[1] Manna lies about 50 miles to the southward of Marlborough.
[2] The island of Sumatra is between 7 and 800 miles long from north to
south.
[3] Cumberland-house is a new well-built house for the governor of the
place.
[4] _N. B. Both these are contiguous to the fort._
[5] Laye house or factory is about 30 miles to the northward of
Marlborough, and Manna house or factory fifty miles to the southward.
[6] The sugar-plantation is five or six miles from Marlborough.
[7] The _qualloe_ is the country word for a river’s mouth.
[8] Poblo Point lies about three leagues to the southward of
Marlborough.
[9] _Doosoons_ are villages.
[10] Letter from William Veale, Esq;
[11] Letter from John Trehawk, Esq;
[12] A timber support of the deads.
[13] Loose rubbish and broken stones of the mine.
[14] Mr. J. Nantcarrow.
[15] Trifolium quoque inhorrescere et folia contra tempestatem
subrigere certum est. Hist. Nat. lib. xviii. cap. 35.
[16] Flor. Lappon. p. 222.
[17] Prosp. Alpin. de plantis Ægypti, cap. 10.
[18] It is not improbable, that a considerable portion of whiting might
be used instead of pure white lead, which is frequently done: and this
supposition is favoured by the mixture’s not proving fatal to the boy,
as such a quantity of white lead in all probability would.
[19] What Lhwyd calls _ostreum minus falcatum_, Nº. 451.
[20] Memoires de l’Acad. des Sciences, anno 1748. p. 326.
[21] Ibid. p. 338.
[22] Ibid. p. 337.
[23] See my Essay on the contagious Distemper, p. 70.
[24] Pag. 143 and 338.
[25] Essay on the Plague.
[26] See Logarith. Canon. deser. _Edinb._ 1614. p. 48.
[27] _Senex_ drew several of that form.
[28] See the Preface to the small Berlin Atlas.
[29] This constant logarithm contains the reduction of the diff. of
longitude to parts of radius unity, and to _Briggs_’s Modulus.
[30] See _Cotesii_ Logometr. prop. 6.
[31] Physiological Essays, p. 69.
[32] Physiological Essays, p. 69.
[33] Dr. Pringle’s Observations on the Diseases of the Army, part iii.
chap. 2.
[34] Vincentius Menghinus _de Ferrearum particularum progressu in
Sanguinem. Comment. Acad. Bonon._ T. II. P. 2. pag. 475.
[35] Phil. Transact. by Lowthorpe, vol. iii. p. 102. edit. 1749. the
same by Jones, vol. v. p. 259.
[36] Vol. I. art. xii. p. 364.
[37] In a paper read Feb. 24. 1757. See Art. xiii. p. 88.
[38] _Porticuum, in quibus spatiari consueverat (Domitianus) parietes
phengite lapide distinxit, e cujus splendore per imagines quicquid a
tergo fieret, provideret._ Sueton. Domit. c. 14.
[39] Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 26. §. 66.
[40] Pliny mentions a kind of glass or jet called _obsidianum_:
--_nigerrimi coloris, aliquando et translucidi, crassiore visu, atque
in speculis parietum pro imagine umbras reddente_. Nat. Hist. lib.
xxxvi. c. 26. §. 67.
And that the practice of staining glass was known in his time, appears
from what he says concerning the _obsidianum_ mentioned above:--_Fit et
genere tincturæ--totum rubens vitrum, atque non translucidum_. Ibid.
[41] Panciroll. Rer. Mem. p. 288.
[42] These glass balls had sometimes water within them: _Cùm additâ
aquâ vitreæ pilæ sole adverso in tantum excandescant, ut vestes
exurant_. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 22. §. 45.
_Invenio medicos, quæ sunt urenda corporum, non alitèr utilius id fieri
putare, quam crystallinâ pilâ adversis positâ solis radiis._ Plin. Nat.
Hist. lib. xxxvii. c. 6. §. 10.
[43] Vid. Mons. Renaudot Memoires de l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. I.
[44] Vid. infra, not. 11.
[45] _Theatrum Scauri_----_scena ei triplex in altitudinem_ CCCLX
_columnarum_.----_Ima pars scenæ e marmore fuit_: media e vitro: _summa
e tabulis inauratis_. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 15.
[46] A. V. 678. Hard. not. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 8.
