PEACE, SETTLEMENT, AND TRANSPLANTATION, 1652-1654
[Sidenote: Settlement. Magnitude of the problem.]
[Sidenote: Scheme of two Protestant Pales.]
[Sidenote: Claim of the Adventurers.]
[Sidenote: Meeting of officers at Kilkenny.]
[Sidenote: Effect of the evidence about 1641.]
At the beginning of 1652 the Commissioners in Ireland could see that
the war was near its end, but there were still about 30,000 men in
arms against them. Their first object was to get these fighting men
out of Ireland, in which they succeeded, and after that to begin the
scheme of colonisation which had been contemplated from the first.
They adhered to the original idea of the Act of March 1642, by which
forfeited lands were to be assigned to the Adventurers in each of the
four provinces, the counties earmarked for the purpose being Kilkenny,
Wexford, Carlow, Westmeath, and Longford in Leinster, Limerick and
Kerry in Munster, Cavan, Monaghan, Fermanagh, and Donegal in Ulster,
Clare, Galway, Leitrim, and Sligo in Connaught, as the divisions then
ran, others being held in reserve in case the above-named should be
insufficient. By this means the settlers would be near one another,
and afford mutual protection. It was also proposed to make a permanent
Pale between the Boyne and the Barrow with a strong garrison in
Wicklow, and another between the Suir and the southern Blackwater. The
territory within those rivers could be easily and cheaply protected,
and would soon be well inhabited, and the soldiers who held it were
to be fixed in Roman fashion with reduced pay and farms instead of
arrears, 'provided that such of them as marry with Irish women shall
lose their commands, forfeit their arrears, and be made incapable to
inhabit lands in Ireland.' After the receipt of the Commissioners'
despatch, the Committee of Adventurers were called upon to make
proposals for a speedy plantation. They accordingly claimed 281,812_l._
for original advances, and 12,283_l._ under the ordinance of 1643,
involving grants of 1,038,234 acres. They objected to the suggested
arrangements, and demanded contiguous lands in Leinster and Munster,
including the city of Waterford. The war was not yet over, and Tories
were numerous, so that there would be no safety otherwise, and English
labourers were scarce on account of the disafforestations at home.
They therefore refused to be bound to time or to pay taxes until the
country was really settled, lest they should be ruined while their
highly paid servants grew rich, as had happened in New England. Weaver
was sent over in April to represent the Irish Government, but the
Adventurers stood their ground. Three years from September 29, 1652,
had been proposed as the limit of time to be occupied in planting, but
it would be impossible within it to provide dwellings for 40,000 men
and their families. Less than that number would not do, nor could the
work begin until the counties assigned were 'cleared of Tories or of
other Irish which by the propositions may not be admitted to be in the
plantation, though Protestants.' They only waited till the country was
made safe, and till they knew more accurately what lands they had to
escheat, 'and that all men's estates not forfeited should be cleared
and known.' Otherwise they might be involved in hopeless litigation
with Lord Cork and many others, who were not at all implicated in the
rebellion. On April 17, one month before this answer was given, the
general and field officers in Ireland, including Ludlow, Corbet, and
Jones, met at Kilkenny, where they heard Dr. Jones's abstract of the
depositions taken concerning murders committed during the rebellion.
They were already inclined to think that some of the capitulations had
been too lenient, and the reading of this terrible paper confirmed
them. To many the facts were new, others, who had been in Ireland since
1641, had never known them in so concrete a form, and they feared that
men at a distance might be moved through ignorance to lenity, 'which we
have found no small temptation in ourselves ... and considering that so
many murders have been committed that few of the former English were
left undestroyed (especially men who had any particular knowledge of
the massacre, and of those the greater part are since deceased) so that
few of the rebels can be particularly discriminated by any evidence now
to be produced, as the usual course of justice doth require, yet those
barbarous, cruel murders having been so generally joined in and since
justified by the whole nation, &c.' And they suggested to Parliament
that 'in duty towards God, the great avenger of such villainies,' they
should not delay to decide upon the 'qualifications and exceptions'
desirable. The abstract of evidence which had so greatly impressed the
officers accompanied their despatch, which was read in Parliament on
May 18, and we may well believe that its effect was considerable in
moulding legislation. In the interval between May and August the idea
of transplantation took shape, and Connaught was left out of the area
within which Adventurers and soldiers might seek their reward.[257]
[Sidenote: Classification of Irish delinquents.]
