attempts to put a stop to the slave-trade, in accord with the
Anti-slave Trade treaties between the powers. She is the only power
whose navy has acted in seizing slave-dhows, liberating slaves and
patrolling the coast. The work has not always been done thoroughly or
vigorously, but that it has been done at all, places England first
among the powers that sail in Arabian waters.
Where the Union Jack proclaims naval supremacy, there the red
mercantile flag of England follows the blue and carries commerce; the
two go together, and although of different color are the same flag
to Englishmen. The world-wide commercial activity of Great Britain
has touched every part of the Arabian coast and British wares from
Manchester and Birmingham have penetrated to every secluded village of
Nejd, and are found in every valley of Yemen.
The mercantile navigation of the Gulf as it now exists is the creation
of the last thirty years, and is largely to be attributed to the
statesmanship of Sir Bartle Frere. It was he who, when at Calcutta
as a member of Lord Canning’s Supreme Council, befriended the young
Scotchman, William Mackinnon, who was planning a new shipping business
beyond his slender means; and a subsidy was granted to Mackinnon’s new
line of Steamers. Thus it was that the British India Steam Navigation
Company was launched which first opened trade not only with Zanzibar
but in the Persian Gulf. In 1862 not a single mercantile steamer
ploughed the Persian Gulf. A six-weekly service was then started,
followed by a monthly, a fortnightly and finally by a weekly steamer.
From Busrah there are two lines of English steamers direct for London.
The British India was the pioneer line and still holds the first
position, although there are other lines that do coasting trade with
India.
Thus English commerce controls not only the markets of both sides of
the Gulf, but of all Northwestern Arabia and as far beyond Bagdad
as piece-goods and iron-ware can be carried on camels. There is not
a spool of thread in Nejd or a jack-knife in Jebel-Shammar that did
not come up the Persian Gulf in an English ship. All of Hassa eats
rice from Rangoon and thousands of bags are carried in British ships
to Bahrein to be transported inland by caravan. Not only is the
steamshipping mostly in English hands, but many of the native buggalows
fly the British flag and the chief merchants are Englishmen or British
subjects from India. The Rupee is the standard of value along the whole
Arabian coast from Aden to Busrah. In the interior the Maria Theresa
dollar has long held sway, but even that is becoming scarce among the
Bedouins and they have little preference between the “_abu bint_”
(the Rupee with a girl’s head) and the “_abu tair_” (“the father of a
bird”—the eagle on the Austrian dollar). For a time a French line of
steamers ran in the Gulf but the project was abandoned, though there is
now a rumour of its revival.[76]
Aden is the commercial centre for all Southern Arabia and the enormous
increase of its trade since 1839 is proof of what English commerce has
done for Yemen. Mocha is dead, and Hodeidah is long since bedridden,
but Aden is alive and only requires a railroad to Sana to become the
commercial capital of all Western and Southern Arabia. That railroad
will be built as soon as the Turk leaves Yemen’s capital; God hasten
the day. After the occupation of Aden in 1839 until the year 1850
customs dues were levied as in India but at that time it was declared
a free port. During the first seven years the total value of imports
and exports averaged per year about 1,900,000 Rupees, in the next seven
years the annual average rose to 6,000,000 Rupees, and it has been on
the increase ever since, until it now is over 30,000,000 Rupees; nor
did this annual average include the trade by land which is also large.
The Suez canal is another indication of the prestige which English
commerce has in the Red Sea and along the routes of traffic that circle
Arabia. In 1893 the gross tonnage that passed through the canal was
10,753,798; of this 7,977,728 tons passed under the English flag which
means that nearly four-fifths of the trade is English. In the same year
the number of vessels passing through the canal was 3,341 of which
2,405 belonged to Great Britain.
