez and
Tlemcen, who conducted them to Tor--the ancient Ezion-geber--at the
foot of Sinai, where they were able to procure some valuable
information upon the trade of Calicut. Covilham resolved to take
advantage of this fortunate circumstance to visit a country which,
for more than a century, had been regarded by Portugal with covetous
longing, while Paiva set out to penetrate into those regions then so
vaguely designated as Ethiopia, in quest of the famous Prester John,
who, according to old travellers, reigned over a marvellously rich
and fertile country in Africa. Paiva doubtless perished in his
adventurous enterprise, being never again heard of.
As for Covilham, he travelled to Aden, whence he embarked for the
Malabar coast. He visited in succession Cananore, Calicut, and Goa,
and collected accurate information upon the commerce and productions
of the countries bordering on the Indian Ocean, without arousing the
fears of the Hindoos, who could not suspect that the kind and
friendly welcome they accorded to the traveller would bring about in
the future the enthralment and ruin of their country. Covilham, not
considering that he had yet done enough for his country, quitted
India, and went to the eastern coast of Africa, where he visited
Mozambique, Sofala--long famous for its gold-mines, of which the
reputation, by means of the Arabs, had even reached Europe--and
Zeila, the _Avalites portus_ of the ancients, and the principal town
of the Adel coast, upon the Gulf of Oman, at the entrance of the
Arabian Sea. After a somewhat long stay in that country, he returned
by Aden, then the principal entrepot of the commerce of the east,
went as far as Ormuz, at the entrance of the Persian Gulf, and then
again passing up the Red Sea, he arrived at Cairo.
John II. had sent to Cairo two learned Jews to await the arrival of
Covilham, and to one of these, the Rabbi Abraham Beja, the traveller
gave his notes, the itinerary of his journey, and a map of Africa
given to him by a Mussulman, charging Beja to carry them all to
Lisbon with the least possible delay. For himself, not content with
all that he had done hitherto, and wishing to execute the mission
which death had prevented Paiva from accomplishing, he went into
Abyssinia, where the "negus" or king, known by the name of Prester
John, flattered by seeing his alliance sought by one of the most
powerful sovereigns of Europe, received him with the greatest
kindness, and gave him a high position at his court, but to make
sure of retaining his services, he constantly refused him permission
to leave the country. Although he had married there and had some
children, Covilham still longed for his native country, and when, in
1525, a Portuguese embassy, of which Alvares was a member, came into
Abyssinia, he witnessed the departure of his countrymen with the
deepest regret, and the chaplain of the expedition has naively
re-echoed his complaints and his grief.
M. Ferdinand Denis says, "By furnishing precise information upon the
possibility of circumnavigating Africa, by indicating the route to
the Indies, by giving more positive and extended ideas upon the
commerce of these countries, and above all, by describing the
gold-mines of Sofala, and so exciting the cupidity of the Portuguese,
Covilham contributed greatly to accelerate the expedition of Gama."
[Illustration: Vasco da Gama. _From an old print_.]
If one may believe an old tradition, but one which is unsupported by
any authentic document, Gama was descended by an illegitimate line
from Alphonso III., King of Portugal. His father, Estevam Eanez da
Gama, grand alcalde of Sines and of Silves, in the kingdom of
Algarve, and commander of Seizal, occupied a high position at the
court of John II. He enjoyed great reputation as a sailor, so much
so, that just at the moment when his own unexpected death occurred,
King John was thinking of giving Gama the command of the fleet which
he was desirous of sending to the Indies. By his marriage with Dona
Isabella Sodre, daughter of Juan de Resende, proveditore of the
fortifications of Santarem, he had several children, and amongst
them Vasco, who first reached India by doubling the Cape of Good
Hope, and Paul, who accompanied him in that memorable expedition. It
is known that Vasco was born at Sines, but the date of his birth is
uncertain; the year 1469 is that generally given, but besides the
fact that if this be the correct date, Gama would have been very
young--not more than eight and twenty--when the important command of
the expedition to the Indies was confided to him, there was
discovered twenty years ago, amongst the Spanish archives, a
safe-conduct to Tangier granted in 1478 to two persons, Vasco da
Gama and Lemos. It is scarcely probable that such a passport would
have been given to a child of nine years of age, so that this
discovery would appear to carry back the birth of the celebrated
voyager to an earlier date.
It seems that from an early period of his life, Vasco da Gama was
destined to follow the career of a sailor, in which his father had
distinguished himself. The first historian of the Indies, Lopez de
Castaneda, delights in recalling the fact that he had signalized
himself upon the African seas. At one time he was ordered to seize
all the French ships lying in the Portuguese ports, in revenge for
the capture by French pirates during a time of peace of a rich
Portuguese galleon returning from Mina. Such a mission would only
have been confided to an active, energetic and well-tried captain, a
clear proof that Gama's valour and cleverness were highly
appreciated by the king.
About this time he married Dona Caterina de Ataide, one of the
highest ladies about the court, and by her he had several children,
amongst others Estevam da Gama, who became governor of the Indies,
and Dom Christovam, who, says Gaucher, by his struggle with Ahmed
Guerad in Abyssinia, and by his romantic death, deserves to be
reckoned amongst the famous adventurers of the sixteenth century.
All doubt as to the precise date of Gama's first voyage is now at an
end, thanks to the document in the public library at Oporto, a paper
with which Castaneda must have been acquainted, and of which M.
Ferdinand Denis has published a translation in the _Ancient and
Modern Travellers_ of M. E. Charton. The date may be fixed with
certainty for Saturday, the 8th of July, 1497.
This expedition had been long ago determined upon, and all its
details were minutely arranged. It was to be composed of four
vessels of medium size, "in order," says Pacheco, "that they may
enter everywhere and again issue forth rapidly." They were solidly
constructed, and provided with a triple supply of sails and hawsers;
all the barrels destined to contain water, oil, or wine had been
strengthened with iron hoops; large provisions of all kinds had been
made, such as flour, wine, vegetables, drugs, and artillery; the
personnel of the expedition consisted of the best sailors, the
cleverest pilots, and the most experienced captains.
Gama, who had received the title of _Capitam mor_, hoisted his flag
upon the _Sam-Gabriel_ of 120 tons. His brother Paul da Gama was on
board the _Sam-Raphael_ of 100 tons. A caravel of 50 tons, the
_Berrio_, so named in memory of the pilot Berrio, who had sold her
to Emmanuel I., was commanded by an experienced sailor, Nicolo
Coelho, while Pedro Nunes was the captain of a large barque, laden
with provisions and merchandise, destined for exchange with the
natives of the countries which should be visited. Pero de Alemquer,
who had been pilot to Bartholomew Diaz, was to regulate the course
of the vessels. The crews, including ten criminals who were put on
board to be employed on any dangerous service, amounted to one
hundred and sixty persons. What feeble means these, what almost
absurd resources, compared with the grandeur of the mission which
these men were to accomplish!
On the 8th of July, at sunrise, Gama advanced towards the vessels,
followed by his officers through an immense crowd of people. Around
him were a number of monks and religious persons, who chanted sacred
hymns, and besought Heaven's protection for the voyagers. This
departure from Rastello must have been a singularly moving scene;
all, whether actors or spectators, mingling their chants, their
cries, their adieux and their tears, while the sails, filled by a
favourable breeze, bore away Gama and the fortune of Portugal
towards the open sea. A large caravel and a smaller barque, which
were bound for Mina under the command of Bartholomew Diaz, sailed in
company with Gama's fleet. On the following Saturday, the ships were
in sight of the Canaries, and passed the night windward of Lancerota.
When they arrived parallel with the Rio de Ouro, a thick fog
separated Paul da Gama, Coelho, and Diaz from the rest of the fleet,
but they joined again near the Cape de Verd Islands, which were soon
reached. At Santiago fresh stores of meat, water, and wood were
taken on board, and the ships were again put into good sailing order.
[Illustration: La Mina. _From an old print_.]
They quitted the shore of Santa Maria on the 3rd of August. The
voyage was accomplished without any remarkable incidents, and on the
4th of November, anchors were dropped upon the African Coast in a
bay which received the name of _Santa-Ellena_. Eight days were spent
there in shipping wood, and in putting everything in order on board
the vessels. It was there that they saw for the first time the
Bushmen, a miserable and degraded race of people who fed upon the
flesh of sea-wolves and whales, as well as upon roots. The
Portuguese carried off some of these natives, and treated them with
kindness. The savages knew nothing of the value of the merchandize
which was offered to them, they saw the objects for the first time
and were ignorant of their use. Copper was the only thing which they
appeared to prize, wearing in their ears small chains of that metal.
They understood well the use of the zagayes--a kind of javelin, of
which the point is hardened in the fire--of which three or four of
the sailors and even Gama himself had unpleasant experience, while
endeavouring to rescue from their hands a certain Velloso, a man who
had imprudently ventured into the interior of the country. This
incident has furnished Camoens with one of the most charming
episodes of the "Lusiad."
On leaving Santa-Ellena, Pero de Alemquer, formerly pilot to Diaz,
declared his belief that they were then ninety miles from the Cape,
but in the uncertainty the fleet stood off to sea; on the 18th of
November the Cape of Good Hope was seen, and the next day it was
doubled by the fleet sailing before the wind. On the 25th the
vessels were moored in the Bay of Sam-Braz, where they remained
thirteen days, during which time the boat which carried the stores
was demolished, and her cargo divided amongst the three other
vessels. During their stay the Portuguese gave the Bushmen some
hawks' bells and other objects, which, to their surprise, were
accepted, for in the time of Diaz the negroes had shown themselves
timid and even hostile, and had thrown stones to prevent the crews
from procuring water. Now they brought oxen and sheep, and to show
their pleasure at the visit of the Portuguese, "they began," says
Nicolas Velho, "to play upon four or five flutes, some set high,
some low, a wonderful harmony for negroes, from whom one scarcely
looks for music. They danced also, as dance the blacks, and the
Capitam mor commanded the trumpets to sound, and we in our boats
danced too, the Capitam mor himself dancing, as soon as he had
returned amongst us."
What shall we say to this little fete and this mutual serenade
between the Portuguese and the negroes? Would any one have expected
to behold Gama, a grave man, as his portraits represent him,
initiating the negroes into the charms of the pavane. Unhappily
these favourable dispositions were transient, and it was found
necessary to have recourse to some hostile demonstrations by means
of repeated discharges of artillery.
In this Bay of Sam-Braz Gama erected a padrao, which was thrown down
as soon as he was gone. The fleet soon passed the Rio Infante, the
furthest point reached by Diaz. Here the ships experienced the
effects of a strong current, but of which the violence was
neutralized thanks to a favourable wind. On the 25th of December,
Christmas Day, the country of Natal was discovered.