[Sidenote: Exceptions by name.]
[Sidenote: First sketch of transplantation.]
[Sidenote: Existing agreements to be observed.]
The Act of Settlement upon which all subsequent proceedings were
founded declared that it was 'not the intention of the Parliament to
extirpate that whole nation.' Pardon might be extended to the inferior
sort of people on condition of submission and peaceable behaviour.
Those of higher rank, 'according to the respective demerits and
considerations under which they fell,' were divided into ten classes
or qualifications, of which the first five were excepted from pardon
for life and estate. The first comprised all who before November 10,
1642, when the Kilkenny assembly first met, had anything to say to
the rebellion, murders, or massacre. The second clause included all
ecclesiastical persons in Roman orders who had been so concerned, the
penalty in their cases extending to 'violences' less than murder
or open insurrection. The third consisted of one hundred and four
persons excepted by name, including Ormonde, Castlehaven, Clanricarde,
Inchiquin, Muskerry, and seventeen other temporal peers. Bishop
Bramhall came next, and among the rest were Sir Phelim O'Neill, General
Preston, and Roger O'More. The fourth qualification covered those
who at any time after October 1, 1641, had a hand in killing any one
except soldiers, and all Irishmen who, not being soldiers themselves,
had killed Englishmen who were. The fifth clause condemned all who
did not lay down their arms within twenty-eight days of the Act being
published by authority in Ireland. The sixth clause provided for the
banishment of all superior military officers and for the forfeiture of
two-thirds of their estates, the value of the remaining third to be
enjoyed by their wives and children 'in such places in Ireland as the
Parliament, in order to the more effectual settlement of the peace of
this nation, shall think fit to appoint for that purpose.' The seventh
clause empowered the Commissioners to pardon others who had fought and
submitted, and they also were deprived of two-thirds of their property,
but might continue in Ireland upon the equivalent of one-third wherever
the Parliament might assign it. The eighth applied to Papists who
had lived in Ireland since October 23, 1641, 'and had not manifested
their constant good affection to the interest of the Commonwealth of
England'; they were to forfeit one-third, and other persons who might
have helped the Parliament and failed to do so were deprived of only
one-fifth. The ninth clause granted pardon for life and estate to those
who had no land and not more than ten pounds personalty, provided they
laid down their arms within the prescribed time. The tenth clause
swept into the net all estates tail and trusts created after March
25, 1639, but English Protestants who purchased for value before the
beginning of the rebellion were protected. There was a final proviso
granting to all the benefit of any articles granted provided they had
observed them on their part, but the Commissioners had, nevertheless,
power to 'transplant' them to any such place in Ireland as should be
'judged most consistent with public safety,' where they were to have
land equivalent to what they would have enjoyed had they not been so
removed.[258]
[Sidenote: Lambert named for Deputy,]
[Sidenote: but the appointment is not made.]
[Sidenote: Fleetwood at head of Irish Government, July 1652.]
At the end of January 1652, a little more than two months after
Ireton's death, Lambert was named by Parliament as Deputy to Cromwell,
who was still Lord Lieutenant; and he made preparations for filling
the place brilliantly. Mrs. Hutchinson says he laid out five thousand
pounds on his outfit, and gave himself airs of superiority, 'looking
upon all the Parliament men who had conferred this honour on him as
underlings, and scarcely worth the great man's nod.' Weaver's influence
was cast against him, and before Cromwell's commission had actually
expired the House resolved to abolish the Lord Lieutenancy and to
appoint no Deputy. Lambert was told he might command the army as Ludlow
had been doing, sharing the civil power with the other commissioners;
but he refused this offer, and Cromwell, who became Captain-General,
appointed Fleetwood. Ludlow says this was a deep-laid plot on the part
of Cromwell, who was jealous of his steadfast republicanism, and that
he was thus able to secure a useful servant in his son-in-law, and at
the same time to set such a dangerous rival as Lambert against the
Parliament. On the other hand there is evidence that Cromwell thought
him badly treated, and he requested that 2000_l._ of arrears due to
himself as Lord Lieutenant might be paid to Lambert. Ludlow, Corbet,
and Jones remained in Ireland as Fleetwood's colleagues, but Weaver,
though reappointed, became obnoxious to the military party, and never
returned thither. Fresh instructions were issued as soon as the Act of
Settlement had passed, and Fleetwood landed at Waterford in September
1652. The Commissioners were ordered to publish and circulate the Act,
and to put it in force in Ireland, as well as all ordinances affecting
the estates of delinquents and Papists and of the bishops and chapters.