The proposed Anglo-Egyptian railway across the north of Arabia will
join the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean. To shorten the time of
communication between England and her Eastern Empire is evidently a
matter of the highest importance, not only for commerce and post, but
in the event of war, mutiny or other great emergency. The first surveys
for this overland railway were made as early as 1850, by the Euphrates
Expedition under General Chesney. The scheme was warmly advocated in
England by Sir W. P. Andrew, the Duke of Sutherland and others, but
although it still awaits execution the plan comes up again every few
years with new advocates and new improvements. Once it was to be the
Euphrates Valley railway coming down to Bagdad and Busrah or to Kuweit
(Grane) by way of Mosul. Now the plan proposed is to open a railway
from Port Said due eastward across the Peninsula along the thirtieth
parallel of latitude to Busrah. A branch would deviate a little to
the south to the port of Kuweit which was also the proposed terminus
of the Euphrates Valley line on which a select committee of the House
of Commons sat twenty-five years ago. From Busrah the main line would
cross the Shatt-el-Arab and the Karun by swing-bridges and follow the
coast-line of the Persian Gulf and Makran to Kerachi. Such a line would
reduce the time occupied in transit between London and Kerachi to eight
days.[77] Whether this route or any other is followed is a matter of
minor importance. The fact that since 1874 England has been to the
front in the matter of the overland railroad puts it beyond a doubt,
that when the railway is built its terminus at least will be under
English control and most probably the whole road will represent English
capital and enterprise.
Meanwhile there is intelligence that Turkey has made a concession to
German capitalists for the extension of the Anatolian railways to
Bagdad. The line which runs from the Asiatic shores of the Bosphorus
to Angora is in the hands of a German syndicate and the terms of
the concession contain compulsory clauses under which, in certain
eventualities, the Turkish government can compel the syndicate to
extend the road to Sivas and ultimately to Bagdad.[78] But politically
Great Britain has little to fear from the spread of German influence
in the Levant and Mesopotamia. The editor of an influential English
paper says, “Every mark expended by the Germans upon public works in
the Asiatic dominions of the Sultan helps to build up the bulwark
against the menace of Russia. And the creation of a German railway in
Asia Minor will, in a limited degree tend to identify the interests of
Germany and Great Britain.” Nevertheless England would never grant a
terminus or harbor to a German railroad syndicate on the Persian Gulf.
Great Britain has treaties or agreements of some sort with every tribe
and settlement of Arabs from Aden to Muscat and thence to Bahrein.
England has two kings for Arabia; the first lives at Bushire and is
called the British Resident and Consul General, the other with a
similar title lives at Aden. Of the Bushire Resident Lord Curzon wrote,
“One or more gunboats are at the disposal of the British Resident
at Bushire who has also a despatch boat for his own immediate use
in the event of any emergency. Not a week passes but, by Persians
and Arabs alike, disputes are referred to his arbitration, and he
may with greater truth than the phrase sometimes conveys be entitled
the Uncrowned King of the Persian Gulf.” To the energy and political
capacity of Colonel Ross and his capable predecessor, Sir Lewis Pelly,
this royal throne owes its foundation. All the treaties made by
England with the Arab tribes on the Eastern coast of Arabia are here
interpreted and enforced.
The treaties made with the chiefs of Bahrein and with the tribes on
the so-called Pirate coast embraces clauses to enforce the maritime
peace of the Gulf, to exclude foreign powers from the possession of
territory, to regulate or abolish the slave-traffic and to put down
piracy. Since 1820 various treaties of truce have been concluded with
the warlike Arabs on the coast south of Katar and have been frequently
renewed or strengthened. In 1853 a Treaty of Perpetual Peace was made
with other tribes[79] which provided that there should be a complete
cessation of hostilities at sea and that all disputes should be
referred to the British Resident. The contracting parties were called
Trucial Chiefs and the treaty is known as the Trucial Arrangement or
League. Beside these treaties the English have an exclusive treaty
with the Sheikh of Bahrein to such a degree, that the islands are
practically a British protectorate.
Although there are no formal treaties with the tribes along the Hassa
coast and Katar, these being under Turkish rule, that region is not
disregarded by Great Britain, nay Nejd itself finds a place in the
administration reports of the Persian Gulf, Political agency whenever
the horizon in that part of the peninsula shows a storm cloud though it
be no bigger than a man’s hand. The claims of the Porte to sovereignty
over El Katar are not admitted by the British government[80] and are
the cause not only of diplomatic controversy but of actual interference
on the part of the British when necessary.