The ships had sustained some damage, and fresh water was needed; it
was therefore urgent for them to find some harbour, which they
succeeded in doing on the 10th of January, 1498. The blacks whom the
Portuguese saw here upon landing were people of greater stature than
those whom they had hitherto met with. Their arms were a large bow
with long arrows, and a zagaye tipped with iron. They were Caffres,
a race very superior to the Bushmen. Such happy relations were
quickly established with them that Gama gave the country the name of
the Land of Good People (_Terra da bon Gente_).
[Illustration: Map of the East Coast of Africa, from the Cape of
Good Hope to the Cape del Gado.]
A little further on, while still sailing up the coast, two Mussulman
traders, one wearing a turban, the other a hood of green satin, came
to visit the Portuguese, with a young man who, "from what could be
understood from their signs, belonged to a very distant country, and
who said he had already seen ships as large as ours." Vasco da Gama,
took this as a proof that he was now approaching those Indian lands,
which had been so long and so eagerly sought. For this reason he
named the river which flowed into the sea at this place _Rio dos
Bonis Signaes_ (River of good tokens). Unhappily the first symptoms
of scurvy appeared at this time amongst the crews, and soon there
were many sailors upon the sick list.
On the 10th of March the expedition cast anchor before the Island of
Mozambique, where, as Gama learnt through his Arab interpreters,
there were several merchants of Mahometan extraction, who carried on
trade with India. Gold and silver, cloth and spices, pearls and
rubies, formed the staple of their commerce. Gama at the same time
was assured that in pursuing the line of the coast, he would find
numerous cities; "Whereat we were so joyful," says Velho in his
naive and valuable narrative, "that we wept for pleasure, praying
God to grant us health that we might see all that which we had so
much desired."
[Illustration: Mozambique Channel.]
The Viceroy Colyytam, who imagined he was dealing with Mussulmen,
came on board several times and was magnificently entertained; he
returned the civility by sending presents, and even furnished Gama
with two skilful pilots, but when some Moorish merchants who had
traded in Europe told him that these foreigners, far from being
Turks, were in reality the worst enemies of the Mahometans, the
viceroy, disgusted at his mistake, made preparations for seizing the
Portuguese by treachery, and killing them. Gama was obliged to point
his artillery at the town and threaten to reduce it to ashes before
he could obtain the water needed for the prosecution of his voyage.
Blood flowed, and Paul da Gama captured two barques, whose rich
cargo was divided amongst the sailors. The ships quitted this
inhospitable town, on the 29th of March, and the voyage continued, a
close surveillance being kept over the Arab pilots, whom Gama was
obliged to cause to be flogged.
On the 4th of April the coast was seen, and on the 8th Mombasa or
Mombaz was reached, a town, according to the pilots, inhabited by
Christians and Mussulmen. The fleet dropped anchor outside the
harbour, and did not enter it, notwithstanding the enthusiastic
reception given to them. Already the Portuguese were reckoning upon
meeting at mass the next day with the Christians of the Island, when
during the night, the flag-ship was approached by a _zacra_, having
on board a hundred armed men, who endeavoured to enter the ships in
a body, which was refused them. The king of Mombaz was informed of
all that had occurred at Mozambique, but pretending ignorance, he
sent presents to Gama, proposing to him to establish a factory in
his capital, and assuring him that so soon as he should have entered
the port, he might take on board a cargo of spices and aromatics.
The Capitam mor, suspecting nothing, immediately sent two men to
announce his entry for the morrow; already they were weighing anchor
when the flag-ship refusing to tack, the anchor was let fall again.
In graceful and poetic fiction, Camoens affirms that it was the
Nereids led by Venus, the protectress of the Portuguese, who stayed
their ships when on the point of entering the port. At this moment
all the Moors on board the fleet quitted it simultaneously, whilst
the Mozambique pilots threw themselves into the sea.
Two Moors who were put to the question with a drop of hot oil,
confessed that the intention was to take all the Portuguese
prisoners as soon as they should be inside the harbour. During the
night the Moors endeavoured several times to climb on board and to
cut the cables in order to run the ships aground, but each time they
were discovered. Under these circumstances no prolonged stay was
possible at Mombaz, but it had been long enough for all those ill of
scurvy to recover their health.
At the distance of four-and-twenty miles from land, the fleet
captured a barque richly laden with gold, silver, and provisions.
The next day Gama arrived at Melinda, a rich and flourishing city,
whose gilded minarets, sparkling in the sunshine, and whose mosques
of dazzling whiteness, stood out against a sky of the most intense
blue. The reception of the Portuguese at Melinda was at first very
cold, the capture of the barque the evening before being already
known there, but as soon as explanations had been given, the people
became cordial. The king's son came to visit the admiral,
accompanied by a train of courtiers splendidly dressed, and a choir
of musicians, who played upon various instruments. The greatest
astonishment was shown at the artillery practice, for the invention
of gunpowder was not yet known on the east coast of Africa. A solemn
treaty was made, ratified by oaths upon the Gospel and the Koran,
and cemented by an interchange of presents. From this moment the
ill-will, the treachery, the difficulties of all kinds which had
hitherto beset the expedition, ceased as if by magic: this must be
attributed to the generosity of the King of Melinda, and to the aid
which he furnished to the Portuguese.
Faithful to the promise which he had made to Vasco da Gama, the king
sent him a Gujerat pilot named Malemo Cana, a man well instructed in
navigation, understanding the use of charts, of the compass and the
quadrant, and who rendered the most important service to the
expedition. After a stay of nine days the fleet weighed anchor for
Calicut. The coasting plan hitherto pursued was now to be abandoned,
and the time was come when, in reliance upon the blessing of God,
the Portuguese must venture out upon the wide ocean, without other
guide than an unknown pilot furnished by a king whose kind welcome
had not sufficed to lull to sleep the suspicions of the foreigners.
And yet, thanks to the ability and loyalty of this pilot, thanks
also to the clemency of the sea, and to the wind being constantly in
its favour, the fleet, after a twenty-three days' voyage, reached
the land on the 17th May, and the next day anchored at the distance
of six miles below Calicut. The enthusiasm on board was great. At
last they had arrived in those rich and wonderful countries.
Fatigues, dangers, sickness, all were forgotten. The object of their
long labours was attained! Or rather, it seemed to be so, for there
was still needed the possession of the treasures and rich
productions of India.
Scarcely were the anchors dropped when four boats came off from the
shore, performing evolutions around the fleet, and apparently
inviting the sailors to disembark. But Gama, rendered cautious by
the occurrences at Mozambique and Mombaz, sent on shore one of the
criminals who were on board, to act as a scout; ordering him to walk
through the town and endeavour to ascertain the temper of its
inhabitants. Surrounded by an inquisitive crowd, assailed by
questions to which he could not reply, this man was conducted to the
house of a Moor named Moucaida, who spoke Spanish, and to whom he
gave a short account of the voyage of the fleet. Moucaida returned
with him on board, and his first words on setting foot on the ship
were "Good luck! good luck! quantities of rubies, quantities of
emeralds!" Whereupon, Moucaida was at once engaged as interpreter.
The King of Calicut was at this time at a distance of forty-five
miles from his capital, so the Capitam mor despatched two men to
announce the arrival of an ambassador from the King of Portugal,
being the bearer of letters to him from his sovereign. The king at
once sent a pilot, with orders to take the Portuguese ships into the
safer roadstead of Pandarany, and promised to return himself on the
morrow to Calicut; this he did, and ordered his Intendant or Catoual
to invite Gama to land and open negotiations. In spite of the
supplications of his brother, Paul da Gama, who represented to him
the dangers which he might incur, and those to which his death would
expose the expedition, the Capitam mor set out for the shore, upon
which an enormous crowd of people were awaiting him.
The idea that they were in the midst of a Christian population was
so rooted in the minds of all the members of the expedition, that
Gama, on passing by a pagoda on the way, entered it to perform his
devotions. One of his companions, however, Juan de Saa, noticing the
hideous pictures upon the walls, was less credulous, and whilst
throwing himself upon his knees, said aloud, "If that be a devil, I
intend nevertheless to adore only the true God!" A mental
reservation which caused amusement to the admiral.
Near the gates of the town the crowd was even more closely packed.
Gama and his companions, under the guidance of the Catoual, had some
difficulty in reaching the palace, where the king, who in the
narrative is called the "Zamorin," was awaiting them with extreme
impatience. Ushered into halls splendidly decorated with silken
stuffs and carpets, and in which burned the most exquisite perfumes,
the Portuguese found themselves in the presence of the Zamorin. He
was magnificently attired, and loaded with jewels, the pearls and
diamonds which he wore being of extraordinary size. The king ordered
refreshments to be served to the strangers, and permitted them to be
seated, a peculiar mark of favour in a country where the sovereign
is usually only addressed with the most lowly prostrations. The
Zamorin afterwards passed into another apartment, to hear with his
own ears, as was proudly demanded by Gama, the reasons for the
embassy and the desire felt by the King of Portugal to conclude a
treaty of commerce and alliance with the King of Calicut. The
Zamorin listened to Gama's discourse, and replied that he should be
happy to consider himself the friend and brother of King Emmanuel,
and that he would, by the aid of Gama, send ambassadors to Portugal.
[Illustration: Gama's interview with the Zamorin. _From an old
print_.]
There are certain proverbs of which the force is not affected by
change of latitude, and the truth of that one which says, "The days
succeed each other and have no similarity," was proved the next day
at Calicut. The enthusiasm which had been aroused in the mind of the
Zamorin by the ingenious discourse of Gama, and the hope it had
awakened of the establishment of a profitable trade with Portugal,
vanished at the sight of the presents which were to be given him.
"Twelve pieces of striped cloth, twelve cloaks with scarlet hoods,
six hats, and four branches of coral, accompanied by a box
containing six large basons, a chest of sugar, and four kegs, two
filled with oil, and two with honey," certainly did not constitute a
very magnificent offering. At sight of it, the prime minister
laughed, declaring that the poorest merchant from Mecca brought
richer presents, and that the king would never accept of such
ridiculous trifles. After this affront Gama again visited the
Zamorin, but it was only after long waiting in the midst of a
mocking crowd, that he was admitted to the presence of the king. The
latter reproached him in a contemptuous manner for having nothing to
offer him, while pretending to be the subject of a rich and powerful
king. Gama replied with boldness, and produced the letters of
Emmanuel, which were couched in flattering terms, and contained a
formal promise to send merchandise to Calicut. The Zamorin, pleased
at this prospect, then inquired with interest about the productions
and resources of Portugal, and gave permission to Gama to disembark
and sell his goods.