They were to raise a revenue not exceeding 40,000_l._ a month upon
lands and goods in Ireland, and to watch the financial interests
of the State in every way, and they were given power 'to send into
England or such other places as you shall think fit, any persons whose
residence in those parts from which they are so to be removed, you
shall judge dangerous to this Commonwealth.'[259]
[Sidenote: Necessity for further legislation.]
[Sidenote: The Long Parliament expelled, April 20, 1653.]
The Act of Settlement only laid foundations, and further legislation
was required before the work of colonisation could be actually
undertaken. At the end of 1652, although the war was not quite over,
the Commissioners urged upon Parliament the necessity of expedition.
'The two great businesses,' they wrote a few weeks later, 'which now
lie before us are how to lessen your charge and how to plant the
country, but neither of these can be done to any effect till we do hear
your pleasure about the Bill before you for giving satisfaction to
the Adventurers and also to satisfy the arrears of the soldiers.' The
dilatoriness of the sovereign assembly was at least one of the reasons
why Cromwell turned it out of doors. The Lord General and his new
Council in their declaration make no reference to Ireland except that
it had pleased God to reduce the country. It was published a week later
in Dublin, the Commissioners reminding all in positions of trust that
'notwithstanding the present alteration' they were bound to use great
diligence, and that they would be held to strict account. May 4 and 11
were fixed for 'solemn seeking the Grace of the Lord by all his people
in Ireland.'[260]
[Sidenote: The Little Parliament.]
[Sidenote: The Irish members.]
Oliver Cromwell was virtually dictator during the few weeks that
intervened between his dismissal of the much purged House of Commons
and the meeting of that curious assembly sometimes called the Little
and sometimes the Nominated Parliament, but which will always be
remembered in connection with Praise-God Barebone. It was intended
to legislate for the British Islands, and representatives of Scotland
and Ireland were accordingly added. The 140 members were named by the
new Council of State without any pretence of election, and summoned by
Oliver as Lord General. The English members were assigned to various
parts of the kingdom, but the Scotch and Irish, to their respective
countries at large. Five of the Irish members were Colonels, Sir
Robert King, who was born in Ireland, Hewson the regicide, who became
a Councillor of State, John Clarke, Daniel Hutchinson, and Henry
Cromwell. The only civilian associated with them was Vincent Gookin,
whose father had fallen foul of Strafford's Parliament. The Speaker
chosen by the assembly was Francis Rous, author of a metrical version
of the Psalms which still retains some reputation in Scotland. The
House, which had been partly composed according to Harrison's idea of
a Sanhedrin, took care to appoint no officer or servant, 'but such
as they were first well satisfied of their real godliness.' The new
Council of State was reappointed with some alterations, and included
Cromwell and Fleetwood. After these preliminaries were settled the
House spent a summer's day until four o'clock 'in seeking the Lord in
a special manner for counsel and a blessing on the proceedings,' some
twelve members speaking and praying. 'The Lord General was present, and
it was a comfortable day.' His long speech at the opening contains no
special reference to Irish policy.[261]
[Sidenote: Adventurers. Grocers' Hall committee.]
[Sidenote: A lottery for Ireland.]
[Sidenote: The ''49 officers.']
Cromwell handed over the supreme authority to the new assembly, which
by a majority voted itself a Parliament, but he and his Council of
State had already begun to take action on the Act of Settlement.
Methusaleh Turner, linen-draper of London, and eight other persons were
appointed to meet at Grocers' Hall, on June 20, at eight o'clock in
the morning, and there hold a lottery to decide upon the Adventurers'
claims. No one lot was to exceed 10,000_l._, Connaught was excluded,
and the total to be provided for in the other three provinces was
360,000_l._ One penny in the pound was to be deducted for expenses.
Two days after the lottery began a commission was given to Fleetwood,
Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, declaring the war ended and empowering them
to administer the Acts and ordinances concerning the Adventurers, and
to make a survey for the purpose of all forfeited lands in Ireland.