The great benefits that have followed the treaties of peace with the
Arab tribes are manifest most of all by a comparison of that part of
the Arabian coast under English supervision and the long stretch from
Katif to Busrah which is Turkish. The former enjoys peace and the
tribes have settled down to commerce and fishing, there is safety for
the traveller and the stranger everywhere; the latter is in continual
state of warfare, there is neither commerce nor agriculture and the
entire coast is utterly unsafe because of the _laissez faire_ policy of
Turkey.
Turning to Oman we find, in the words of Lord Curzon, that, treaty
succeeding treaty, “it may be justifiably regarded as a British
dependency.” The recent history of Muscat has only hastened the day
when “the Union Jack will be seen flying from the castles of Muscat.”
The Bedouin revolt and their occupation of the town resulted in
saddling the unhappy Sultan with a large bill for damages sustained by
British subjects. The episode of the French coaling-station cost the
Sultan his annual subsidy. Thus from the side of finance he is doubly
dependent on English clemency.
The second British king of Arabia resides at Aden. There he is at once
Political Resident and commander of the troops. His authority extends
not only to the settlement of Aden proper but includes supervision of a
territory 200 miles long by forty broad with a population of 130,000.
Many of the neighboring tribes are subsidized and all of them are bound
by treaty to Great Britain. What the Bushire Resident is for the Gulf
that the Aden Resident is for the Southern litoral of the Peninsula.
Moreover the Island of Socotra is also under the Resident at Aden
and the Island of Perim. The ruler of Makalla in Hadramaut is under
special treaty with England; although the newspaper report, that Great
Britain had declared a protectorate over all Southern Arabia, has no
foundation.[81]
In the tribes which are bound by treaty with Britain a patriarchal
system of supervision seems to prevail. Good children are rewarded and
bad ones are punished. Nothing escapes the eye of the political parent;
one has only to read the yearly Administration reports to find many
striking and sometimes amusing examples. We quote from the Residency
Report of Muscat for 1893-94 verbatim: “One case of breach of the
maritime peace of the Gulf occurred in which the Sultan was advised to
inflict a fine of Rs. 50 (about sixteen dollars) on Mehdibin-Ali, the
Sheikh of the Kamazarah tribe of Khassab, for proceeding with a party
of armed men by sea to Shaam with the object of prosecuting a certain
claim his wife had against the estate of her deceased father. After
some months’ delay the attendance of the Sheikh was enforced at Muscat
and the fine was recovered.” The same report tells how the government
of India acknowledged the kindness shown to the shipwrecked crew of the
S. S. Khiva in April, 1893, by the Sultan of Muscat, “by presentation
to His Highness of a handsome telescope and watch.” Every year all the
tribal chiefs who have proved “good boys” receive some yards of bright
flannel, a new rifle or a pair of army pistols. But the patriarchal
system works well; and there are few Arabs who would like English
power in the Gulf or near Aden to grow less; all express admiration
for English _rule_, if not for English politics. In Arabia too the old
promise of Noah is finding its fulfillment to-day. “God shall enlarge
Japhet and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem.” Shem never took a
better guest into his tent than when he signed a treaty of perpetual
peace with England on his coasts.
England has consulates and consular agents at more places in Arabia
than has any other power and her consuls exercise more authority and
have greater prestige. In nearly every case they were first appointed
and have therefore had longer time to extend their influence. At
Jiddah, Hodeidah, and on the island of Kamaran there are British
consulates or vice-consulates; and there are reports of a consulate
at Sana. At Makalla there is a British agent. Muscat, Bagdad, Busrah,
Bushire and Mohammerah all have consulates, with different degrees
of authority and position, all exercising power of some sort in
Arabia. Bahrein, Lingah, Sharka, Bunder Abbas, and other points in
the Gulf have British agents. At Jiddah, Hodeidah and Aden there are
several consulates beside the English. Muscat has for some years had
an American consul and in 1894 the French established a consulate
there. Russia has no representative in the Gulf save at Bagdad; nor
has Germany. None of the European powers, save England, have agents at
any of the Arabian ports in the Gulf nor do the ships of their navies
often visit this part of the world. In fact so little do the Arabs know
of other consuls than English, that their words for agent, _wakil_,
and for consul, _baljoz_, always signify to them British officers or
appointees.