[47] _Agrippa in thermis, quas Romæ fecit, figlinum opus encausto
pinxit, in reliquis albaria adornavit: non dubiè_ vitreas facturus
cameras, si prius inventum id fuisset, _aut a parietibus scenæ--Scauri
pervenisset in cameras_. Lib. xxxvi. c. 25. §. 64.
[48] Seneca, exposing the luxury of the Romans with regard to their
baths, says, _Pauper sibi videtur ac sordidus, nisi parietes magnis ac
pretiosis orbibus refulserint--nisi_ vitro absconditur camera.--Ep. 86.
[49] Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 22. §. 45.
[50] Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 22. §. 45.
[51] Vid. Salmasius in a passage to be produced hereafter.
[52] Hist. de l’Acad. des Inscrip. tom. I.
[53] Montfauc. Antiq. vol. III. part i. lib. iii. c. 4. Lipsius in loc.
_&c._
[54] _Quædam nostrâ demum prodiisse memoriâ scimus; ut speculariorum
usum, perlucente testâ, clarum transmittentium lumen._ Sen. ep. 90.
[55] _Quod fenestris obducebatur ad translucendum, ac lucem
admittendam_ specular _vetens Latini vocârunt. Idque ex speculari
lapide, quí est_ φεγγιτης, _aut_ ex vitro _fiebat, aut aliâ translucidâ
materiâ. Nam_ specular dictum, non quod ex speculari lapide _factum
esset, sed quod visum transmitteret, ac per id_ speculari _liceret_.
Salm. Exerc. Plin. in Solin. tom. II. p. 771.
[56] Villa’s of the Anc. illustrated, p. iv.
[57] One of Pliny’s cautions for preserving apples is--_Austros
specularibus arcere_. Nat. Hist. lib. xv. c. 16.
Martial further informs us, that the Romans used to screen their
orchards of choice fruit-trees with _specularia_. Lib. viii. epig. 14.
[58] I suppose he means that of Fortuna Seia. Lib. xxxvi. c. 22.
[59] Salmasius, speaking of the custom of adorning chambers with glass,
says--_Quod proximè ætatem suam incepisse fieri narrat Plinius. Quum M.
Scaurus_----Ex. Plin. tom. II. p. 854.
I do not find this expresly asserted by Pliny: but it might have been
so in fact. This fashion indeed was not begun till after Agrippa had
built his _thermæ_: but if we suppose that to have been even as late as
his third consulship, _viz. ante Christ._ 27. (_Helvicus_), when he
erected the Pantheon (or at least its portico), near adjoining to those
_thermæ_, there would have been sufficient room, from that period to
the birth of Pliny (_viz. anno Christi_ 24), for the introduction of
this usage.
[60] Plin. Ep. V. I. 111.
[61] Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 26. §. 66.
[62] Vid. supra.
[63] Anno Christi 80.
[64] In order to justify my placing the testimony of this Father so
high, I would observe, that St. Jerome (_De Scriptor. Eccles._) says,
that Lactantius--_Extremâ senectute magister Cæsaris Crispi filii
Constantini in Gallia fuit_. He must probably have exercised this
charge between _anno Christi_ 309, when Constantine began to reign,
and 320. If he was then of a great age, he might have composed the
treatise, out of which this authority is produced, and which was one
of the earliest of his works, that are extant (_Vid. Sparkii præf. ad
Lactant._), 40 years before, _viz._ about _anno Christi_ 280; which
brings us up to 200 years after the overthrow of Herculaneum, as above.
[65] Lib. i. c. 20. See this subject largely discussed in Bodæus à
Stapel Comment. in Theoph. p. 156. et seq.
[66] Opera omnia à C. B. edit. 1598. p. 64.
[67] _Usnea vulgaris loris longis implexis_ Hist. Musc. p. 56. _Lichen
plicatus_ Lin. Sp. Pl. 1154. _Muscus arboreus: Usnea_ Officin. C. B.
Raii Syn. III. p. 64.
[68] _Usnea barbata loris tenuibus fibrosis_ Hist. Musc. p. 63. _Lichen
barbatus_ Lin. Sp. Pl. 1155. _Quercus excrementum villosum_ C. B. p.