They were instructed first to take in hand ten counties, namely
Limerick, Tipperary, and Waterford in Munster, King's and Queen's
Counties, Meath, and Westmeath in Leinster, Down, Antrim and Armagh
in Ulster, 'and to divide all the forfeited lands, meadow, arable,
and profitable pasture with the woods and bogs and barren mountains
thereunto respectively belonging into two equal moieties' of which
one was intended for the Adventurers and the other for the soldiers'
arrears. Louth was then to be surveyed separately. The counties
of Dublin, Cork, Kildare, and Carlow were specially reserved, and
the Commissioners were authorised to assign any five counties not
hitherto named to pay arrears accrued since June 5, 1649, of soldiers
to be disbanded. All grants made by 'any Act, ordinance, or order of
Parliament' since November 1, 1641, were excluded from survey, and the
manor of Blarney was specially excepted. Blarney, which was part of
Muskerry's great estate, fell to Broghill's share, and we may infer
that his advice was much followed in all matters connected with the
settlement.[262]
[Sidenote: Satisfaction of the army.]
[Sidenote: Orders to transplant. Penalties for disobedience.]
[Sidenote: Exemption for loyal Protestants.]
When the commission and instructions reached Dublin, the Commissioners
there had begun to negotiate with the officers as to who should
be disbanded and how their arrears should be satisfied 'until the
supreme authority of the Commonwealth were convened.' The army were
not pleased when they heard that their satisfaction was to be limited
to five counties and to those who had served since June 1649. Those
who had been longest in the Parliamentary service seemed to have
greater claims, and they had certainly greater arrears due. It became
necessary to issue further instructions as to the transplantation
contemplated by the Act of Settlement. The Commissioners in Ireland
were to announce publicly that parts of Ireland would be planted with
English and Protestants for their security, and 'to the end that all
persons who have right to articles or to any favour and mercy held
forth by any of the qualifications in the said Act, may enjoy the
benefit intended unto them, and every of them respectively.' These
words at once excluded all who were excepted from pardon for life and
estate by the first five clauses: their lives might for the most part
not be in much danger, but their property was gone. All who had claims
were ordered to transplant into Connaught and Clare before May 1, 1654,
there to receive such portions of land as their qualifications entitled
them to. All who were found east of the Shannon after that day without
licence from the Government were to be 'reputed spies and enemies, and
for the same offence suffer death,' but a little later it was ordered
that the capital penalty should not be inflicted without special order
from the Lord Deputy and Council. All who removed in time were to be
pardoned for every offence except murder; but they were not to possess
arms nor to reside in any town without licence, on penalty of death
by martial law. Ecclesiastical persons in Roman orders were not to be
'pardoned, tolerated, or admitted.' The obligation to transplant was
not extended to Protestants who did not adhere to or join the rebels
before September 15, 1643, nor to any woman married to an English
Protestant before December 2, 1650, on condition of renouncing Popery
and professing Protestantism. Boys under fourteen and girls under
twelve were allowed to remain among the English as servants, their
masters undertaking to train them 'in the true Protestant religion.'
Protestants, whether English or Irish, who had land in Connaught or
Clare, and had 'constantly adhered to the English against the rebels,'
might on application receive an equivalent in one of the English
counties. All transplantable persons were to be gone before May 1,
1654, and within two months of receiving their allotments, which were
only provisional pending a regular survey. On September 12, 1653, these
instructions were transmitted by the Commissioners to their officers in
every part of Ireland, with directions to make them public.[263]
[Sidenote: The Act of Satisfaction, Sept. 27, 1653.]
[Sidenote: Declaration of the Irish Government, Oct. 14, 1653.]
[Sidenote: The basis of taxation and compensation.]
From the Commissioners' letter of April 22, 1653, quoted above,
it is evident that the Bill for satisfaction of Adventurers and
soldiers was before the Long Parliament for some time. The changes
consequent upon its expulsion caused further delay, and it was not
till just before Michaelmas that the action of the Lord General and
Council was legalised, so far as any legal force could attach to the
new Parliament's sanction. The Act confirmed what had been done,
and further empowered the Commissioners to shorten proceedings by
transplanting the Irish at once, 'although their claims be not first
determined or their qualifications distinguished,' and to give them
lands in occupation 'proportionable to the estate by them claimed
or competent to such stock as each of the said persons shall have.'