XXIII
PRESENT POLITICS IN ARABIA
“The signs of the times show plainly enough what is going to happen.
All the savage lands in the world are going to be brought under
subjection to the Christian Governments of Europe. The sooner the
seizure is consummated, the better for the savages.”—_Mark Twain._
While Turkey continues in power the western coast of Arabia will see no
change and everything will be quiet in Hejaz. If however the trouble
between the Sherifs of Mecca and the Sublime Porte should reach a
crisis or Moslem fanaticism at Jiddah should endanger the lives of
Christians, we may expect England, and perhaps France and Holland to
interfere as did England in 1858.[82] Regarding Yemen there is more
probability of a great political change in the near future. Aden is
a cinder-heap, but Sana has a fine, cold climate and is the capital
of a rich mountain region capable of extraordinary development. There
are those who desire to see England assume a protectorate over all
Yemen, and if ever the Arabs should turn out the Turks, England would
be almost compelled to step in and preserve peace for her allied
tribes near Aden. Long since the army at Aden has felt the need of a
hill-station and only the Crescent keeps the English troops penned up
in an extinct crater where life at best is misery.
The southern part of Arabia is of such a character geographically
and the coast so barren that it offers no attractions to the most
ambitious land-grabber. Oman, like Yemen, is fertile and has in
addition certain mining possibilities. Until recent years England was
the only foreign power that claimed an interest in the heritage of
the Sultan of Muscat. Now France is on the scene and is apparently
unwilling that British power should increase in Oman or the Gulf. The
alleged lease of a coaling-station to France by the Sultan of Muscat
in February, 1899, was only the beginning of French opposition made
manifest. Her establishment of a consulate at Muscat, her relations to
the slave-trade, her attempt to subsidize a line of French steamers
in the Gulf, her secret agents recently travelling in the Gulf—all
these were only ripples that show which way the current flows. So far
England has had free play in Oman; now another power has appeared.
The coaling-station incident was soon settled to the satisfaction
of all Englishmen, and in a thoroughly English way. Under threat of
bombardment the Sultan repudiated his agreement with the French and by
way of punishment for his misconduct his annual stipend was stopped.
Whether France will continue to seek to increase her influence in
the Gulf remains to be seen. It is certain that English policy is
strenuously opposed to allowing one square foot of Oman territory to
pass into the hands of France or any other foreign power.
In April, 1899, it was announced that Russia had entered the Persian
Gulf as a political power and acquired the harbor of Bunder Abbas in
Persia as a terminus for her proposed railway. Since that time this
has been officially denied both at Teheran and St. Petersburg and also
stoutly reasserted with new proofs by the English press and the press
of India. It is undoubtedly news of a sensational character if it be
true. The presence of Russia in the Persian Gulf would probably change
the future history of all its litoral and help to decide the future
partition of Arabia and Mesopotamia. All things seem to be moving
toward a crisis in this region of the east. And if the battle for
empire and for possession of the keys to the gateway of India should be
fought in the Persian Gulf the possible consequences are too vast to be
surmised. What England’s policy would be in case there is truth in the
alleged Russian aggression, is summarized in a recent article in the
_Times_ of India:
“It remains to consider what steps should be taken by Great Britain
in view of the new development in Gulf politics. It may be taken for
granted that Russia will not attempt to take possession of Bunder
Abbas for a considerable time to come. She will make every effort to
deny the existence of the advantage she has gained until a convenient
opportunity arises for putting her plan into execution. In the
meantime, Great Britain can be well content to remain quiet, and to
imitate her adversary by playing a waiting game. It will possibly be
suggested that by again occupying Kishm, and by seizing Ormuz, the
value of Bunder Abbas to Russia could at once be neutralized to a large
extent. That is doubtless true; but it is material to point out that
little is to be gained by precipitate action, that these points of
vantage can be occupied with facility at any time, and that the true
policy of Great Britain is to endeavor to preserve the _status quo_ for
as long a period as possible.