But this abrupt change in the humour of the Zamorin was not at all
agreeable to the Moorish and Arab traders, whose dealings made the
prosperity of Calicut. They could not look on quietly whilst
foreigners were endeavouring for their own advantage to turn aside
the commerce which had been hitherto entirely in their hands; they
resolved, therefore, to leave no stone unturned to drive away once
for all these formidable rivals from the shores of India. Their
first care was to gain the ear of the Catoual; then they painted in
the blackest colours these insatiable adventurers, these bold
robbers, whose only object was to spy out the strength and resources
of the town, that they might return in force to pillage it, and to
massacre those who should venture to oppose their designs.
Upon arriving at the roadstead of Pandarany, Gama found no boat to
take him off to the ships, and was forced to sleep on shore. The
Catoual never left him, continually seeking to prove to him the
necessity of bringing the ships nearer to the land; and when the
admiral positively refused to consent to this, he declared him to be
his prisoner. He had very little idea as yet of the firmness of
Gama's character. Some armed boats were sent to surprise the ships,
but the Portuguese, having received secret intelligence from the
admiral of all that had happened, were on their guard, and their
enemies dared not use open force. Gama, still a prisoner, threatened
the Catoual with the anger of the Zamorin, whom he imagined could
never thus have violated the duties of hospitality, but seeing that
his menaces produced no effect, he tried bribery, presenting the
minister with several pieces of stuff, who, thereupon at once
altered his demeanour. "If the Portuguese," said he, "had but kept
the promise they had made to the king, of disembarking their
merchandise, the admiral would long ago have returned on board his
ships." Gama at once sent an order to bring the goods to land,
opened a shop for their sale, of which the superintendence was given
to Diego Diaz, brother to the discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope,
and was then allowed to go back to his ships.
The Mussulmen placed obstacles in the way of the sale of the
merchandise by depreciating its value; Gama sent his agent Diaz to
the Zamorin to complain of the perfidy of the Moors and of the bad
treatment to which he had been subjected, requesting at the same
time permission to move his place of sale to Calicut, where he hoped
that the goods would be more easily disposed of. This request was
favourably received, and friendly relations were maintained, in
spite of the Moorish intrigues, until the 10th of August, 1498. On
that day Diaz went to announce Gama's impending departure to the
king, reminding him of his promise to send an embassy to Portugal,
and asking him to allow Gama a specimen of each of the productions
of the country. These were to be paid for on the first sale of goods
which should take place after the departure of the fleet, it being
intended that the employes of the factory should remain at Calicut
during Gama's absence. The Zamorin, instigated by the Arab traders,
not only refused to execute his promise, but demanded the payment of
600 _seraphins_ as customs' duty, ordering at the same time the
seizure of the merchandise, and making prisoners of the men employed
in the factory.
Such an outrage, such contempt for the rights of nations, called for
prompt vengeance, but Gama understood the art of dissimulation;
however, on receiving a visit on board from some rich merchants, he
detained them, and sent to the Zamorin to demand an exchange of
prisoners. The king's reply not being sent within the time specified
by the admiral, the latter set sail and anchored at the distance of
sixteen miles from Calicut. After another fruitless attack by the
Hindoos, the two agents returned on board, and a portion of the
hostages whom Gama had secured were given up. Diaz brought back with
him a curious letter from the Zamorin to the King of Portugal. It
was written upon a palm leaf, and shall be quoted in all its strange
laconicism, so different from the usual grandiloquence of the
oriental style:--
"Vasco da Gama, a noble of thy palace, is come into my country which
I have permitted. In my kingdom there is much cinnamon, cloves, and
pepper, with many precious stones, and what I desire from thy
country is gold, silver, coral, and scarlet. Adieu."
On the morrow, Moucaida the Moor of Tunis who had served as
interpreter to the Portuguese, and had been a great assistance to
them in their negotiations with the Zamorin, came to seek an asylum
on board the ships. The merchandise had not been brought back on the
appointed day, and the Capitam mor now resolved to carry away with
him the men whom he had kept as hostages, but the fleet was becalmed
at several miles distance from Calicut, and was attacked by twenty
armed boats, which were with difficulty kept at a distance by the
artillery, until they were forced by a violent storm to take shelter
under the coast.
The admiral was sailing along the coast of the Deccan, and had
permitted some of the sailors to go on shore to gather fruit and
collect cinnamon bark, when he perceived eight boats, which appeared
to be coming towards him. Gama recalled the men, and sailed forward
to meet the Hindoos, who made the greatest haste to flee from him,
but not without leaving a boat laden with cocoa, and provisions, in
the hands of the Portuguese. On arriving at the Laccadive
Archipelago, Gama had the _Berrio_ recalked, and his own ship drawn
up on shore for repairs. The sailors were busy over this work when
they were again attacked, but without more success than heretofore.
The next day witnessed the arrival of an individual forty years of
age, dressed in Hindoo style, who began to speak to the Portuguese
in excellent Italian, telling them that he was a native of Venice,
and had been torn from his country while still young, that he was a
Christian, but without the possibility of practising his religion.
He was in a high position at the court of the king of the country,
who had sent him to them, to place at their disposal all that the
country contained which could minister to their comfort. These
offers of service, so different from the welcome accorded to them
hitherto, excited the suspicions of the Portuguese, and they were
not long in discovering that this adventurer was in command of the
boats which had attacked them the day before. Upon this they had him
scourged until he confessed that he had come to discover whether it
were possible to attack the fleet with advantage, and he ended by
affirming that all the inhabitants of the sea-shore were in league
to destroy the Portuguese. He was retained on board, the work upon
the ships was hurried forward, and as soon as water and provisions
had been taken in, sail was made for a return to Europe.
In consequence of dead calms and contrary winds, the expedition was
three months, all but three days, in reaching the African coast.
During this long voyage the crews suffered terribly from scurvy, and
thirty sailors perished. In each ship, only seven or eight men were
in a condition to work the vessel, and very often the officers
themselves were forced to lend a hand. "Whence I can affirm," says
Velho, "that if the time in which we sailed across those seas had
been prolonged a fortnight, nobody from hence would have navigated
them after us.... And the captains having held a council upon the
matter, it was resolved that in case of similar winds catching us
again, to return towards India, there to take refuge." On the 2nd of
February, 1499, the Portuguese found themselves at last abreast of a
great town on the coast of Ajan, called Magadoxo, distant 300 miles
from Melinda.
Gama, dreading another reception like the one given to him at
Mozambique, would not stop here, but while passing within sight of
the town, ordered a general discharge of the guns. A few days
afterwards the rich and salubrious plains of Melinda came in sight,
and here they cast anchor. The king hastened to send off fresh
provisions and oranges for the invalids on board. The reception
given by him to the Portuguese was in every particular most
affectionate, and the friendship which had arisen during Gama's
first visit to Melinda was greatly strengthened. The Sheik of
Melinda sent for the King of Portugal a horn made of ivory and a
number of other presents, entreating Gama at the same time to
receive a young Moor on board his ship, that through him the king
might learn how earnestly he desired his friendship.
The five days' rest at Melinda was of the greatest benefit to the
Portuguese, at its expiration they again set sail. Soon after
passing Mombaz they were obliged to burn the _Sam-Raphael_, the
crews being too much reduced to be able to work three ships. They
discovered the Island of Zanzibar, anchored in the Bay of Sam-Braz,
and on the 20th February, a favourable wind enabled them to double
the Cape of Good Hope, when they again found themselves upon the
Atlantic Ocean. The breeze remaining favourable, helped forward the
return of the mariners, and at the end of twenty-seven days, they
had arrived in the neighbourhood of the Island of Santiago. On the
25th of April Nicholas Coelho, captain of the _Berrio_, eager to be
the first to carry to Emmanuel the news of the discovery of the
Indies, separated himself from his chief, and without touching, as
had been arranged, at the Cape de Verd Islands, made sail direct for
Portugal, arriving there on the 10th of July.
During this time the unfortunate Gama was plunged in the most
profound sorrow, for his brother, Paul da Gama, who had shared his
fatigues and sufferings, and who was to be a partaker of his glory,
seemed to be slowly dying. At Santiago, Vasco da Gama, now returned
to well known and much frequented seas, gave up the command of his
ships to Joao da Saa, and chartered a fast-sailing caravel, to
hasten as much as possible his beloved invalid's return to his
native country. But all hope was vain, and the caravel only arrived
at Terceira in time to inter there the body of the brave and
sympathizing Paul da Gama.
Upon his arrival in Portugal, which must have taken place during the
early part of September, the admiral was received with stately
festivals. Of the 160 Portuguese whom he had taken with him,
fifty-five only returned with him. The loss was great certainly, but
what was it compared with the great advantages to be hoped for? The
public realized this, and gave the most enthusiastic reception to
Gama. The King, Emmanuel II., added to his own titles that of Lord
of the conquests and of the navigation of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia,
and the Indies; but he allowed two years to pass before rewarding
Gama. He then bestowed upon him the title of Admiral of the Indies,
and authorized him to use the prefix of _Dom_ before his name, a
privilege then rarely granted. Also, doubtless to make Vasco da Gama
forget the tardiness with which his services had been rewarded, the
king gave him 1000 crowns, a considerable sum for that period, and
also conceded to him certain privileges in connexion with the
commerce of the Indies, which were likely speedily to make his
fortune.
II.
THE CONQUEST OF INDIA, AND OF THE SPICE COUNTRIES.
Alvares Cabral--Discovery of Brazil--The coast of Africa--Arrival at
Calicut, Cochin, Cananore--Joao da Nova--Gama's second expedition--
The King of Cochin--The early life of Albuquerque--The taking of
Goa--The siege and capture of Malacca--Second expedition against
Ormuz--Ceylon--The Moluccas--Death of Albuquerque--Fate of the
Portuguese empire of the Indies.
On the 9th of March, 1500, a fleet of thirteen vessels left Rastello,
under the command of Pedro Alvares Cabral; on board, as a volunteer,
was Luiz de Camoens, who in his poem the "Lusiad," was to render
illustrious the valour and adventurous spirit of his countrymen. But
little is known of Cabral, and nothing of the reason which had
gained him the command of this important expedition. Cabral belonged
to one of the most illustrious families in Portugal, and his father,
Fernando Cabral, lord of Zurara da Beira, was Alcalde mor of
Belmonte. Pedro Alvares Cabral had married Isabel de Castro, first
lady in waiting to the Infanta Dona Maria, daughter of John III. If
it be asked whether Cabral had made himself famous by some important
maritime discovery, we answer there is no reason to think so, for in
that case the historians would have recorded it. But it is difficult
to believe that he owed to court favour alone the command of an
expedition in which such men as Bartholomew Diaz, Nicholas Coelho
the companion of Gama, and Sancho de Thovar sailed under his orders.
