CHAPTER XII

A NIGHT ALARM

“A crown for your thoughts, Professor!” said General Mainwarren to

Professor Dean, as the latter sat thoughtfully watching the dancers.

The Professor aroused himself with a slight start.

“Oh, I was allowing my thoughts to drift idly in many currents,” he

answered.

“For instance, if it is not impertinent to inquire?”

“Well, I was marveling at the beauty, the luxury and the splendor

of all this, and thinking what it must cost to keep up. The thought

occurred to me that the cost of this one ball”--and the Professor shot

a sharp glance at General Mainwarren--“would probably be sufficient

to keep warm all the poor people in your district who are likely

to suffer, according to what you told us, for coal this Winter, in

addition to supplying every poor child with a Christmas box.”

“A Christmas box!” exclaimed General Mainwarren. “What a quaint

reminiscence wafted to us from the past!”

“How do you mean--‘a quaint reminiscence’?”

“Why, my dear Professor, Christmas boxes are with us as much a thing

of the past as the curfew bell, knights in armor, or any of the other

customs of mediæval times.”

“How came this kindly practice to be abolished?” asked the Professor

blankly.

“Kindly!” repeated General Mainwarren. “I can’t agree with you. The

custom was discontinued long ago by the wealthier classes and the rest

of the people gradually followed. It was one of the few good acts which

the rich have done for the poor; one of the many features in which our

social organization of to-day excels yours.”

“But what leads you to this view?”

“Why,” explained General Mainwarren, “your giving of Christmas presents

was nothing less than the refinement of cruelty upon a colossal scale.

Think of the tens of thousands of heart yearnings and of heart aches

which must have been caused in your day owing to this custom. It was

all very nice for the well-to-do, but think of the tens of thousands

who felt forced to give what they couldn’t afford; of those who wished

to give but could not; of those--especially little children--who hoped

to receive and were disappointed. Think of the destitute father looking

upon his children as they wistfully watched the toys and presents

received by more fortunate playfellows. What were the feelings in that

parent’s heart, what the feelings of the child’s? Ah! your Christmas

was a cruel time and your custom a cruel one.”

“Viewed in that light,” answered Professor Dean gravely, “I will admit

there are grounds for your criticism. You say there are other features

of improvement. Tell me of them. I’m interested.”

“The subject is rather too extensive to go into at the present time,”

answered General Mainwarren, “but I’ll mention one or two instances

which happen to come to my mind at the moment. Take our newspapers, for

example. We don’t allow our newspapers to promote national blindness

as in your day. The smallest size of type which may be used, as also

numerous other details as to the printing of a newspaper, are carefully

regulated by law in the interests of the public eyesight.”

“Not at all a bad idea!” commented the Professor.

“Then, again, take our attitude toward drunkenness. We have recognized

that what drove men to frenzy in drink and largely promoted drunkenness

was not so much the liquor itself as the adulterations in the liquor.

Our methods of inspection of all liquors publicly sold, as also of the

public food supply, are very elaborate, and our laws on the subject of

adulteration are extremely stringent. In this respect, I am glad to

say, our people are immeasurably better off than were the people of

your day.”

“You speak in a kindly way of the people and seem to have their welfare

at heart,” ventured the Professor. “This being so, I am astonished that

you don’t reverse your policy.”

“My policy----?”

“As to the restriction of the coal supply.”

General Mainwarren started slightly.

“I must ask you to excuse me from discussing that,” he answered,

somewhat stiffly.

“Very well,” said the Professor, slightly nettled, “but there is one

other point upon which I think I have a right to receive your answer.

It is this: Under Colonel Cuming’s roof, you will remember, you

somewhat bitterly arraigned the men of my day.”

“Yes; I remember perfectly,” replied General Mainwarren. “Conceding

that the mass of people have certain rights, I claimed that the

responsibility for present conditions lies with the people of your day,

because they did not check the tendency of events in their incipiency.

Of course,” he added cautiously, “I haven’t accepted as correct your

views as to these rights. It was purely an academic discussion and I

conceded your point simply for the sake of argument.”

“I understand the point you make,” rejoined the Professor. “I was taken

somewhat unawares at the time, but the matter has been rankling in my

mind since. May I ask what were the methods which you later critics

think we might have adopted to this end?”