Adventurers and soldiers receiving lands were relieved for five
years from the payment of quit-rents imposed by the Act of 1642, and
taxation for the same period was not to exceed one-fourth of the annual
value. When the Commissioners in Ireland received the Act with its
final directions they published a declaration for enforcing it. All
who took part in or abetted 'the rebellions, murders, or massacres'
during the first year, all who at any time were in actual arms as
rebels, and all who had any land entitling them to compensation by
the Act of Settlement, were to remove across the Shannon by May 1,
1654. Protestants who had not joined the rebels before the first
cessation on September 15, 1643, were excepted, and so was any woman
who married an English Protestant before December 2, 1650, on condition
of openly renouncing Popery. All persons not excepted, or without
special licence, found east of the Shannon after the appointed day were
to be treated as hostile spies, 'tried by martial law, and suffer
death.' All transplantable persons were to report themselves to the
commissioners of revenue in the precinct where they lived, giving the
names of their families, particulars as to tenants and others who would
accompany them voluntarily, with their ages, colour and height, and an
account of the cattle and tillage 'for which they pay contribution in
the places from whence they remove.' After satisfying themselves that
the information was true, the Commissioners were to issue certificates,
and regulations were made as to how these documents might be converted
into land in Connaught or Clare.[264]
[Sidenote: The transplantation. Slow progress.]
Whatever may be the exact meaning of this declaration, or however it
may be reconciled with the Acts of Settlement and of Satisfaction, it
soon became quite clear that the transplantation could not be effected
by May 1, 1654. As a matter of fact the procedure was applied only to
landowners and their families, and to such tenants as might choose to
go with them. A few did go early in the day, but the vast majority
clung to their homes. Licences to remain were freely granted to the
aged and infirm and to those who could show that they had befriended
the English. Even in cases where the service was too slight to deserve
permanent exemption, Colonel Lawrence assures us that indulgence was
shown for considerable periods, 'that a cup of cold water might not
go unrequited.' The time was extended generally, first to December,
so that seed time and harvest might be included, and afterwards to
March 1655, the doomed proprietors remaining on their old property as
tenants at will to the State. When March arrived most of the work was
still to be done, for the officers and soldiers 'and other faithful
Protestants' of Leinster, petitioned the Irish Government to execute
the 'further instructions' of July 2, 1653, and to transplant 'all
the Irish into Connaught excepting males of fourteen years of age and
females of twelve.' The first reason was lest the settlers should
become idolaters from intermarriage with the natives, many who came
over in Queen Elizabeth's time having thus fallen away and been
concerned in the late murders and massacres. Among many Old Testament
texts the petitioners gave precedence to the verses of Ezra, where the
Israelites were forbidden to take Gentile wives, 'that they might be
strong and eat the good of the land and leave it for an inheritance
to their children for ever.' If this principle was neglected even
the Parliamentary soldiers might join with the natives to attack
the colonists, having first learned the vices that reigned in the
land, such as swearing, drunkenness, dissembling, and deceiving. The
second argument was 'grounded on the law of nature, which teacheth
self-preservation.' Experience showed that the priests would go to
any lengths to advance their Church, and that the people would follow
them, and Edmund Campion the Jesuit is quoted as to the perfidiousness
of the Irish. The great thing was to get rid of the Tories out of
three provinces, and thus encourage honest men to come from England
and strengthen those who were already committed to Ireland. As things
actually stood the English were confined to garrisons and forced to
fold their cattle, while the Irish occupied the best land, keeping
their flocks and herds in the fields by day and night. When it was a
question of paying taxes they hid their stock in the woods, 'which the
English cannot do, who by that means will be liable to bear a greater
proportion of contribution than the Irish.'[265]
[Sidenote: The Protectorate established.]
[Sidenote: Fleetwood Deputy.]
Cromwell became Protector in December 1653, and Fleetwood was one of
the Council of State. Ludlow takes credit to himself for delaying the
assent of Ireland, but Oliver was nevertheless proclaimed on January
30, the Secretary's name only appearing. The other Commissioners
effaced their signatures when Ludlow refused to add his, and they
seem to have disliked the change. Ludlow rested his case upon the
engagement of January 1650, which he and his colleagues had taken to
support 'the Commonwealth of England as it is now established without
a King or House of Lords.' Afterwards he refused to have any share in
the civil government, while retaining his military command; and this
was attributed by Henry Cromwell and others to his love for pay and
allowances. There is nevertheless a real distinction between acting as
a minister and serving one's country as a soldier, even under a usurped
government. The Anabaptist party, who were hostile to the Protectorate,
showed signs of adopting the discontented general as their leader.