Why had not this mission been confided to Gama, who had been at home
for six months, and whose knowledge of the countries to be visited
and of the manners of their inhabitants, seemed to point him out as
the fittest man for the service? Had he not yet recovered from the
fatigues of his first voyage? Or had his grief for the loss of a
brother who had died almost within sight of the coasts of Portugal
so deeply affected him, that he desired to remain in retirement? May
it not rather have been that King Emmanuel was jealous of the fame
of Gama, and did not wish to give him the opportunity of increasing
his renown? These are problems which perhaps history may be for ever
unable to solve.
It is easy to believe in the realization of those things which we
ardently desire. Emmanuel imagined that the Zamorin of Calicut would
not object to the establishment of Portuguese shops and factories in
his country, and Cabral, the bearer of presents of such magnificence
as to obliterate the memory of the shabbiness of those offered by
Gama, received orders to obtain from the Zamorin an interdict,
forbidding any Moor to carry on trade in his capital. The new
Capitam mor was in the first place to visit Melinda, to offer rich
presents to its king, and to restore to him the Moor who had come to
Portugal with Gama. Sixteen friars were sent out on board the fleet,
charged to carry the knowledge of the Gospel to the distant
countries of Asia.
The fleet had sailed for thirteen days and had passed the Cape de
Verd Islands, when it was discovered that one of the ships, under
the command of Vasco d'Ataide, was no longer in company. The rest of
the ships lay to for some time to await her, but in vain, and the
twelve vessels then continued their navigation upon the open sea,
and not, as had been the manner hitherto, steering simply from cape
to cape along the shores of Africa. Cabral hoped by this means to
avoid the calms in the Gulf of Guinea, which had proved so great a
cause of delay to the preceding expeditions. Perhaps even the
Capitam mor, who must, in common with the rest of his countrymen,
have been acquainted with the discoveries of Christopher Columbus,
may have had the secret hope, by keeping to the west, of arriving at
some region unvisited by the great navigator.
The fact remains, whether it is to be accounted for by a storm or by
some secret design, that the fleet was out of the right way for
doubling the Cape of Good Hope when, on the 22nd of April, a high
mountain was seen, and soon afterwards a long stretch of coast,
which received the name of Vera Cruz, changed afterwards to that of
Santa Cruz. This was Brazil, and the point where now stands Porto
Seguro. On the 28th, after a skilful reconnaissance of the coasts
had been made by Coelho, the Portuguese sailors landed upon the
American shores, and became aware of a delicious mildness of
temperature, with a luxuriance of vegetation greatly exceeding
anything which they had seen on the coasts of Africa or of Malabar.
The natives formed themselves in groups around the sailors, without
showing the least sign of fear. They were almost naked, and bore
upon the wrist a tame parroquet, after the fashion in which the
gentlemen of Europe carry their hawks or their gerfalcons.
On Easter Sunday, the 26th of April, a solemn mass was celebrated on
the shore in sight of the Indians, whose silence and attitude of
respect excited the admiration of the Portuguese. On the 1st of May
a large cross and a padrao were erected on the shore, and Cabral
formally took possession of the country in the name of the King of
Portugal. His first care after this formality was accomplished was
to despatch Gaspard de Lemos to Lisbon, to announce the discovery of
this rich and fertile country. Lemos took with him the narrative of
the expedition written by Pedro Vaz de Caminha, and an important
astronomical document, the work of Master Joao, in which was
doubtless stated the exact situation of the new conquest. Before
setting out for Asia, Cabral put on land two criminals, whom he
ordered to ascertain the resources and riches of the country, as
well as the manners and customs of the inhabitants. These wise and
far-sighted measures speak much for Cabral's prudence and sagacity.
[Illustration: Cabral takes formal possession of Brazil.]
It was the 2nd of May when the fleet lost sight of Brazil. All on
board, rejoicing over this happy commencement of the voyage,
believed in the prospect of an easy and rapid success, when the
appearance of a brilliant comet on eight consecutive days struck the
ignorant and simple minds of the sailors with terror; they
considered it must be a bad omen, and for this once events appeared
to justify superstition. A fearful storm arose, waves mountains high
broke over the ships, whilst the wind blew furiously and rain fell
without ceasing. When the sun at length succeeded in piercing the
thick curtain of clouds which almost entirely intercepted his rays,
a horrible scene was disclosed. The water looked thick and black,
large patches of a livid white colour flecked the foaming, crested
waves, while during the night phosphorescent lights, streaking the
immense plain of water, marked out the course of the ships with a
train of fire. For two-and-twenty days, without truce or mercy, the
Portuguese ships were battered by the furious elements. The
terrified sailors were utterly prostrate; they vainly exhausted
their prayers and vows, and obeyed the orders of their officers only
from the force of habit; from the first day they had given up any
hope of their lives being spared, and only awaited the moment when
they should all be submerged. When light at length returned and the
billows became calm, each crew, thinking themselves to be perhaps
the sole survivors, looked eagerly over the sea in search of their
companions. Three ships met together again with a joy which the sad
reality soon abated. Eight vessels were missing; four had been
engulfed by a gigantic water-spout during the last days of the storm.
One of these had been commanded by Bartholomew Diaz, the discoverer
of the Cape of Good Hope: he had been drowned by these murderous
waves, the defenders, according to Camoens, of the empire of the
east against the nations of the west, who had for so many centuries
coveted her marvellous riches.
During this long series of storms the Cape had been doubled and the
fleet was approaching the coast of Africa. On the 20th of July
Mozambique was signalled. The Moors of this place showed a more
agreeable disposition than they had done when Gama was there, and
furnished the Portuguese with two pilots, who conducted them to
Quiloa, an island famed for the trade in gold-dust which was carried
on with Sofala. There Cabral found two of the missing ships, which
had been driven to this island by the wind. A plot was on foot in
Quiloa for a wholesale massacre of the Europeans, but this was
frustrated by a prompt departure from the island, and the ships
arrived at Melinda without any untoward incident. The stay of the
fleet in this port was the occasion of fetes and rejoicings without
number, and soon, revictualled, repaired, and furnished with
excellent pilots, the Portuguese vessels sailed for Calicut, where
they arrived on the 13th of December, 1500.
[Illustration: View of Quiloa. _From an old print_.]
This time, thanks to the power of their arms as well as to the
richness of the presents offered to the Zamorin, the reception was
different, and the versatile prince agreed to all the demands of
Cabral: namely, a monopoly of the trade in aromatics and spicery,
and the right of seizure upon all vessels which should infringe this
privilege. For some time the Moors dissembled their resentment, but
when they had succeeded in thoroughly exasperating the population
against the foreigners, they rushed at a given signal into the
factory which was under the direction of Ayres Correa, and massacred
fifty of the Portuguese, whom they surprised in it. Vengeance for
this outrage was not slow; ten boats moored in the port were taken,
pillaged, and burnt before the eyes of the Hindoos, who were
powerless to render opposition; afterwards the town was bombarded,
and was half-buried under its ruins.
When this affair was concluded, Cabral, continuing the exploration
of the Malabar coast, arrived at Cochin, where the Rajah, a vassal
of the Zamorin, hastened to conclude an alliance with the Portuguese,
eagerly seizing this opportunity to declare himself independent.
Although by this time his fleet was richly laden, Cabral made a
visit to Cananore, where he entered into a treaty with the Rajah of
the country; then, being impatient to return home, he set sail for
Europe. While coasting along that shore of Africa, which is washed
by the Indian Ocean, he discovered Sofala, a place which had escaped
the observation of Gama. On the 13th of July, 1501, Cabral arrived
at Lisbon, where he had the joy of finding the two remaining ships
which he had imagined to be lost.
It is pleasant to believe that he received the welcome merited by
the important results obtained in this memorable expedition.
Although contemporary historians are silent upon the incidents of
his life after his return, recent research has been rewarded by the
discovery of his tomb at Santarem, and M. Ferdinand Denis has
happily proved that, like Vasco da Gama, he received the title of
_Dom_ as a reward for his glorious deeds.
Whilst he was returning to Europe Alvares Cabral might have
encountered a fleet of four caravels under the command of Joao da
Nova, which King Emmanuel had despatched to give fresh vigour to the
commercial relations which Cabral had been charged to establish in
the Indies. This new expedition doubled the Cape of Good Hope
without misadventure, discovered between Mozambique and Quiloa an
unknown island, which was named after the commander of the fleet,
and arrived at Melinda, where Da Nova was informed of the events
which had taken place at Calicut. He felt that he had not forces at
his disposal sufficient to justify him in going to punish the
Zamorin, and not wishing to endanger the prestige of Portuguese arms
by the risk of a reverse, he steered for Cochin and Cananore, of
which the kings, although tributaries of the Zamorin, had entered
into alliance with Alvares Cabral. Da Nova had already taken on
board 1000 hundredweights of pepper, 50 of ginger, and 450 of
cinnamon, when he received warning that a considerable fleet, coming
apparently from Calicut, was advancing with hostile intentions. If
he had hitherto been more concerned with trade than with war, he did
not the less in these critical circumstances display a bold and
courageous spirit worthy of his predecessors. He accepted the combat,
notwithstanding the apparent superiority of the Hindoos, and partly
by the skilful arrangements which he made, partly by the power of
his guns, he managed to disperse, to take, or to sink the hostile
vessels. Perhaps Da Nova ought to have profited by the terror which
his victory had spread along the coast, and the temporary exhaustion
of the Moorish resources, to strike a great blow by the taking of
Calicut. But we are too far removed in time from the events, and
know too little of their details, to appreciate with impartiality
the reasons which induced the admiral to return immediately to
Europe.
It was during this latter part of his voyage that Nova discovered
the small island of Saint Helena in the midst of the Atlantic. A
curious story attaches to this discovery. A certain Fernando Lopez
had followed Gama to the Indies; this man, wishing to marry a Hindoo,
was forced for this purpose to renounce Christianity and become a
Mahometan. Upon Nova's visit, having had enough either of his wife
or of her religion, he begged to be taken back to his country, and
returned to his old creed. Upon arriving at Saint Helena, Lopez, in
obedience to a sudden idea, which he regarded as an inspiration from
on high, requested to be landed there, in order, as he said, to
expiate his detestable apostasy and to atone for it by his devotion
to humanity. His will appeared so fixed that Da Nova was forced to
consent, and he left him there, having given him at his request
various seeds of fruits and vegetables. It must be added that this
singular hermit worked for four years at the clearing and planting
of the island with such success, that ships were soon able to call
there to revictual during their long passage from Europe to the Cape
of Good Hope.
The successive expeditious of Gama, Cabral, and Da Nova had
conclusively proved that an uninterrupted commerce must not be
reckoned upon, nor a continued exchange of merchandise, with the
population of the Malabar Coast, who, while their own independence
and liberty were respected had each time leagued together against
the Portuguese. That trade with Europeans which they so persistently
refused, must be forced upon them, and for that purpose permanent
military establishments must be formed, capable of overawing the
malcontents, and even in case of necessity of taking possession of
the country. But to whom should such an important mission be
entrusted? The choice could scarcely be doubtful, and Vasco da Gama
was unanimously chosen to take the command of the powerful armament
which was in preparation.