“Meanwhile, there are many methods by which British power and influence
in the Gulf can be safeguarded. We understand that the Admiralty has
already decided to strengthen the naval force maintained in Persian
waters, and that the Admiral commanding the East Indies squadron will
in future give the Gulf a larger share of his personal supervision. But
this is not enough. The staff of political officers in the Gulf needs
to be enlarged.... Then, too, more telegraph cables are needed. Muscat
is now shut off from communication with the rest of the world, although
the port was once linked up with Aden by cable. A line should be laid
from Muscat to Jask forthwith, and another branch should connect Jask
with Bunder Abbas and Lingah. More political agents should be stationed
in the hinterland between Bunder Abbas and Seistan, with roving
commissions, if necessary. One other matter needs urgent attention.
Russia now possesses the sole right to construct railways in Persia,
under an agreement which, after being in existence ten years, expires
this year. Is anything being done to prevent the renewal of this
objectionable concession, which is deeply opposed to British interests
in the Shah’s dominions? It is in the highest degree important that
Great Britain should secure a share in the concessions for roads and
railways which will certainly be granted by the Persian government in
the near future. Unfortunately, the gaze of the British public is so
steadily concentrated upon China that it is unable to perceive dangers
which threaten the empire in a far more vital place. There must soon
be a rude awakening. It is not in China, but in Persia and the Persian
Gulf, that the centre of political strife and international rivalry in
Asia will soon be fixed.”
With the event of Russia in the Gulf and her Persian policy, with
France envious of England’s growing prestige in this Orient, with
Germany at work building railways and Turkey’s days numbered, what is
to be the future of the fertile provinces of Busrah and Bagdad? Will
England continue to hold the upper hand in every part of Arabia and
will some future Lord Cromer develop the Euphrates-Tigris valley into
a second Egypt? The battle of diplomacy is on. European cabinets,
backed by immense armies and navies are playing a game involving
tremendous issues—issues not only tremendous to themselves and to
the populations of Arabia and Persia, but involving the interest of
another King and the greatest Kingdom. The event toward which history
and recent politics in Arabia have so far been moving is “the one far
off Divine event” of the Son of God. Not only to the missionary but to
every Christian the study of the politics of Arabia makes evident the
great Providential hand of God in the history of the Peninsula during
the past century. Jesus Christ holds the key to the situation. All the
kings of the earth are in His hand and to whomsoever He gives power or
privilege, the end will be the glory of His own name and the coming of
His own kingdom; also in Arabia.
XXIV
THE ARABIC LANGUAGE
“Arabic grammars should be strongly bound, because learners are so
often found to dash them frantically on the ground.”—_Keith Falconer._
“It is a language more extended over the face of the earth and which
has had more to do with the destiny of mankind than any other, except
English.”—_Rev. Geo. E. Post, M. D._, Beirut.
“Wisdom hath alighted upon three things—the brain of the Franks,
the hands of the Chinese and the tongue of the Arabs.”—_Mohammed
ed-Damiri._
Two religions contend for the mastery of the world; Christianity and
Islam. Two races strive for the possession of the dark continent,
the Anglo-Saxon and the Arab. Two languages have for ages past
contested for world-wide extension on the basis of colonization and
propagandism—the English and the Arabic. To-day about seventy millions
of people speak some form of the Arabic language, as their vernacular;
and nearly as many more know something of its literature in the Koran
because they are Mohammedans. In the Philippine islands the first
chapter of the Koran is repeated before dawn paints the sky red. The
refrain is taken up in Moslem prayers at Pekin and is repeated across
the whole of China. It is heard in the valleys of the Himalayas and
on “the roof of the world.” A few hours later the Persians pronounce
these Arabic words and then across the Peninsula the muezzins call
the “faithful” to prayer. At the waters of the Nile, the cry “_Allahu
akbar_” is again sounded forth ever carrying the Arab speech westward
across the Sudan, the Sahara and the Barbary States until it is last
heard in the mosques of Morocco.