“My dear Professor,” protested General Mainwarren, “that’s a subject

which to treat fully would call for most extended discussion. Suffice

it to say, that in those days the people had the free exercise of the

ballot and with their votes they could have done pretty well what they

pleased.”

“Ah, you really think so!” exclaimed the Professor with some sarcasm.

“You forget our great political machines, and that they practically

controlled affairs; substantially, even if covertly, directing the

so-called will of the people!”

“I’m fully aware of that,” answered General Mainwarren, “but the man

who stands idly beneath a tree, with open mouth, awaiting the fruit

to drop, is apt to go away disappointed. What was needed was a slow,

steady, methodical education of the people, which would have placed

them upon a higher plane. With eyes fully opened to the situation,

they would have been superior to the two great political machines.

There seems to have been no steady, earnest, well-directed effort to

accomplish this--no one to undertake it!”

“How might this have been done?” questioned the Professor.

“Oh, in various ways.”

“Tell me one?”

“Since you insist, my dear Professor,” answered the General, “I’ll

point out one way which has been suggested and which I had the

pleasure of discussing some time ago with one of our most eminent

sociologists, Doctor Arthur Melbourne.”

“I’m all interest!” exclaimed the Professor. “That way was?”

“You have intimated,” continued General Mainwarren, “that the

political machines held the voters so securely that the power of these

professional politicians could not be overthrown by any opposition

which was started against them. You have not said, but I know it,

that such desultory opposition as was tried from time to time always

met with discouragement and defeat. Nor have you pointed out that

the leaders who controlled these two great political machines were

themselves controlled by the moneyed powers of the land, who stood

in the background and pulled the strings which moved the puppets.

This--all this--is well realized and understood by the student of

to-day.”

“Let us concede these facts,” rejoined the Professor; “but what then?”

“It has been suggested,” continued General Mainwarren, “that a wise

course for patriotic leaders of your day would have been to have

abandoned the hope of converting and securing the grown voters as a

body. It would have been best for them, at a given time, to have said:

‘Beginning from to-day, we will pay no attention to any male who is

more than fifteen years of age and who is now, or within the next six

years will be, entitled to a vote. But we will direct all efforts to

an entirely new body of suffragists.’ They should then have turned

their attention to the _women of the land_, to the mothers of future

generations of voters. It has been said that ‘Every woman is at heart

a royalist!’ It could with equal truth be said, ‘Every woman is by

nature a politician.’ It is true that women, as a body, appear to

devote little interest to politics, but this is because few women have

been given opportunity of acquiring any knowledge on the subject, or

of taking active part in such matters. But whenever woman has had such

opportunity, she has shown herself to be an ardent politician. Look

at the influence exerted politically by various women of whom history

speaks. Take it even in your own day. Whenever there happened to be

some movement--say a moral reform movement--in which the women of the

country took an active interest, as they did now and again, did it not

invariably happen that that movement was successful at the polls?”

The Professor reflected a moment.

“Yes,” he answered; “the facts show that you are correct as to this.”

“There, then,” continued General Mainwarren, “lay the hope and the

chance of your patriotic leaders. They should have started missionary

work upon a comprehensive scale among the women of the land. They

should have educated womankind politically--have indicated to woman

where and why the shoe pinched and what was the remedy. She should have

been shown that the remedy lay in the generations of voters to come and

that those generations were directly under her influence and in her

keeping.”

“I begin to see your drift,” said the Professor thoughtfully.

“Meetings should have been held for the instruction of women; political

clubs maintained; and literature circulated for them which was

sufficiently light, clear and instructive. ‘Do you want your sons to

struggle on under the same blighting, toilsome conditions as their

fathers struggled?’ should have been the watchword, and it would

have been a watchword to which the maternal heart would eagerly have

responded. The women would have educated their children--not merely

the boys but also the girls who were to become the wives of future

voters--and within a very few years you would have had a new generation

of voters sufficiently powerful and sufficiently well-instructed to

have bid the old political machines open and successful defiance. With

the women of the land lay one of your great chances, but that chance

you utterly neglected.”

The Professor was about to reply when the voice of Kearns, who had been

in conversation with Colonel Cuming, broke in upon them:

“Excuse me, Professor,” he exclaimed, “but I see their Majesties have

long since retired and the ball-room is beginning to thin out somewhat.