Vasco had ten ships under his own immediate command, while his
second brother Stephen da Gama, and his cousin Vincent Sodrez, had
each five ships under his orders, but they were both to recognise
Vasco da Gama as their chief. The ceremonies which preceded the
departure of the fleet from Lisbon were of a particularly grave and
solemn character. King Emmanuel, followed by the whole court,
repaired to the cathedral in the midst of an enormous crowd, and
there called down blessings from heaven upon this expedition, partly
religious, partly military, while the Archbishop blessed the banner
which was entrusted to Gama.
The admiral's first care was to visit Sofala and Mozambique, towns
of which he had had reason to complain in the course of his first
voyage. Being anxious to establish harbours for refuge, and
revictualling of ships, he established there merchants' offices, and
laid the foundations of forts. He also levied a heavy tribute upon
the Sheik of Quiloa, and then sailed for the coast of Hindostan.
When Gama had arrived off Calicut, he perceived on the 3rd of
October a vessel of large tonnage, which appeared to him to be
richly laden. It was the _Merii_ bringing back from Mecca a great
number of pilgrims belonging to all the countries of Asia. Gama
attacked the ship without provocation, captured her and put to death
more than three hundred men who were on board. Twenty children alone
were saved and taken to Lisbon, where they were baptized, and
entered the army of Portugal. This frightful massacre, besides being
quite in accordance with the ideas of the period, was calculated
according to Gama, to strike terror into the Hindoo mind: it did
nothing of the sort. This hateful and useless cruelty has left a
stain of blood upon the hitherto pure fame of the admiral.
[Illustration: Map of the Coasts of Persia, Guzerat, and Malabar.]
As soon as he arrived at Cananore, Gama obtained an audience of the
Rajah, who authorized him to establish a counting-house, and to
build a fort. At the same time a treaty of alliance, offensive and
defensive was concluded. After setting the labourers to work, and
installing his agent, the admiral set sail for Calicut, where he
intended to summon the Zamorin to a reckoning for his disloyalty, as
well as for the murder of the Portuguese who had been surprised in
the factory. Although the Rajah of Calicut had been informed of the
arrival in the Indies of his formidable enemies, he had taken no
military precautions, and thus, when Gama presented himself before
the town, he was able to seize some vessels anchored in the port and
to make a hundred prisoners, without encountering any resistance;
afterwards he granted the Zamorin a respite of four days, in which
to make atonement to the Portuguese for the murder of Correa, and to
refund the value of the merchandise which had been stolen on that
occasion.
The time specified had scarcely elapsed when the bodies of fifty of
the prisoners were strung up at the yard-arms of the vessels, where
they remained exposed to the view of the town during the whole day.
In the evening the feet and hands of these expiatory victims were
cut off and taken on shore, with a letter from the admiral,
declaring that his vengeance would not be limited to this execution.
Accordingly, under cover of the night, the broadsides of the vessels
were brought to bear upon the town, which was bombarded for the
space of three days. It will never be known what was the exact
number of the slain, but it must have been considerable. Without
reckoning those killed by the fire of the cannon and the muskets, a
great number of Hindoos were buried beneath the ruins of the
buildings, or perished in the conflagration, which destroyed a
portion of the town of Calicut. The Rajah had been one of the first
to take flight, and fortunate was it for him that he had done so,
for his palace was amongst the buildings which were demolished. At
length, satisfied with having transformed this heretofore rich and
populous city into a heap of ruins, and considering his vengeance
satiated, and that the lesson so taught would be profitable, Gama
set sail for Cochin, leaving behind him Vincent Sodrez, with several
ships, to continue the blockade.
Triumpara, the sovereign of Cochin, informed the admiral that he had
been eagerly solicited by the Zamorin to take advantage of the
confidence reposed in him by the Portuguese, to surprise and seize
them, in consequence of which intelligence, and to reward the
integrity of the king whose loyalty had exposed him to the enmity of
the Rajah of Calicut, Gama, when starting for Lisbon with a valuable
cargo, left with Triumpara ships sufficient to enable him to await
in safety the arrival of another squadron. During Gama's return
voyage the only noteworthy incident that occurred was the defeat of
another Malabar fleet. The admiral arrived in Europe on the 20th of
December, 1503.
Once more the eminent services rendered by this great man went
unrecognised, or rather they were not appreciated as they deserved.
Gama, who had just laid the foundations of the colonial empire of
Portugal in India, remained for one and twenty years without
employment, and it was only through the intercession of the Duke of
Braganza, that he obtained the title of Count de Vidigueyra. A too
common instance this of ingratitude, but one which it is never _mal
a propos_ to stigmatize as it deserves.
Scarcely had Gama set out for Europe, before the Zamorin at the
instigation of the Musselmen, who saw their commercial supremacy
more and more compromised, assembled his allies at Pani with the
object of attacking the King of Cochin and of punishing him for the
counsel and assistance which he had given to the Portuguese. The
unfortunate Rajah's fidelity was now put to a hard proof. Besieged
in his capital by a large force, he saw himself all at once deprived
of the aid of those for whose advantage he had incurred so great a
risk. Sodrez and several of his captains had deserted the post,
where both honour and gratitude required them to remain, and if need
were, to die in the discharge of their duty; they forsook Triumpara
to go and cruise in the neighbourhood of Ormuz, and at the entrance
to the Red Sea, where they calculated that the annual pilgrimage to
Mecca was likely to ensure them some rich booty. The Portuguese
agent vainly represented to them the unworthiness of their conduct,
they set out in haste, to escape from these inconvenient reproaches.
The King of Cochin, betrayed by some of the Nairs (military nobles)
of his palace, who had been gained over by the Zamorin, soon saw his
capital carried by assault, and was obliged to seek refuge upon an
inaccessible rock in the little Island of Viopia, with those
Portuguese who had remained faithful to him. When he was reduced to
the last extremity, an emissary was sent to him by the Zamorin, to
promise him pardon and oblivion of his offences if he would give up
to him the Portuguese. But Triumpara, whose fidelity cannot be
sufficiently commended, answered, "that the Zamorin might use his
rights of victory; that he was not ignorant of the perils by which
he was menaced, but that it was not in the power of any man to make
him a traitor and a perjurer." No one could have made a nobler
return than this for the desertion and cowardice of Sodrez.
Vincent Sodrez had arrived at the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, when a
fearful tempest occurred, in which his ship split upon the rocks,
and he and his brother perished. The survivors regarded this event
as a judgment of Providence for their bad conduct, and they made
haste, with all sails set to return to Cochin. They were detained by
contrary winds at the Laccadive Islands, and were there joined by
another Portuguese squadron under the command of Francisco
d'Albuquerque, who had sailed from Lisbon almost at the same time as
his cousin Alfonzo d'Albuquerque the most distinguished captain of
the period, who with the title of Capitam mor had started from Belem
at the beginning of April, 1503.
The arrival of Francisco d'Albuquerque placed the Portuguese affairs,
which had been so gravely compromised by the criminal conduct of
Sodrez, upon a better footing, and at the same time effected the
rescue of Triumpara, their sole and faithful ally. The besiegers
fled at the sight of the Portuguese squadron, without even a show of
resistance, and the Europeans in conjunction with the troops of the
King of Cochin ravaged the Malabar Coast. As a consequence of these
events, Triumpara allowed his allies to construct a second fortress
in his dominions, and authorised an augmentation of the number and
importance of their mercantile houses. This was the moment that
witnessed the arrival of Alfonzo d'Albuquerque, the man destined to
be the real creator of the Portuguese Empire in the Indies. Diaz,
Cabral, and Gama, had prepared the way, but Albuquerque was the
leader of large views who was needed to determine which were the
principal towns that must be seized in order to place the Portuguese
dominion upon a solid and lasting basis. Thus every particular of
the history of this man who showed so great a genius for
colonisation, is of the deepest interest, and it is well worth while
to record some particulars of his family, his education, and his
early exploits.
Alfonzo d'Alboquerque or d'Albuquerque, was born in 1453 at Alhandra,
eighteen miles from Lisbon. Through his father Gonzalo d'Albuquerque,
the Lord of Villaverde, he was descended, but illegitimately, from
King Diniz; and through his mother from the Menezez, the great
explorers. Brought up at the court of Alphonzo V., he there received
as liberal and thorough an education as was possible at the period.
He made an especial study of the great writers of antiquity, whose
influence may be traced in the majesty and accuracy of his own style,
and of mathematics of which he knew as much as could be learnt at
that time. After staying for some years at Arzila, an African town
which was under the dominion of Alphonzo V., he returned to Portugal,
and was appointed Master of the Horse to John II., a prince whose
chief anxiety was to extend the name and power of Portugal beyond
the seas. It is evident that it was to the constant attendance upon
the king imposed upon him by the duties of his office, that
Albuquerque owed the inclination of his mind towards geographical
studies, and his anxious desire to find the means of giving to his
country the Empire of the Indies. He had already taken part in an
expedition sent to the succour of the King of Naples against an
incursion of the Turks, and in 1489, had been charged with the
commission of revictualling and defending the fortress of Graciosa,
upon the coast of Larache.
We must now return from this digression and take up the history of
Albuquerque, from the time of his arrival in India in 1503. It took
him but a few days to become thoroughly aware of the position of
affairs; he perceived that the commerce of Portugal must depend upon
conquest for its power of development. But his first enterprise was
proportioned to the feebleness of his resources; he laid siege to
Raphelim, which he wished to make a military station for his
countrymen, and then with two ships he undertook a reconnaissance of
the coast of Hindostan. Being attacked quite unexpectedly both by
land and sea, he was on the point of yielding when the fortunate
arrival of his cousin Francisco turned the combat, and put the
Zamorin's troops to flight. The importance of this victory was
considerable; the conquerors remained masters of an immense booty
and quantities of precious stones, which had the result of
stimulating the Portuguese spirit of covetousness; at the same time
it confirmed Albuquerque in his designs, for the execution of which
the consent of the king was needful, and also more considerable
resources. He therefore set out on his return to Lisbon, where he
arrived in July, 1504.
This same year, King Emmanuel wishing to organize a regular
government in the Indies, had made Tristan da Cunha his viceroy, but
Da Cunha having become temporarily blind was obliged to resign his
power before he had exercised it. The king's choice next fell upon
Francisco d'Almeida, who set out with his son in 1505. It will be
soon seen what were the means which he considered should be employed
to assure the triumph of his countrymen.