422. Bauhine took this to be the true _Usnea Arabum_.
[69] _Usnea ceratoides candicans glabra et odorata_ Hist. Musc. p. 71.
_Muscus arboreus candicans et odorifer_ Camelli Raii Hist. III. Append.
p. 3.
[70] Civil and Natural History of Jamaica, p. 80.
[71] Hist. Plant. I. par. ii. p. 88.
[72] Flor. Lap. p. 342. Ɛ. Flor. Suec. Ed. II. p. 416.
[73] Flor. Lap. p. 348.
[74] Hist. Plant. I. p. 115.
[75] _Usnea jubata nigricans._ Dillen. Hist. Musc. p. 64. _Lichen
jubatus_ Lin. Sp. Pl. 1155. _Muscus corallinis saxatilis fæniculaceus_,
Rock-hair. Raii Syn. III. p. 65. n. 7.
[76] _Usnea capillacea et nodosa_ Dillen. Hist. Musc. 60. _Muscus
arboreus nodosus_ C. B. p. 361. Raii Syn. III. p. 65. n. 4.
[77] Raii Hist. Pl. III. p. 28.
[78] Natural History of Norway, p. 148.
[79] _Usnea capillacea citrina frutriculi specie._ Hist. Musc. p. 73.
_Muscus aureus tenuissimus_ Merret. Pin. p. 79. Raii syn. p. 65. nº. 8.
[80] Flor. Suec. Ed. II. p. 427.
[81] Hist. Plant. III. P. ii. lib. 9. p. 273.
[82] _Usnea dichotoma compressa segmentis capillaceis teretibus._ Hist.
Musc. 72. _Muscus arboreus aurantiacus flaminibus tenuissimis_ Pluk.
Alm. p. 254. Raii Hist. III. 28.
[83] _Coralloides corniculis longioribus et rarioribus._ Dillen. Hist.
Musc. p. 103. _Muscus corniculatus_ Ger. p. 1372. Park. 1308. Raii
Hist. I. p. 112. III. p. 28. _Lichenoides tubulosum cinereum minus
crustaceum minusque ramosum_ Raii Syn. 3. p. 67.
[84] _Coralloides montanum fruticuli specie ubique candicans_ Hist.
Musc. p. 107. _Lichen rangiferinus_ Lin. Sp. Pl. 1153. _Muscus
corallinus._ Tab. Ger. em.
[85] Flor. Lappon. p. 332.
[86] Enum. Stirp. Helv. p. 69. Nº. 38.
[87] The Novaccolæ are a people originally sprung from the Finlanders:
they fixed themselves in Lapland not long since, and traffick with the
old inhabitants.
[88] _Coralloides crispum et botryforme Alpinum_ Hist. Musc. p. 114.
_Lichen paschalis_ Lin. Sp. Pl. _Lichenoides non tubulum cinereum
ramosum totum crustaceum_ Raii Syn. III. 66. N. 11. This moss is not
common in England. Dr. Dillenius found it upon some of the mountains in
Wales. It is found in many places on Charley-forest, Leicestershire.
[89] Flor. Lappon. Nº. 489.
[90] _Coralloides corniculatum fasciculare tinctorium fuci teretis
facie_ Dillen. Hist. Musc. p. 120. _Cladonia tophacea_ Hill. Hist.
Pl. p. 93. _Fucus capillaris tinctorius_ Raii Hist. I. p. 74. _Lichen
(Rocelia) fruticulosus solidus aphyllus subramosus tuberculis alternis_
Lin. Sp. Pl. 1154.
[91] L’Art de la Teinture des lains et des Etoffes de lain; Paris 1750,
p. 543.
[92] Raii Hist. Plant. I. p. 74.
[93] Nova Plant. Gener. p. 78.
[94] _Coralloides schyphiforme tuberculis fuscis_ Hist. Musc. 79.
_Lichenoides tubulosum pyxidatum cinereum._ Raii Syn. III. p. 68.
_Pyxidium margine leviter serrato._ Hill. Hist. Plant. p. 94.
[95] Willis Pharm. Rational. sect. I. cap. 6. _de tussi puerorum
convulsiva_.
[96] De Aëre et Morbis epidemicis, p. 76, 77. vol. I.
[97] Lowthorp’s Abridgment, vol. II. p. 660.
[98] _Lichenoides tartareum tinctorium candidum tuberculis atris._
Hist. Musc. p. 128.