Cromwell sent over his son Henry to report, and he remained about a
month in Ireland, being received with as much honour as if he were
indeed a prince. He found Jones as well as Ludlow discontented, but
made rather light of their opposition, which indeed came to nothing,
William Kiffin and others advising their Baptist friends to accept the
new government. Henry nevertheless suggested that Fleetwood was not
a satisfactory representative, and advised his father to replace him
by Desborough, at least for a time. We have no means of knowing what
passed between father and son after the latter's return, but the result
was to soften the effect of the transplantation policy. Vincent Gookin
was in England, and if he was consulted, as is at least probable, his
influence would have worked in that direction. Fleetwood became Lord
Deputy in August 1654, when the term of the Commissioners came to an
end. Ludlow and Jones were not reappointed to the Irish Council, and
the latter went to England, but Corbet was retained, and others were
sent over. Among the latter were Colonel Robert Hammond of Isle of
Wight celebrity; Richard Pepys and William Steele, eminent lawyers;
Robert Goodwin, who had been over twelve years before; and Colonel
Matthew Tomlinson, who had been appointed one of Charles I.'s judges,
but had declined to act.[266]
[Sidenote: Cromwell's First Parliament.]
[Sidenote: The Irish members.]
[Sidenote: The dispensing power.]
A perfectly regular statute provided that the Long Parliament should
not be dissolved without its own consent, and the usurping House of
Commons, which had killed the King and abolished the monarchy and
House of Lords, was thus able to make some pretence of legality. In
the Parliament elected under the Instrument of Government thirty
members were assigned to Ireland, and Cromwell left it to those on the
spot to decide whether elections were possible in the state of the
country. Fleetwood, Jones, and Corbet replied that several counties
were waste and others very unsettled, and that they did not see how the
business was to be done. The writs were, however, sent over, and Ludlow
persuaded them that even the shadow of representation would be better
than nothing. He says the influence of the clergy secured a few results
not pleasing to the Government; but all the chief officers were chosen,
Broghill being returned for the county of Cork, and Gookin, whose
interests also lay there, for Bandon and Kinsale. Henry Cromwell was
chosen for Cambridge University, and Fleetwood both for Oxfordshire and
for Marlborough. The new Parliament met on Cromwell's lucky September
3, but before that day he had given Fleetwood and his Council power
to 'dispense with the orders and instructions made and given by the
late Parliament or Council of State for the transplantation of the
Irish,' and also with the penalties upon those who neglected or refused
to go. A clause to the same effect had been rejected when the Act of
Satisfaction was passed twelve months before.[267]
[Sidenote: Declaration as to transplantation, Nov. 30, 1654.]
[Sidenote: Vincent Gookin's pamphlet against transplantation.]
[Sidenote: Divisions among Protestants.]
[Sidenote: The earth-tillers indispensable]
The dispensing power remained with the Irish Government, who exercised
it; but Fleetwood was not inclined to make indulgence a matter of
course, and the military party were always pressing him in the
direction of severity. On November 30, 1654, a declaration was issued
repeating the order in the Act of Settlement for the transplantation
of landed proprietors, of those in arms against the Commonwealth since
October 21, 1641, and of those who aided the rebellion during the
first year of the war. They were ordered to be gone with their wives
and families by March 1 following, or to incur the penalties already
declared. How far Oliver was influenced by Vincent Gookin must be
a matter of conjecture, but he certainly liked him, and the latter
would scarcely have appeared in print against the Protector's known
wishes. At the very beginning of 1655 Gookin published a pamphlet
against general transplantation, and sent a copy to every member of
Parliament. He was impressed with the idea that the Irish generally
might be converted to Protestantism, and that this was much more likely
if they were left intermixed with the English. The country had been
conquered, and there were garrisons everywhere, but no ministers, 'as
if our business in Ireland was only to set up our own interest and not
Christ's.' Another difficulty lay in the divisions among Protestants,
who were so bitter against each other that 'the Papist sees not
where to fix if he should come to us.' If the Irish remained among
the English they would 'enjoy the labours of godly able ministers,
the encouragement of Protestant professors, and the catechisings of
private Christians,' all which influences would be wanting if they
were crowded together beyond the Shannon. It is hardly worth while to
inquire what might have happened if there had been no Restoration,
but Gookin declares that the priests had 'universally departed' as
well as the most dangerous of the soldiers, and it is possible for
people with a great deal of imagination to argue that Ireland might
have become Protestant if they had all been kept out for ever. What
really prevented the transplantation from being fully carried out was
the impossibility of cultivating the land without the help of the
natives, who might be spared under the first clause of the Act of
Settlement. The Irish, says Gookin, lived on the roots and fruits of
their 'gardens,' that is mainly on potatoes, and sold their corn to
the English to pay the taxes. The country, moreover, was not generally
suited to corn, on account of the uncertain climate and the amount of
labour required, and if the Irish all left no contribution could be
made out of lands east of the Shannon. The women, too, were for the
most part able to spin and weave flax and wool, and there were plenty
of masons 'more handy and ready in building ordinary houses and much
more prudent in supplying the defects of instruments and materials
than English artificers.' Gookin reckoned that a capital of 1500_l._
or 2000_l._ would be required for each thousand Irish acres, and that
it would be impossible to bring over English labour in sufficient
quantity. The Irish might refuse to go into Connaught--indeed, many had
already done so, saying that their position was hopeless and that they
might as well face ruin where they were as travel to look for it. And
he adds, 'there is one thing more which wise men will consider, and
that is, the impossibility of this transplanting ... can it be imagined
that a whole nation will drive like geese at the wagging of a hat upon
a stick?'[268]
[Sidenote: Definition of a Tory.]