On the 6th of March, 1506, sixteen vessels left Lisbon under the
command of Tristan da Cunha, who had by that time regained his
health. With him went Alfonzo Albuquerque, carrying with him, but
unknown to himself, his patent of Viceroy of India. He was ordered
not to open the sealed packet until three years should have expired,
when Almeida would have completed the term of his mission.
This numerous fleet, after having stopped at the Cape de Verd
Islands and discovered Cape St. Augustine in Brazil, steered
directly for the unexplored parts of the South Atlantic, and went so
far south that the old chroniclers assert that several sailors being
too lightly clad died from cold, while the others were scarcely able
to work the ships. In 37 degrees 8 minutes south latitude, and 14
degrees 21 minutes west longitude, Da Cunha discovered three small
uninhabited islands, of which the largest still bears his name. A
storm prevented a landing there, and so completely dispersed the
fleet that the admiral could not get his vessels together again
before he arrived at Mozambique. In sailing along this African coast
he explored the island of Madagascar or Sam-Lorenzo, which had just
been discovered by Soarez, who was in command of eight vessels which
Almeida was sending back to Europe; it was not thought advisable to
make a settlement upon the island.
After having wintered at Mozambique, Da Cunha landed three
ambassadors at Melinda, who were to reach Abyssinia by travelling
overland, then he anchored at Brava, which Coutinho, one of his
lieutenants had been unable to subjugate. The Portuguese now laid
siege to this town, which resisted bravely but which yielded in the
end, thanks to the courage of the enemy and the perfection of their
arms. The population was massacred without mercy, and the town
pillaged and burnt. Upon Magadoxo, another town on the African Coast,
Cunha tried but in vain, to impose his authority. The strength of
the town and the stubborn resolution shown by the numerous
population as well as the approach of winter forced him to raise the
siege. He then turned his arms against Socotra, at the entrance of
the Gulf of Aden, where he carried the fortress. The whole of the
garrison were put to the sword, the only man spared being an old
blind soldier, who was discovered hidden in a well. When asked how
he had been able to get down there, he answered,--"The blind only
see the road which leads to liberty." At Socotra, the two Portuguese
chiefs constructed the fort of Coco, intended by Albuquerque to
command the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea, by the Strait of
Bab-el-Mandeb, thus cutting one of the lines of communication with
the Indies, which was the most used by the Venetians.
Here Da Cunha and Albuquerque separated, the former going to India
to obtain a cargo of spices, the latter officially invested with the
title of Capitam mor, and bent on the realization of his vast
schemes, setting out on the 10th of August, 1507, for Ormuz, having
left his nephew Alfonzo da Noronha in charge of the new fortress. He
took in succession, and as if to get his hand in for the work,
Calayati, where were found immense stores, Curiaty and Mascati,
which he gave up to pillage, fire, and destruction, in order to
avenge a series of acts of treachery easily understood by those who
know the duplicity of these eastern people. The success which he had
just gained at Mascati, important as it was, did not content
Albuquerque. He dreamed of other and grander projects, of which the
execution was, however, much compromised by the jealousy of the
captains under his orders, and notably of Joao da Nova, who
contemplated abandoning his chief, and whom Albuquerque was obliged
to place under arrest on board his own ship. After having suppressed
these beginnings of disobedience and rebellion, the Capitam mor
reached Orfacati, which was taken after a vigorous resistance.
It is a curious fact that Albuquerque had long heard Ormuz spoken of,
but that as yet he was ignorant of its position. He knew that this
town served as an entrepot for all the merchandise passing from Asia
into Europe. Its riches and power, the number of its inhabitants and
the beauty of its monuments were at that time celebrated throughout
the East, so much so that there was a common saying, "If the world
be a ring, Ormuz is the precious stone set in it." Albuquerque had
resolved to take this town, not only because in itself it was a
prize worth having, but also because it commanded the whole of the
Persian Gulf, which was the second of the great commercial roads
between the East and West. Without saying anything to the captains
of his fleet, who, without doubt, would have rebelled at the idea of
attacking so strong a town, and the capital of a powerful empire,
Albuquerque gave orders to double Cape Mussendom, and the fleet soon
entered the Strait of Ormuz, the door of the Persian Gulf, from
whence was seen rising in all its magnificence a busy town built
upon a rocky island, provided with formidable artillery, and
protected by an army amounting to not less than from fifteen to
twenty thousand men, while its harbour enclosed a fleet more
numerous than could have been suspected at first sight. At this
sight the captains made urgent representations upon the danger that
Albuquerque would run in attacking so well-prepared a town, and made
the most of the plea how very bad an influence a reverse would
exercise. To this discourse Albuquerque answered, that indeed "it
was a very great affair, but that it was too late to draw back, and
that he had greater need of determination than of good advice."
[Illustration: Albuquerque before Ormuz.]
Scarcely was the anchor dropped before Albuquerque declared his
ultimatum. Although the forces under his orders were very
disproportionate in numbers, the Capitam mor imperiously demanded
that Ormuz should recognize the suzerainty of the King of Portugal
and submit to his envoy, if it did not wish to share the same fate
as Mascati. The King, Seif-Ed-din, who was then reigning over Ormuz,
was still a child, and his Prime Minister, Kodja-Atar, a skilful and
cunning diplomatist, governed in the king's name. Without denying in
principle the pretensions of Albuquerque, the Prime Minister wished
to gain time, to allow contingents to arrive for the help of the
capital; but the admiral, who guessed his object, did not hesitate,
after waiting three days, to attack the formidable fleet at anchor
under the guns of Ormuz, with his five vessels and the _Flor de la
Mar_, the finest and largest ship of that time. The combat was
bloody and long undecided, but when they saw fortune was against
them the Moors, abandoning their vessels, endeavoured to swim on
shore. The Portuguese upon this jumped into their boats, pursuing
the Moors vigorously, and causing horrible carnage. Albuquerque next
directed his efforts against a large wooden jetty defended by
numerous guns and by archers, whose well-aimed arrows wounded a
number of the Portuguese and the general himself, who, however, was
not hindered thereby from landing and proceeding to burn the suburbs
of the town. Convinced that resistance would soon be impossible, and
that their capital was in danger of being destroyed, the Moors
hoisted a flag of truce, and signed a treaty, by which Seif-Ed-din
declared himself the vassal of King Emmanuel, promised to pay him an
annual tribute of 15,000 seraphins or xarafins, and gave to the
conquerors a site for a fortress, which, in spite of the repugnance
and reproaches of the Portuguese captains, was soon put into a
condition of resistance. Unfortunately some deserters quickly
brought these unworthy dissensions to the knowledge of Kodja-Atar,
who profited by them to avoid, under various pretexts, fulfilling
the execution of the articles of the new treaty. Some days
afterwards Joao da Nova and two other captains, jealous of the
successes of Albuquerque, and trampling in the dust every sentiment
of honour, discipline, and patriotism, left him to go to the Indies;
while Albuquerque was obliged by this cowardly desertion to withdraw
without being able even to guard the fortress which he had been at
so much pains to construct. He went to Socotra, where the garrison
was in need of help, and then returned to cruise before Ormuz, but
thinking himself too weak to undertake anything, he retired for a
time to Goa, arriving there at the end of the year 1508.
What had been occurring on the Malabar coast during this long and
adventurous campaign? The answer may be summed up in a few lines. It
will be remembered that Almeida had set out from Belem in 1505 with
a fleet of twenty-two sail, carrying soldiers to the number of 1500
men. First he seized Quiloa and then Mombaz, of which the "cavaliers,
as the inhabitants loved to repeat, did not yield as easily as the
chicken hearts of Quiloa." Out of the enormous booty, which by the
fall of this town fell into the hands of the Portuguese, Almeida
only took one arrow as his share of the spoil, thus giving a rare
example of disinterestedness. After having stopped at Melinda he
went on to Cochin, where he delivered to the Rajah the golden crown
sent to him by Emmanuel, whilst he himself, with the presumptuous
vanity of which he gave so many proofs, assumed the title of viceroy.
Then, after commencing a fortress at Sofala, destined to overawe the
Mussulmen of that coast, Almeida and his son, Lorenzo, scoured the
Indian Seas, destroying the Malabar fleets, capturing some trading
vessels, and causing great injury to the enemy, whose accustomed
commercial roads were thus intercepted. But for this cruising
warfare a numerous fleet of light vessels was needed, for there was
scarcely any other harbour of refuge except Cochin upon the Asiatic
coast. How preferable was Albuquerque's system of establishing
himself in the country in a permanent manner, by constructing
fortresses in all directions, by seizing upon the most powerful
cities, whence it was easy to branch off into the interior of the
country, by rendering himself master of the keys of the straits, and
thus ensuring with much less risk, and more solidity, the monopoly
of the Indian commerce.
Meantime the victories of Almeida, and the conquests of Albuquerque
had much disquieted the Sultan of Egypt. The abandonment of the
Alexandrian route caused a great diminution in the amount of imposts
and dues of customs, anchorage, and transit, which were laid upon
the merchandise of Asia as it passed through his states. Therefore,
with the help of the Venetians, who furnished him with the wood for
ship-building as well as with skilful sailors, he fitted out a
squadron of twelve large ships, which came as far as Cochin, seeking
the fleet of Lorenzo d'Almeida, and defeating it in a bloody combat
in which Lorenzo was killed. If the sorrow of the viceroy were great
at this sad news, at least he did not let it appear outwardly, but
set to work to make all preparations for taking prompt vengeance
upon the Roumis,--an appellation which shows the lasting terror
attaching to the name of the Romans, and commonly used at this time
upon the Malabar coast, for all Mussulman soldiers coming from
Byzantium. With nineteen sail Almeida appeared before the fort where
his son had been killed, and gained a great victory, but one sullied,
it must be confessed, by most frightful cruelties, so much so that
it soon became a common saying: "May the anger of the Franks fall
upon thee as it fell upon Daboul." Not content with this first
success, Almeida, some weeks later, annihilated the combined forces
of the Sultan of Egypt, and the Rajah of Calicut, before Diu. This
victory made a profound impression in India, and put an end to the
power of the _Mahumetists_ of Egypt.
Joao da Nova and the other captains, who had abandoned Albuquerque
before Ormuz, had decided to rejoin Almeida; they had excused their
disobedience by calumnies, in consequence of which a judicial
process was about to be instituted against Albuquerque, when the
viceroy received the news of his being replaced in his office by
Albuquerque. At first Almeida declared that obedience must be
rendered to this sovereign decree, but afterwards influenced by the
traitors, who feared that they would be severely punished when the
power had passed into the hands of Albuquerque, he repaired to
Cochin in the month of March, 1509, with the fixed determination not
to give up the command to his successor. There were disagreeable and
painful disputes between these two great men, in which all the wrong
done was on the side of Almeida. Albuquerque was about to be sent to
Lisbon with chains on his feet, when a fleet of fifteen sail entered
the harbour, under the command of the grand Marshal of Portugal,
Ferdinand Coutinho. The latter took the part of the prisoner, whom
he immediately released, notifying again to Almeida the powers held
by Albuquerque from the king, and threatening him with the great
anger of Emmanuel if he refused to obey. Almeida could do nothing
but yield, and he then did it nobly. As for Joao da Nova, the author
of these sad misunderstandings, he died some time afterwards,
forsaken by everybody, and had scarcely any one to follow him to the
grave except the new viceroy, who thus generously forgot the
injuries done to Alfonzo Albuquerque.