[99] _Lichen (calcareus) leprosus candidus tuberculis atris_ Spec.
Plant. 1140.
[100] _Lichenoides leprosum tinctorium scutellis lapidum Caneri figura_
Hist. Musc. 130. _Lichenoides crustaceum et leprosum scutellare
cinereum._ Raii Syn. p. 70.
[101] Tournefort’s Voyage to the Levant, Eng. edit. Lond. 1741. in 8º,
vol. I. p. 248.
[102] _Lichenoides tartareum farinaceum scutellarum umbone fusco._
Hist. Musc. 132. _Placodium bracteis majusculis limbo albo cinctis_
Hill. Hist. Pl. p. 97.
[103] Flor. Suec. Ed. II. p. 407.
[104] _Lichenoides crustaceum et leprosum acetabulis majoribus luteis
limbis argenteis_ Raii Syn. p. 71. N. 46. Hist. Musc. p. 132.
[105] _Vide_ Œconom. Natur. in Amœn. Acad. vol. II. p. 17.
[106] _Lichenoides vulgatissimum cinereo-glaucum lacunosum et cirrosum_
Hist. Musc. p. 88. _Lichenoides crusta foliosa superne cinereo-glauca,
inferne nigra et cirrosa scutellis nigricantibus._ R. Syn. p. 72.
[107] _Lichenoides saxatile tinctorium foliis pilosis purpureis_ Raii
Syn. p 74. Nº. 70. Hist. Musc. p. 185. _Lichen petræus purpureus
Derbiensis_ Park. Theat. p. 1315. _Lichen omphalodes_ Lin. Spec. Pl.
1143.
[108] Park. Theat. Botan. p. 1315.
[109] Raii Hist. Plant. p. 116.
[110] Flor. Lappon. p. 343. V.
[111] Otherwise called _arnotto_.
[112] _Lichenoides vulgare sinuosum foliis et scutellis luteis._ Hist.
Musc. p. 180. _Lichenoides crusta foliosa scutellata flavescens._ Raii
Syn. p. 72. Nº. 59.
[113] Flor. Suec. Ed. II. p. 416. Nº. 1093.
[114] Linnæus has intitled this moss _Lichen (stygius) imbricatus,
folio is palmatis incurvis atris_. Fl. Suec. I. 949. Spec. Plant. 1143.
Fl. Suec. II. Nº. 1079.
[115] _Lichenoides coralliforme rostratum et canaliculatum._
Hist. Musc. 170. _Lichenoides arboreum ramosum angustioribus
cinereo-virescentibus ramulis._ Raii Syn. 75. _Lichen calicaris_ Lin.
Spec. Plant. 1146.
[116] _Lichenoides fuciforme tinctorium corniculis longioribus et
acutioribus._ Hist. Musc. 168. _Platysma corniculatum._ Hill Hist.
Plant. 90. _Lichen fuciformis_ Lin. Sp. Pl. 1147.
[117] _Lichenoides digitatum cinereum lactucæ foliis sinuosis_ Dillen.
Hist. Musc. 200. _Platysma sinuosum scutellis ovato-rotundis_ Hill
Hist. Pl. 89. _Lichen caninus_ Lin. Sp. Pl. 1149.
[118] See Lowthorp’s Abridgment, vol. III. p. 284.
[119] Dr. Van Swieten. See Comment. in Boerh. Aphor. §. 1147.
[120] Mechanical Account of Poisons, ed. 4th, p. 156.
[121] _Lichenoides pulmonium reticulatum vulgare marginibus peltiferis_
Dill. Hist. Musc. 212. _Lichenoides peltatum arboreum maximum._ Raii
Syn. p. 76. _Musc. pulmonarius_ C. B.
[122] Dillen. Hist. Musc. p. 213.
[123] _Lichenoides digitatum læte virens verrucis nigris notatum._
Ibid. p. 207.
[124] Boerhaav. Aphorism. §. 982.
[125] Vol. II, p. 69. _De Tœnia._
[126] _Musca apiformis, tota fusca, cauda obtusa, ex ejula caudata in
latrinis degente orta._ Raii Hist. Insect, p. 272.
[127] Faun. Suecica, Nº. 1084.
[128] See two cases nearly of this kind observed by Dr. Lister.
