CHAPTER XXXIV

_THE BOOK OF JONAH_

The book of Jonah is cast throughout in the form of narrative—the

only one of our Twelve which is so. This fact, combined with the

extraordinary events which the narrative relates, starts questions not

raised by any of the rest. Besides treating, therefore, of the book’s

origin, unity, division and other commonplaces of introduction, we

must further seek in this chapter reasons for the appearance of such a

narrative among a collection of prophetic discourses. We have to ask

whether the narrative be intended as one of fact; and if not, why the

author was directed to the choice of such a form to enforce the truth

committed to him.

The appearance of a narrative among the Twelve Prophets is not, in

itself, so exceptional as it seems to be. Parts of the Books of Amos

and Hosea treat of the personal experience of their authors. The same

is true of the Books of Isaiah, Jeremiah and Ezekiel, in which the

prophet’s call and his attitude to it are regarded as elements of

his message to men. No: the peculiarity of the Book of Jonah is not

the presence of narrative, but the apparent absence of all prophetic

discourse.[1458]

Yet even this might be explained by reference to the first part of the

prophetic canon—Joshua to Second Kings.[1459] These Former Prophets, as

they are called, are wholly narrative—narrative in the prophetic spirit

and written to enforce a moral. Many of them begin as the Book of Jonah

does:[1460] they contain stories, for instance, of Elijah and Elisha,

who flourished immediately before Jonah and like him were sent with

commissions to foreign lands. It might therefore be argued that the

Book of Jonah, though narrative, is as much a prophetic book as they

are, and that the only reason why it has found a place, not with these

histories, but among the Later Prophets, is the exceedingly late date

of its composition.[1461]

This is a plausible, but not the real, answer to our question. Suppose

we were to find the latter by discovering that the Book of Jonah,

though in narrative form, is not real history at all, nor pretends to

be; but, from beginning to end, is as much a prophetic sermon as any of

the other Twelve Books, yet cast in the form of parable or allegory?

This would certainly explain the adoption of the book among the Twelve;

nor would its allegorical character appear without precedent to those

(and they are among the most conservative of critics) who maintain (as

the present writer does not) the allegorical character of the story of

Hosea’s wife.[1462]

It is, however, when we pass from the form to the substance of the book

that we perceive the full justification of its reception among the

prophets. The truth which we find in the Book of Jonah is as full and

fresh a revelation of God’s will as prophecy anywhere achieves. That

God has _granted to the Gentiles also repentance unto life_[1463] is

nowhere else in the Old Testament so vividly illustrated. It lifts the

teaching of the Book of Jonah to equal rank with the second part of

Isaiah, and nearest of all our Twelve to the New Testament. The very

form in which this truth is insinuated into the prophet’s reluctant

mind, by contrasting God’s pity for the dim population of Niniveh with

Jonah’s own pity for his perished gourd, suggests the methods of our

Lord’s teaching, and invests the book with the morning air of that high

day which shines upon the most evangelic of His parables.

One other remark is necessary. In our effort to appreciate this lofty

gospel we labour under a disadvantage. That is our sense of humour—our

modern sense of humour. Some of the figures in which our author conveys

his truth cannot but appear to us grotesque. How many have missed the

sublime spirit of the book in amusement or offence at its curious

details! Even in circles in which the acceptance of its literal

interpretation has been demanded as a condition of belief in its

inspiration, the story has too often served as a subject for humorous

remarks. This is almost inevitable if we take it as history. But we

shall find that one advantage of the theory, which treats the book as

parable, is that the features, which appear so grotesque to many, are

traced to the popular poetry of the writer’s own time and shown to be

natural. When we prove this, we shall be able to treat the scenery of

the book as we do that of some early Christian fresco, in which,

however rude it be or untrue to nature, we discover an earnestness and

a success in expressing the moral essence of a situation that are not

always present in works of art more skilful or more correct.

1. THE DATE OF THE BOOK.

Jonah ben-Amittai, from Gath-hepher[1464] in Galilee, came forward in

the beginning of the reign of Jeroboam II. to announce that the king

would regain the lost territories of Israel from the Pass of Hamath

to the Dead Sea.[1465] He flourished, therefore, about 780, and had

this book been by himself we should have had to place it first of all

the Twelve, and nearly a generation before that of Amos. But the book

neither claims to be by Jonah, nor gives any proof of coming from an

eye-witness of the adventures which it describes,[1466] nor even from

a contemporary of the prophet. On the contrary, one verse implies that

when it was written Niniveh had ceased to be a great city.[1467] Now

Niniveh fell, and was practically destroyed, in 606 B.C.[1468] In all

ancient history there was no collapse of an imperial city more sudden

or so complete.[1469] We must therefore date the Book of Jonah some

time after 606, when Niniveh’s greatness had become what it was to the

Greek writers, a matter of tradition.

A late date is also proved by the language of the book. This not only

contains Aramaic elements which have been cited to support the argument

for a northern origin in the time of Jonah himself,[1470] but a number

of words and grammatical constructions which we find in the Old

Testament, some of them in the later and some only in the very latest

writings.[1471] Scarcely less decisive are a number of apparent

quotations and echoes of passages in the Old Testament, mostly later

than the date of the historical Jonah, and some of them even later than

the Exile.[1472] If it could be proved that the Book of Jonah quotes

from Joel, that would indeed set it down to a very late date—probably

about 300 B.C., the period of the composition of Ezra-Nehemiah, with

the language of which its own shows most affinity.[1473] This would

leave time for its reception into the Canon of the Prophets, which was

closed by 200 B.C.[1474] Had the book been later it would undoubtedly

have fallen, like Daniel, within the Hagiographa.