Immediately after the departure of Almeida, the grand Marshal
Coutinho declared that, having come to India with the intention of
destroying Calicut, he intended to turn to account the absence of
the Zamorin from his capital. In vain the new viceroy endeavoured to
modify his zeal and induce him to take the wise measures recommended
by experience. Coutinho would listen to nothing, and Albuquerque was
obliged to follow him. Calicut, taken by surprise, was easily set on
fire; but the Portuguese, having lingered to pillage the Zamorin's
palace, were fiercely attacked in rear by the Nairs, who had
succeeded in rallying their troops. Coutinho, whose impetuous valour
led him into the greatest danger, was killed, and it required all
the skill and coolness of the viceroy to effect a re-embarkation of
the troops under the enemy's fire, and to preserve the soldiers of
the King of Portugal from total destruction.
On his return to Cintagara, a sea-port which was a dependency of the
King of Narsingue, with whom the Portuguese had been able to form an
alliance, Albuquerque learnt that Goa, the capital of a powerful
kingdom, was a prey to political and religious anarchy. Several
chiefs were contending there for power. One of them, Melek Cufergugi,
was just on the point of seizing the throne, and it was important to
profit by the circumstances of the moment, and attack the town
before he should have been able to gather a force capable of
resisting the Portuguese. The viceroy perceived all the importance
of this counsel. The situation of Goa, giving access as it did to
the kingdom of Narsingue and to the Deccan, had already struck him
forcibly. He did not delay, and soon the Portuguese reckoned one
conquest more. Goa the Golden, a cosmopolitan town, where were
mingled with all the various sects of Islam Parsees, the worshippers
of Fire, and even some Christians, submitted to Albuquerque, and
soon became, under a wise and strict government which understood how
to conciliate the sympathies of opposing sects, the capital, the
chief fortress, and the principal seat of trade of the Portuguese
empire of the Indies.
By degrees and with the course of years the knowledge of these rich
countries had increased. Much information had been gathered together
by all those who had ploughed these sunny seas in their gallant
vessels, and it was now known what was the centre of production of
those spices which people went so far to seek, and for whose
acquisition they encountered so many perils. It was already several
years since Almeida had founded the first Portuguese factories in
Ceylon, the ancient Taprobane. The Islands of Sunda, and the
Peninsula of Malacca, were now exciting the desires of King Emmanuel,
who had already been surnamed "the fortunate." He resolved to send a
fleet to explore them, for Albuquerque had enough to do in India to
restrain the trembling Rajahs, and the Mussulmen--Moors as they were
then called--who were always ready to shake off the yoke. This new
expedition was under the command of Diego Lopez Sequeira, and
according to the traditional policy of the Moors, was at first
amicably received at Malacca; but when the suspicions of Lopez
Sequeira had been lulled to sleep by reiterated protestations of
alliance, the whole population suddenly rose against him, and he was
forced to return on board, but not without leaving thirty of his
companions in the hands of the Malays. These events had already
happened some time when the news of the taking of Goa arrived at
Malacca. The _bendarra_, or Minister of Justice, who exercised regal
power in the name of his nephew who was still a child, fearing the
vengeance which the Portuguese would doubtless exact for his
treachery, resolved to pacify them. He went to visit his prisoners,
excused himself to them by swearing that all had been done unknown
to him and against his will, for he desired nothing so much as to
see the Portuguese establish themselves in Malacca; also he was
about to order the authors of the treason to be sought out and
punished. The prisoners naturally gave no credence to these lying
declarations, but profiting by the comparative liberty which was
henceforth granted to them, they cleverly succeeded in conveying to
Albuquerque some valuable information upon the position and strength
of the town.
Albuquerque with much trouble collected a fleet of nineteen men of
war, carrying fourteen hundred men, amongst whom there were only
eight hundred Portuguese. This being the case, ought he to venture
in obedience to the wish of King Emmanuel to steer for Aden, the key
of the Red Sea, which it was important to master in preparation for
opposing the passage of a new squadron, which the Sultan of Egypt
was intending to send to India? Albuquerque hesitated, when a change
in the trade-winds occurred which put an end to his irresolution. In
fact, it was impossible to reach Aden in the teeth of the prevailing
wind, while it was favourable for a descent upon Malacca. This town,
at that time in its full splendour, did not contain less than
100,000 inhabitants. If many of the houses were built of wood, and
roofed with the leaves of the palm-tree, yet they were equalled in
number by the more important buildings, such as mosques and towers
built of stone, which stretched out in a long panorama for the
distance of three miles. The ships of India, China, and of the Malay
kingdoms of the Sunda Islands, met in its harbour, where numerous
vessels coming from the Malabar coast, the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea,
and the coast of Africa traded in merchandise of all kinds and of
every country.
When the Rajah of Malacca saw the Portuguese fleet arrive in his
waters, he felt that it was necessary to appear to give satisfaction
to the foreigners by sacrificing the minister who had excited their
anger and caused their arrival. His ambassador therefore came to the
viceroy to announce the death of the _bendarra_, and to find out
what were the intentions of the Portuguese. Albuquerque answered by
demanding the prisoners who had remained in the hands of the Rajah,
but the latter, desirous of gaining time to allow for the expected
change in the trade-wind,--a change which would force the Portuguese
to regain the Malabar coast, or else would oblige them to remain at
Malacca, where he hoped to be able to exterminate them,--invented a
thousand pretexts for delay, and in the meantime according to the
old narratives, he prepared a battery of 8000 cannon, and collected
troops to the number of 20,000. At length Albuquerque lost his
patience, and ordered some houses and several Gujerat vessels to be
set on fire, a beginning of execution which speedily brought about
the restoration of the prisoners; he then claimed 20,000 crusades as
indemnity for the damage caused to the fleet of Lopez Sequeira, and
finally he demanded to be allowed to build a fortress within the
town itself, which should also serve as a counting-house for the
merchants. This demand could not be complied with as Albuquerque
well knew; but upon the refusal he resolved to seize the town,
fixing upon St. James' day for the attack. The town was taken
quarter by quarter, house by house, after a truly heroic struggle
and a most vigorous defence, which lasted for nine whole days,
notwithstanding the employment of extraordinary devices, such as
elephants of war, poisoned sabres and arrows, barricades, and
skilfully concealed troops. An enormous booty was divided amongst
the soldiers, Albuquerque only reserving to himself six lions, of
gold according to some accounts, of iron according to others, which
he intended for the adornment of his tomb, to perpetuate the memory
of his victory.
The door which gave access to Oceania, and to Upper Asia, was
henceforth open. Many nations unknown till this time would now have
intercourse with Europeans. The strange manners and fabulous history
of many people were about to be disclosed to the astonished West. A
new era had commenced, and these great results were due to the
unbridled audacity, and indomitable courage of a nation whose
country was scarcely discernible upon the map of the world!
It was in part owing to the religious toleration which Albuquerque
displayed, a toleration which contrasts strangely with the cruel
fanaticism of the Spaniards, and in part to the skilful measures
which he took, that the prosperity of Malacca resisted the rude
shock which it had received. In the course of a few months no trace
remained of the trials which the town had experienced, except the
sight of the Portuguese banner floating proudly over this great city,
which had now become the head and vanguard of the colonial empire of
this people, small in numbers, but rendered great by their courage
and their spirit of enterprise.
Great and wonderful as this new conquest might be, it had not made
Albuquerque forget his former projects. If he had appeared to have
renounced them, it was only because circumstances had not hitherto
seemed favourable for their execution. With that tenacity of
determination which formed the basis of his character, while still
at the southern extremity of the empire which he was founding, his
thoughts were fixed upon the northern part of it, upon Ormuz, which
the jealousy and treachery of his subordinates had obliged him to
abandon at the beginning of his career, at the very moment when
success was about to crown his persevering efforts; it was Ormuz
which tempted him still.
[Illustration: The Island of Ormuz.]
The fame of his exploits and the terror inspired by his name had
decided Kodja-Atar to make some advances to Albuquerque, to ask for
a treaty, and to send the arrears of the tribute which had been
formerly imposed. Although the viceroy placed no belief on these
repeated declarations of friendship--on that Moorish faith which
deserves to be as notorious as Punic faith,--he nevertheless
welcomed them, whilst waiting for the power to establish his
dominion after a permanent manner in these countries. In 1513 or
1514--the exact date is not ascertained--when his fleet and soldiers
were set at liberty by the conquest of Malacca and the tranquillity
of his other possessions, Albuquerque set sail for the Persian Gulf.
Immediately upon his arrival, although a series of revolutions had
changed the government of Ormuz and the power was then in the hands
of a usurper named Rais-Nordim or Noureddin, Albuquerque demanded
that the fortress, which had been formerly begun, should be
immediately placed in his hands. After having had it repaired and
finished, he took part against the pretender Rais Named, in the
quarrel which was then dividing the town of Ormuz and preparing it
to fall under the dominion of Persia. He seized upon the town and
bestowed it upon the aspirant who had accepted his conditions
beforehand, and who appeared to Albuquerque to present the most
solid guarantees of submission and fidelity. Besides, it would not
be difficult in the future to make this certain, for Albuquerque
left in the new fortress a garrison perfectly able to bring
Rais-Nordim to repentance for the slightest attempt at revolt, or
the least desire of independence.
A well-known anecdote is related of this expedition to Ormuz, but
one which, even from its notoriety, we should be blamed for omitting.
When the King of Persia sent to Noureddin to demand the tribute
which the sovereigns of Ormuz had been in the habit of paying to him,
Albuquerque gave orders that a quantity of bullets, cannon-balls and
shells, should be brought from his ships, and showing them to the
ambassadors he told them that such was the coin in which the King of
Portugal was accustomed to pay tribute. It does not appear that the
Persian ambassadors repeated their demand.
[Illustration: Albuquerque had a quantity of bullets brought from
his vessels.]
With his usual wisdom, the viceroy did not wound the feelings of the
inhabitants, who speedily returned to the town. Far from squeezing
all he could from them, as his successors were destined soon to do,
he established an upright system of government which caused the
Portuguese name to be loved and respected.