Lowthorp’s Abridgment, vol. III. p. 135.
[129] _Lichenoides rigidum eryngii folia referens_ Dillen. Hist. Musc.
p. 209. Raii Syn. p. 77. _Lichen foliis oblongis laciniatis marginibus
conniventibus ciliaribus._ Flor. Lappon. Hall. Helv. 75. _Lichen
(islandicus) foliaceus adscendens laciniatus marginibus elevatis
ciliaribus_ Lin. Flor. Suec. I. 959. II. 1085. Mat. Med. Nº. 493. Spec.
Plant. 1145.
[130] Raii Hist. Plant. p. 114.
[131] Flor. Lappon. Nº. 445.
[132] Horrebow’s Natural History of Iceland, p. 36.
[133] For the first account, see part first, p. 392.
[134] Sic in regist. et postea haud semel.
[135] Sic in regist.
[136] Sic in regist.
[137] Sic in regist.
[138] Sic in regist.
[139] Sic in regist.
[140] Page 285. edit. Lugd. Batav. 1625.
[141] Page 681. edit. London, 1631.
[142] Wood Hist. et Antiqu. Universit. Oxon. lib. i. p. 295. and Athen.
Oxon. vol. I. col. 237.
[143] Hist. & Antiquit. Universit. Oxon. ubi supra.
[144] Page 290, 2d edit.
[145] When the emperor goes out or comes into the palace, this bell is
rung.
[146] In these two houses are Jesuits of other nations. They are stiled
Portuguese, because these houses and churches depend on the mission of
the Jesuits founded by the king of Portugal.
[147] There are beaten there the five watches of the night. The sound
is heard thro’ the whole city.
[148] _Yong lo_, emperor of the last dynasty _Ming_, built these two
towers.
[149] The tribunals of the ministers and grand masters of the emperor’s
house are in the inclosure _Tse kin_.
[150] The feet are different in China; but 1800 feet always make a
_ly_. According to the measure of the foot the _ly_ will be greater or
less.
[151] This power is called in China the dynasty _Leao_.
[152] There is extant, in the Chinese and Tartar _Mantcheou_ languages,
an history of the dynasty of _Ki tan_.
[153] Of which dynasty there is extant a very curious history.
[154] Book I. Part ii. Prop. 3. Experiment 8. of his Optics.
[155] If α, β, γ, δ, _&c._ be supposed to represent the co-sines of the
angles 360° ⁄ _n_, 2 × 360° ⁄ _n_, 3 × 360° ⁄ _n_, _&c._ (the radius
being unity); then the roots of the equation _zⁿ_ - 1 = 0 (expressing
the several values of _p_, _q_, _r_, _s_, _&c._) will be truly defined
by 1, α + √(αα - 1), α - √(αα - 1), β + √(ββ - 1), β - √(ββ - 1), _&c._
The demonstration of this will be given farther on.
[156] Because -_ẋ_ ⁄ √(1 - _xx_) and -_Ẋ_ ⁄ √(1 - _XX_) are known to
express the fluxions of the circular arcs whose co-sines are _x_ and
_X_, it is evident, if those arcs be supposed in any constant ratio of
1 to _n_, that _nẋ_ ⁄ √(1 - _xx_) = _Ẋ_ ⁄ √(1 - _XX_), and consequently
that _nẋ_ ⁄ √(_xx_ - 1) (= _nẋ_ ⁄ (√-1 × √(1 - _xx_)) = _Ẋ_ ⁄ (√-1 ×
√(1 - _XX_)) = _Ẋ_ ⁄ √(_XX_ - 1). From whence, by taking the fluents,
_n_ × Log. (_x_ + √(_xx_ - 1)) (or Log. (_x_ + √(_xx_ - 1))_ⁿ_) = Log.
_X_ + √(_XX_ - 1); and consequently (_x_ + √(_xx_ - 1))_ⁿ_ = _X_ +
√(_XX_ - 1): whence also, seeing _x_ - √(_xx_ - 1) is the reciprocal
of _x_ + √(_xx_ - 1), and _X_ - √(_XX_ - 1) of _X_ + √(_XX_ - 1), it
is likewise evident, that (_x_ - √(_xx_ - 1))_ⁿ_ = _X_ - √(_XX_ - 1).