Isn’t it time we went? No doubt all this life and go and all these

beautiful ladies are very interesting to you--in spite of your hundred

years--but you must remember that I have work before me to-morrow. I’m

no longer a gentleman of leisure, you know.”

Before the Professor could reply, Colonel Cuming again addressed

Kearns, directing his attention to some personage in the ball-room, and

the Professor turned to General Mainwarren.

“No longer a gentleman of leisure,” he said, rather sadly; “that, too,

was one of the subjects in my mind. I was thinking what I should turn

to--what place I could find, if any--in this new world into which I

have tumbled. Our friend, Kearns, has been fortunate in finding his

old-time cunning in demand, even at the hands of kings. But I wonder

if I can in these days profitably resume my former researches and

work. Would there be any demand for the various inventions I have in

mind--my air-ship, for instance?”

General Mainwarren started perceptibly.

“Professor Dean,” he said gravely, “I have had a high regard for you

from the moment of our first meeting. In fact, long before that your

name was known to me and your attainments in the domain of science held

my respect. Ah, Professor, you have probably done for the world more

than you know!”

“Come, come, General!” exclaimed the Professor, “this is sheer

flattery. You are amusing yourself at my expense, I fear. I hardly

expected this of you.”

“I speak only the truth!” said the General solemnly.

“We will let that pass,” replied the Professor somewhat testily. “You

have not yet answered my question. Do you think the invention I have

mentioned would find any market in these days?”

“I was coming to that point,” answered General Mainwarren. “I see

no reason why your--your--invention when completed should not yield

beneficial results.”

“Completed!” replied the Professor, “as far as that is concerned, it is

substantially completed.”

“Perfected!” exclaimed General Mainwarren, with an air of astonishment.

“Yes,” replied the Professor.

“You could in--in--a comparatively short time,” resumed General

Mainwarren, “turn out a practical air-ship! Do you mean this?”

“Absolutely,” replied the Professor confidently.

General Mainwarren reflected for some moments.

“Professor Dean,” he said presently, “I’ll make you a proposition.

Under these new conditions you need someone to guide your efforts and

to properly market the product of your brain. I invite you to come

with me to Pennsylvania, and pursue your researches and your work.

It will be a mutual enterprise. As for the terms, there will be no

difference between us as to that; they shall be of your own making.”

“You mean this?” exclaimed the Professor in astonishment.

“Positively,” answered General Mainwarren firmly; “I make you this

as an offer. You are to pursue your researches and your work at your

leisure and I am to supply such funds, or other promotive assistance,

as may be needed. The benefits accruing we’ll share jointly, upon

such terms as you yourself shall dictate. It’s a simple business

proposition. Do you accept?”

“The conditions are certainly most liberal!” exclaimed the Professor.

“I----”

“Why, then, do you hesitate?”

“May I ask when this offer is to go into effect?”

“Immediately.”

“Ah,” exclaimed the Professor deprecatingly, “I don’t want to leave my

friend Kearns so suddenly. I must ask for some time in which to reach a

decision.”

“By all means,” answered General Mainwarren, “but I ask it as a

condition that you will not enter into any negotiation or discussion

on this subject with outsiders until you have given me an answer. In

a word, you are to treat this proposition as entirely confidential

between us. Have I your word for this?”

The words had scarcely left General Mainwarren’s lips and before

the Professor could make reply, there came from the grounds outside

the palace the sharp blast of a bugle, hoarse shouts of command and

the sounds of moving men. In an instant the scene in the ball-room

changed from one of gayety and frivolity to earnestness, joined to some

confusion. Military officers quitted their partners and hurried forth,

while the beautifully gowned women looked into one another’s faces

with questioning glances. The diplomats gathered in little groups,

exchanging whispers. A current of unrest, of uneasiness, had suddenly

swept over the brilliant scene--a general presentiment that something

momentous had happened.

Again the bugles pealed forth, with a roll of drums in the distance.

Still the guests sat, or stood, looking askance into one another’s

faces. The music stopped.

Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown. It seemed as if the familiar

words might be paraphrased: “Uneasy are those who live within the

shadow of a throne.”

A messenger entered the ball-room and, glancing about him, made his way

to where Kearns sat. There was agitation in his manner and his words

came sharp and terse:

“You are commanded, sir, to repair at once to His Majesty’s chamber.”

The first American King · 第 12 / 18 章