At the same time that he was himself accomplishing these marvellous
labours, Albuquerque had desired some of his lieutenants to explore
the unknown regions to which access had been given by the taking of
Malacca. For this purpose he gave to Antonio and Francisco d'Abreu
the command of a small squadron carrying 220 men, with which they
explored the whole of the Sunda Archipelago, Sumatra, Java, Anjoam,
Simbala, Jolor, Galam, &c.; then being not far from the coast of
Australia they sailed back again to the north and arrived at the
Islands of Buro and Amboyna, which form part of the Molucca group.
After having made a voyage of more than 1500 miles amongst dangerous
archipelagos strewn with rocks and coral reefs, and amidst
populations often hostile, and after loading their ships there with
cloves, nutmegs, sandal-wood, mace, and pearls, they set sail for
Malacca in 1512. This time the veritable land of spices had been
reached, it now only remained to found establishments there and to
take possession of it definitely, which was not likely to be long
postponed.
It has been often remarked that the Tarpeian rock is not far from
the Capitol; of this Albuquerque was destined to make experience,
and his last days were to be saddened by unmerited disgrace, the
result of calumnies and lies, and of a skilfully woven plot, which,
although it succeeded in temporarily clouding his reputation with
King Emmanuel, has not availed to obscure the glory of this great
man in the eyes of posterity. Already there had been an effort made
to persuade the king that the taking possession of Goa had been a
grave error; its unhealthy climate must, it was said, decimate the
European population in a short time, but the king, with perfect
confidence in the experience and prudence of his lieutenant, had
refused to listen to his enemies, for which Albuquerque had publicly
thanked him, saying,--"I think more is owing to King Emmanuel for
having defended Goa against the Portuguese, than to myself for
having twice conquered it." But in 1514 Albuquerque had asked the
king to bestow upon him as a reward for his services the title of
Duke of Goa, and it was this imprudent step which gave an advantage
to his adversaries.
Soarez d'Albergavia and Diogo Mendez, whom Albuquerque had sent as
prisoners to Portugal after they had publicly declared themselves
his enemies, had succeeded not only in clearing themselves from the
accusation brought against them by the viceroy, but in persuading
Emmanuel that he wished to constitute an independent duchy of which
Goa should be the capital, and they ended by obtaining his disgrace.
The news of the appointment of Albergavia to the post of
Captain-General of Cochin, reached Albuquerque as he was issuing
from the Strait of Ormuz on his return to the Malabar coast, and at
a time when he was suffering much from disease. "He raised his hands
towards heaven," says M. F. Denis, in his excellent History of
Portugal, "and pronounced these few words: Behold I am in disgrace
with the king on account of my love to men, and with men on account
of my love to the king. Turn thee, old man, to the Church, and
prepare to die, for it behoves thine honour that thou shouldest die,
and never hast thou neglected to do aught which thine honour
demands." Whereupon, being arrived in the roadstead of Goa, Alfonzo
Albuquerque set in order the affairs of his conscience with the
Church, caused himself to be clad in the dress of the Order of St.
Iago of which he was a commander, and then "on Sunday the 16th of
December, an hour before daybreak, he rendered up his soul to God.
Thus ended all his labours, without their having ever brought him
any satisfaction."
Albuquerque was buried with great pomp. The soldiers who had been
the faithful companions of his wonderful adventures, and the
witnesses of his manifold tribulations, disputed amidst their tears
for the honour of carrying his remains to their last resting-place,
which their commander had himself chosen. The Hindoos in their grief
refused to believe that he was dead, declaring that he was gone to
command the armies of the sky. A letter of King Emmanuel has been
comparatively lately discovered which proves that, although he were
deceived for a time by the false reports of the enemies of
Albuquerque, he soon discovered his mistake, and rendered him full
and entire justice. Unfortunately this letter of reparation never
reached the unfortunate second Viceroy of the Indies; it would have
sweetened his last moments, whereas he had the pain of dying in the
belief that the sovereign for whose glory and the increase of whose
power he had consecrated his life, had in the end proved ungrateful
towards him. "With Albuquerque," says Michelet, "all humanity and
all justice disappeared from amongst the conquerors. Long years
after his death the Indians would repair to the tomb of the great
Albuquerque, to demand justice of him against the oppressions of his
successors."
Many causes may be adduced as bringing about the rapid decay and
dismemberment of that great colonial empire with which Albuquerque
had enriched his country, and which even amidst its ruins has left
ineffaceable traces upon India. With Michelet we may cite the
distance and dispersion of the various factories, the smallness of
the population of Portugal, but little suited to the wide extension
of her establishments, the love of brigandage, and the exactions of
a bad government, but beyond all, that indomitable national pride
which forbade any mingling of the victors with the vanquished.
The fall of the colonial empire was hindered for a time by the
influence of two heroic men, the first was Juan de Castro, who after
having had the control of untold riches, remained so poor that he
had not even the wherewithal to buy a fowl in his last illness; and
the second, Ataide, who once again gave the corrupt eastern
populations an example of the most manly virtues, and of the most
upright administration. But after their time the empire began to
drop to pieces, and fell by degrees into the hands of the Spaniards
and the Dutch, who in their turn were unable to preserve it intact.
All passes away, all is changed. What can be said but to repeat the
Spanish saw, in applying it to the case of empires, "Life is but a
dream"?
END OF THE FIRST PART.
PART II.
CHAPTER I.
THE CONQUERORS OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
I.
Hojeda--Americus Vespucius--The New World named after him--Juan de
la Cosa--Vincent Yanez Pinzon--Bastidas--Diego de Lepe--Diaz de
Solis--Ponce de Leon and Florida--Balboa discovers the Pacific
Ocean--Grijalva explores the coast of Mexico.
The letters and narratives of Columbus and his companions,
especially those dwelling upon the large quantity of gold and pearls
found in the recently discovered countries, had inflamed the
imagination of eager traders, and of numbers of gentlemen who loved
adventure. On the 10th of April, 1495, the Spanish government had
issued an order allowing any one who might wish to do so, to go and
discover new countries; but this privilege was so much abused, and
Columbus complained so bitterly of its trenching upon established
rights, that the permission was withdrawn on the 2nd of June, 1497,
and four years later it became necessary to repeat the prohibition
with more severe penalties attached to its infringement. The effect
of the royal decree was at once to produce a kind of general rush to
the Indies, and this was favoured by Bishop Fonseca of Badajoz,
through whose hands passed all business connected with the Indies,
and of whom Columbus had had so much reason to complain.
The admiral had but just left San-Lucar on his third voyage, when
four expeditions of discovery were fitted out almost at the same
moment, at the cost of some rich ship-owners, foremost among whom we
find the Pinzons and Americus Vespucius. The first of these
expeditions, which left the port of Santa-Maria on the 20th of May,
1499, consisted of four vessels, and was commanded by Alonzo Hojeda.
Juan de la Cosa sailed with him as pilot; Americus Vespucius was
also on board, without any very clearly defined duties, but he would
seem to have been astronomer to the fleet.
[Illustration: Americus Vespucius. _Fac-simile of an old print_.]
Before entering on a brief account of this voyage, we will glance
for a few moments at the three men whom we have just named; the last
of the three especially, plays a most important part in the
discovery of the New World, which received its name from him.
Hojeda, born at Cuenca about 1465, and brought up in the household
of the Duke of Medina-Celi, had gained his first experience in arms
in the wars against the Moors. Columbus enrolled him amongst the
adventurers whom he recruited for his second voyage, when Hojeda
distinguished himself alike by his cool courage and his readiness in
surmounting all difficulties. What caused his complete rupture with
Columbus remains a mystery; it appears still more inexplicable when
we think of the distinguished services that Hojeda had rendered,
especially in 1495, at the battle of La Vega, when the Caribbean
Confederation was annihilated. All we know is, that on Hojeda's
return to Spain he found shelter and protection with Bishop Fonseca.
It is said even that the Indian minister supplied him with the
journal of the admiral's last voyage, and the map of the countries
which Columbus had discovered.
The first pilot employed by Hojeda was Juan de la Cosa, born
probably at Santona, in the Biscayan country. He had often sailed
along the coast of Africa before accompanying Columbus on his first
voyage, while in the second expedition he filled the post of
hydrographer (_maestro de hacer cartas_).
As specimens of La Cosa's talent in drawing maps may be mentioned
two very curious ones still extant; one showing all the territory
that had been acquired in Africa in 1500, the other on vellum, and
enriched with colour like the first, giving the discoveries made by
Columbus and his successors. The second pilot was Bartholomew Roldan,
who had likewise sailed with Columbus on his voyage to Paria.
As to Americus Vespucius, his duties were not, as we have said, very
clearly defined, he was there to aid in making discoveries (_per
ajutare a discoprire_, says the Italian text of his letter to
Soderini). Born at Florence on the 9th of March, 1451, Amerigo
Vespucci belonged to a family of distinction and wealth. He had made
mathematics, natural philosophy, and astrology (as it was then
called) his special studies. His knowledge of history and literature,
judging from his letters, appears to have been somewhat vague and
ill-digested. He left Florence in 1492 without any special aim in
view, and went to Spain, where he occupied himself at first in
commercial pursuits. We hear of him in Seville acting as factor in
the powerful trading house of his fellow countryman, Juanoto Berardi.
As this house had advanced money to Columbus for his second voyage,
it is not unlikely that Vespucius had become acquainted with the
admiral at this period of his career. On Juanoto's death in 1495,
Vespucius was placed by his heirs at the head of the financial
department of the house. Whether he may have been tired of a
situation that he thought below his powers, or been seized in his
turn with the fever for making new discoveries, or whether he hoped
to make his fortune rapidly in the new countries reputed to be so
rich; whatever in short may have been the motive that actuated him,
at least this we know, that he joined Hojeda's expedition in 1499,
this fact being so stated in Hojeda's deposition in the law-suit
instituted by the Treasury with the heirs of Columbus.
The flotilla, consisting of four vessels, set sail on the 20th of
May from Santa-Maria, taking a south-westerly course, and in
twenty-seven days the American continent was sighted at the place
which was named Venezuela, because the houses being built upon piles
reminded the beholders of Venice. Hojeda, after some ineffectual
attempts to hold intercourse with the natives, with whom he had
several skirmishes, next saw the Island of Margarita; after sailing
about 250 miles to the east of the river Orinoco he reached the Gulf
of Paria, and entered a bay called the Bay of _Las Perlas_, from the
natives of that part being employed in the pearl fisheries.
Guided by the maps of Columbus, Hojeda passed by the Dragon's-Mouth,
which separates Trinidad from the continent, and returned westward
to Cape _La Vela_. Then, after touching at the Caribbee Islands,
where he made a number of prisoners, whom he hoped to sell for
slaves in Spain, he was obliged to cast anchor at Yaquimo, in
Hispaniola, on the 5th of September, 1499.