Hence, not only the truth of the above assumption, but what has been
advanced in relation to the roots of the equation _zⁿ_ - 1 = 0, will
appear manifest. For if _x_ ± √(_xx_ - 1) be put = _z_, then will _zⁿ_
(= (_x_ ± √(_xx_ - 1))_ⁿ_) = _X_ ± √(_XX_ - 1): where, assuming _X_
= 1 = co-s. 0 = co-s. 360° = co-s. 2 × 360° = co-s. 3 × 360°, _&c._
the equation will become _zⁿ_ = 1, or _zⁿ_ - 1 = 0; and the different
values of _x_, in the expression (_x_ ± √(_xx_ - 1)) for the root _z_,
will consequently be the co-sines of the arcs, 0 ⁄ _n_, 360° ⁄ _n_, (2
× 360°) ⁄ _n_, _&c._ these arcs being the corresponding _submultiples_
of those above, answering to the co-sine _X_ (= 1).----In the same
manner, if _X_ be taken = -1 = co-s. 180° = co-s. 3 × 180° = co-s. 5 ×
180°, _&c._ then will _zⁿ_ = -1, or _zⁿ_ + 1 = 0; and the values of _x_
will, in this case, be the co-sines of 180° ⁄ _n_, 3 × (180° ⁄ _n_), 5
× (180° ⁄ _n_), _&c._
[157] _Avellana purgatrix_; in French, _medicinier_.
[158] This refers to Mr. Baker’s having supposed, that old iron and old
brass may be mixt sometimes, and melted down together.
[159] Vide Wilkins’s real Character, p. 131. Bellon. aquat. p. 330.
[160] Some of the Pour-contrel kind have but one row of suckers on the
arms: such an one I have seen, whose arms were thirty inches long.
[161] Of this I gave an account some years ago, in my attempt towards a
Natural History of the Polype, chap. v.
[162] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 1.
[163] _De Num. quibusd. Sam. et Phœn. &c. Dissert._ p. 56-59. & Tab.
II. Oxon. 1750.
[164] _Marm. Palmyren. a Cl._ Dawk. _edit._ pass.
[165] Vid. Hadr. Reland. _Palæst. Illustrat._ p. 1014. Traject.
Batavor. 1714. Erasm. Frœl. ad _Annal. Compendiar. Reg. & Rer. Syr._
Tab. VIII. &c. Viennæ, 1754.
[166] _De Antiq. Hebræor. et Græcor. Lit. Libel._ Joan. Baptist.
Biancon. p. 31, 32. Bononiæ, 1748.
[167] 1. Maccab. i. 10.
[168] Hadr. Reland. _De Num. Vet. Hebr._ pass. Trajecti ad _Rhenum_,
1709.
[169] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 2.
[170] Honor. Arigon. _Num. Phœnic._ Tab. I. Num. 3, 6. Tarvisii, 1745.
[171] Nicol. Haym Roman. _Del Tesor. Britan._ Vol. i. p. 106. In
Londra, 1719.
[172] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 3.
[173] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 3.
[174] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 3.
[175] See the Phœnician Numerals in Plate xxxii.
[176] _Philosoph. Transact._ Vol. xlviii. Par. ii. p. 726.
[177] _De Num. quibusd. Sam. et Phœn. &c. Dissert._ p. 59-61. & Tab.
II. Oxon. 1750.
[178] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 4.
[179] Haym, ubi sup. p. 107.
[180] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 5.
[181] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 5.
[182] Honor. Arigon. _Num. Phœnic._ Tab. I, II. Tarvisii, 1745.
[183] Id. ibid. Tab. I. N. 5.
[184] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 6.
[185] See p. 793, 794.
[186] See plate xxxi. Fig. 7.
[187] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 8.
[188] _Recherches Curieuses des Monoyes de France &c. Par_ Claude
Bouterouë, p. 33. A Paris, 1666.
[189] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 9.
[190] Honor. Arigon. ubi sup. Tab. I. Num. 2.
[191] Claud. Bouterouë, ubi sup. p. 24.
[192] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 9.
[193] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 9.
[194] _Mémoires de Litterature, tirés des Registres &c._ Tom. xxiv. p.
64. A Paris, 1756.
[195] The whole note, here referred to, in the original runs thus.