2. THE CHARACTER OF THE BOOK.

Nor does this book, written so many centuries after Jonah had passed

away, claim to be real history. On the contrary, it offers to us all

the marks of the parable or allegory. We have, first of all, the

residence of Jonah for the conventional period of three days and three

nights in the belly of the great fish, a story not only very

extraordinary in itself and sufficient to provoke the suspicion of

allegory (we need not stop to argue this), but apparently woven, as we

shall see,[1475] from the materials of a myth well known to the

Hebrews. We have also the very general account of Niniveh’s conversion,

in which there is not even the attempt to describe any precise event.

The absence of precise data is indeed conspicuous throughout the book.

“The author neglects a multitude of things, which he would have been

obliged to mention had history been his principal aim. He says nothing

of the sins of which Niniveh was guilty,[1476] nor of the journey of

the prophet to Niniveh, nor does he mention the place where he was cast

out upon the land, nor the name of the Assyrian king. In any case, if

the narrative were intended to be historical, it would be incomplete by

the frequent fact, that circumstances which are necessary for the

connection of events are mentioned later than they happened, and only

where attention has to be directed to them as having already

happened.”[1477] We find, too, a number of trifling discrepancies, from

which some critics[1478] have attempted to prove the presence of more

than one story in the composition of the book, but which are simply due

to the license a writer allows himself when he is telling a tale and

not writing a history. Above all, there is the abrupt close to the

story at the very moment at which its moral is obvious.[1479] All these

things are symptoms of the parable—so obvious and so natural, that we

really sin against the intention of the author, and the purpose of the

Spirit which inspired him, when we wilfully interpret the book as real

history.[1480]

3. THE PURPOSE OF THE BOOK.

The general purpose of this parable is very clear. It is not, as some

have maintained,[1481] to explain why the judgments of God and the

predictions of His prophets were not always fulfilled—though this also

becomes clear by the way. The purpose of the parable, and it is patent

from first to last, is to illustrate the mission of prophecy to the

Gentiles, God’s care for them, and their susceptibility to His word.

More correctly, it is to enforce all this truth upon a prejudiced and

thrice-reluctant mind.[1482]

Whose was this reluctant mind? In Israel after the Exile there were

many different feelings with regard to the future and the great

obstacle which heathendom interposed between Israel and the future.

There was the feeling of outraged justice, with the intense conviction

that Jehovah’s kingdom could not be established save by the overthrow

of the cruel kingdoms of this world. We have seen that conviction

expressed in the Book of Obadiah. But the nation, which read and

cherished the visions of the Great Seer of the Exile,[1483] could not

help producing among her sons men with hopes about the heathen of a

very different kind—men who felt that Israel’s mission to the world was

not one of war, but of service in those high truths of God and of His

Grace which had been committed to herself. Between the two parties it

is certain there was much polemic, and we find this still bitter in the

time of our Lord. And some critics think that while Esther, Obadiah and

other writings of the centuries after the Return represent the one side

of this polemic, which demanded the overthrow of the heathen, the Book

of Jonah represents the other side, and in the vexed and reluctant

prophet pictures such Jews as were willing to proclaim the destruction

of the enemies of Israel, and yet like Jonah were not without the

lurking fear that God would disappoint their predictions and in His

patience leave the heathen room for repentance.[1484] Their dogmatism

could not resist the impression of how long God had actually spared the

oppressors of His people, and the author of the Book of Jonah cunningly

sought these joints in their armour to insinuate the points of his

doctrine of God’s real will for nations beyond the covenant. This is

ingenious and plausible. But in spite of the cleverness with which it

has been argued that the details of the story of Jonah are adapted to

the temper of the Jewish party who desired only vengeance on the

heathen, it is not at all necessary to suppose that the book was the

produce of mere polemic. The book is too simple and too grand for that.

And therefore those appear more right who conceive that the writer had

in view, not a Jewish party, but Israel as a whole in their national

reluctance to fulfil their Divine mission to the world.[1485] Of them

God had already said: _Who is blind but My servant, or deaf as My

messenger whom I have sent?... Who gave Jacob for a spoil and Israel to

the robbers? Did not Jehovah, He against whom we have sinned?—for they

would not walk in His ways, neither were they obedient to His

law._[1486] Of such a people Jonah is the type. Like them he flees from

the duty God has laid upon him. Like them he is, beyond his own land,

cast for a set period into a living death, and like them rescued again

only to exhibit once more upon his return an ill-will to believe that

God had any fate for the heathen except destruction. According to this

theory, then, Jonah’s disappearance in the sea and the great fish, and

his subsequent ejection upon dry land, symbolise the Exile of Israel

and their restoration to Palestine.

In proof of this view it has been pointed out that, while the prophets

frequently represent the heathen tyrants of Israel as the sea or the

sea-monster, one of them has actually described the nation’s exile as

its swallowing by a monster, whom God forces at last to disgorge his

living prey.[1487] The full illustration of this will be given in

The Expositor's Bible: The Book of the Twelve Prophets, Vol. 2 Commonly Called the Minor · 第 34 / 35 章