“J’avois lû ce Mémoire à l’Académie en 1749, je le communiquai dans le
même temps à un étranger qui se trouvoit alors à Paris, & qui ayant
passé tout de suite en Angleterre, fit part à un docteur d’Oxford
de l’explication que j’avois donnée de la médaille de Jonathan. Ce
dernier _m’a fait l’honneur de l’adopter_ dans une savante Dissertation
imprimée a Oxford en 1750, à la suite d’une autre Dissertation sur
deux inscriptions Phéniciennes.” _Mémoires de Litterature, tirés des
Registres de l’Académie Royale des Inscriptions & Belles-Lettres, &c._
Tom. xxiv. p. 60. A Paris, 1756.
For the better understanding of this note, it will be proper to
observe, that the stranger therein mentioned was M. Brucker, Professor
of History in the University of Basil; with whom I contracted an
acquaintance when at Oxford, towards the close of March 1750. This
gentleman then informed me, that M. l’Abbé Barthelemy communicated
to him draughts of three Samaritan coins of Jonathan, prince and
high-priest of the Jews. He added, that one of these exhibited
the words ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ; which, according to him, M. l’Abbé
Barthelemy interpreted of Alexander the Great, taking the piece
to have been twice struck. This M. Brucker afterwards in a great
measure confirmed, by a letter he wrote to me at Oxford; which I
published intire in 1750, and endeavoured to prove, that the foregoing
inscription was to be understood of Alexander I. king of Syria, and not
of Alexander the Great. The Samaritan inscription, which M. Brucker
only just touched upon, as is manifest from his letter, I likewise
attempted to explain; producing proper vouchers, in support of what I
advanced. Thus stands the fact, which seems to have given some offence
to M. l’Abbé, stated in the most concise manner possible; and from it,
thus stated, as I apprehend, are naturally deducible the following
observations.
1. As I differed in opinion from M. l’Abbé, with regard to the words
ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ, as well as in several other respects, and
supported by indisputable authorities what I in all points advanced,
without receiving from any person whatsoever the least information
relative thereto; it very evidently appears, that I did not _adopt_ M.
l’Abbé’s explication of the coin in question.
2. By publishing M. Brucker’s letter, which I have still by me,
intire, I both did him justice, and clearly acknowledged M. l’Abbé to
have first discovered the medals it treats of to belong to Jonathan,
prince and high-priest of the Jews; and therefore have by no means
endeavoured, as he would insinuate, to rob him of the glory of such a
discovery.
3. As M. l’Abbé in effect owns himself to have seen my dissertation,
and has (if M. Brucker rightly informed me) since the reading of
his memoir, substituted my notion, relating to the words, ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ
ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ, in the room of his own; some people may perhaps imagine,
that I have at least as much reason to recriminate on this occasion,
as he had to charge me with the _adoption_ of his explication. Nay,
as he expresly acquaints the public, that M. Brucker imparted to
me the very interpretation of the coin he (M. l’Abbé) had before
communicated to him, and as this interpretation most evidently makes
it to have been first struck in the reign of Alexander the Great;
every unprejudiced person, unacquainted with the elevated genius and
extensive erudition of M. l’Abbé, will be strongly induced to believe,
that there would be no great injustice in a recrimination. But far
be it from me to retort the accusation upon M. l’Abbé. His uncommon
learning, his singular modesty, his strict honour, his utter contempt
of vanity and ostentation in every shape, so conspicuous to all the
world, must set him infinitely above the reach of such an imputation.
However, notwithstanding the superior merit and exalted abilities of
M. l’Abbé, notwithstanding the known aversion of the French writers
to the practice here hinted at, and their most generous and candid
treatment hitherto of those belonging to the British nation, it will
perhaps hereafter be thought expedient, by the ACADEMY OF INSCRIPTIONS
AND BELLES LETTRES, not frequently to suffer an interval of seven years
to elapse, between the reading and publication of their memoirs. For
by such unaccountable delays, if often repeated, a handle may possibly
be given to many of the _haughty islanders_ of reflecting upon, or at
least entertaining unfavourable sentiments of, some of the members of
that illustrious body.
See _De Num. quibusd. Sam. & Phœn. &c. Dissert._ p. 61-72. Oxon. 1750.
[196] F. Henric. Nor. Veronens. _An. et Epoch. Syromaced. &c._ p.
414-424. Lipsiæ, 1696.
[197] Erasm. Frœl. _Annal. Compend. Reg. et Rer. Syr._ p. 113. Viennæ,
1754.
[198] Joan. Harduin. _Op. Select._ p. 155, 156. Amst. 1709. Joan.
Foy-Vaillant Bellovac. _Numismat. Ær. Imperator. &c. Par. Alt._ p. 97.
Parisiis, 1695.
[199] Iidem ibid. & alib.
[200] F. Henr. Nor. Veronens. ubi sup.
[201] Diod. Sic. lib. xix. Plutarch. in _Demetr._ Appian. in _Syriac_.
[202] F. Henr. Nor. Veronens. ubi sup.
[203] Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 39. Joan. Foy-Vaill. _Seleucidar,
Imper._ p. 1-150. Lutet. Parisior. 1681.
[204] Joan. Foy-Vaill. Erasm. Frœl. Nicol. Haym Roman. &c.
[205] See above, p. 793, 794.
[206] Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 101.
[207] 1. Maccab. i. 10.
[208] See Plate xxxi.
[209] See Plate xxxii.
[210] It may not however be amiss to remark, that most of the forms of
the Phœnician centenary and decimal numeral characters rather resemble
the correspondent Palmyrene numerals of Gruter than those of Mr.
Dawkins; as will be obvious to every one, who shall think proper to
compare all those different characters one with another. _Philosoph.
Transact._ Vol. xlviii. Par. ii. p. 721, 741.
[211] See Plate xxxi. Fig. 5. & Arigon. Tab. II. Num. 11.
[212] See above, p. 791, 792.
[213] Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 100. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 111.
Tab. XV.
[214] Joan. Foy-Vaill. ubi sup. p. 238. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 57.
Tab. VII. Num. 1.
[215] Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 101. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 111.
[216] Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 105, 106.
[217] Joan. Foy-Vaill. ubi sup. p. 200. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 63.
Tab. VIII. Num. 30.
[218] Hadr. Reland. _Palæst. Illustrat._ p. 1014.
[219] Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 100, 101.
[220] Joan. Foy-Vaill. ubi sup. p. 375, 378. Haym, ubi sup. p. 100.
Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 111. Tab. XV.
[221] Gul. Bevereg. _Institut. Chronologic._ p. 278-331. Eond. 1721.
[222] Oleosis magna tribuitur efficacia, quæ maxime experimento
Fr. Rhedi videtur confirmata, dum muscas et alia insecta variis
liquoribus immersa in vivis permansisse refert, exceptis aliis oleo
perunctis et infusis, quæ invicem mortua vitam non receperunt, licet
radiis solaribus fuerint exposita. Equidem libenter concedo hæc omnia
veritati esse consona, atque etiam oleosa, ut ol. oliv. rapar. et
amygd. dulc. non sine fructu adhiberi: sed scire licet minime illa
eo unquam scopo posse offerri, ut vermes enecent, quia admodum magna
oleorum copia requireretur, si immediatè vermes per totum intestinorum
volumen dispersos deberent extinguere. Multo magis oleosa in gravibus
a lumbricis symptomatibus ideo censerem utilia, quia sensibiles
intestinorum tunicas spasmo constrictas relaxant, et mucilagine quasi
obliniunt atque defendunt, ut postea acriora quaædam et purgantia
remedia magis secure et sine læsione exhiberi possint. Ita ego sæpius
mirabili cum effectu ad vermes enecandos et symptomata lenienda ol.
amygd. d. ad aliquot cochlearia, imo ℥j vel ℥ij circa lecti introitum
vel summo mane pueris præscripsi sumendum, subjungendo aliquot horas
post pilulas ex extracto panchymagogo Crollii, resina jalappæ, et
mercurio dulci paratas.
_Hoffmann. Supplement. ad Med. Systemat. de Infant. Morb. cap. 10. de
Vermibus._
[223] I have since been informed, that the boy’s parents being
extremely poor, the medicines were left off as soon as he began to
recover; and that, upon their disuse for some time, he was again
attacked with the same fits as before.
[224] All oils dry more readily after they have been boiled; by which
the superfluous aqueous parts are carried off. Drying oils are also
made by the addition of such substances, as absorb humidities.
[225] See Phil. Trans. Nº. 480. p. 227.