[Sidenote: Intolerable taxation.]
Whatever may be the etymology of the name Tory, it was officially
applied in 1647 to masterless men living a life of brigandage and
preying upon all who had anything to lose. No doubt it was in popular
use before that date. Gookin says the English dreaded the Tories 'more
than armies, and woods and bogs than camps,' and he believed that
transplantation would make matters worse. The Irish proprietors would
be unable to support their followers beyond Shannon, the river would
be no barrier, and they would become Tories against their will. They
had already been forced into such courses by the intolerable taxation
necessary to support the Parliament's army, and by the violence and
oppression of some soldiers which often went unpunished. Most of the
really active rebels were dead or exiled, and it was unwise as well
as unjust to assume universal guilt. The Irish nation, indeed, 'were
generally engaged in the rebellion, either through ignorance of the
design and apprehending they acted by the King's commission and for
his and God's service; or through infirmity, partly fearing their
priests' threats, partly their landlords' frowns, partly the violence
of others, of the English who at the beginning reckoned an Irishman and
a rebel tantamount, and on that score forced many into war (who desired
peace) with the Irish in arms, who accounted and declared all enemies
that joined not (at least seemingly) with them, and proceeded with more
severity against dissenting natives than English.'
[Sidenote: Lawrence's answer to Gookin.]
[Sidenote: Everything English had been destroyed.]
[Sidenote: Only landowners and soldiers transplanted.]
[Sidenote: Gookin's rejoinder.]
[Sidenote: The two writers agreed in essentials.]
A month after its publication, Gookin's pamphlet was denounced by
Fleetwood as a 'very strange scandalous book,' and Colonel Lawrence,
'at the request of several persons in eminent place in Ireland,'
undertook to refute it. He was able to show that former settlements had
succeeded only where the colonists were placed near one another, 'as
for instance the barony of Ards, in the county of Down and province of
Ulster, which being entirely planted by British people did preserve
themselves by keeping guards upon their frontiers when all the country
besides was totally ruined.' He gives many horrible details of the
rebellion, 'wherein neither age nor sex were spared.... English cattle
and houses were destroyed for their being of an English kind, and all
this without the least provocation, yet this bloody inhuman act with
all its aggravations were espoused by this people as a national quarrel
and a war waged thereupon'; but admits that some of the Irish gentry
'(whose kindness I hope either hath been or will be rewarded both by
God and man)' did really help the English, so that a few escaped like
Job's messengers to bring the bad news. Lawrence points out that in
all official declarations only landed proprietors and men in arms were
marked for transplantation, and that nothing further was intended, but
he maintains that it was quite possible to extend it greatly without
danger. Gookin's rejoinder is dedicated to Fleetwood, whom he praises
for his kindness to all, whereby the necessary hardships were much
diminished. He shows how very few exceptions there would be among the
Irish if the declaration of October 14, 1653, were strictly acted upon,
acknowledges the authorship of the first pamphlet, and maintains his
position. 'Let no poor sufferer by the Irish betray his reason or
religion to his passion here, to think no evils can be too great to be
brought on the Irish. It was their being cruel makes us hate them so
much: to punish them do not run into their sin, lest God punish thee.
Do not think that he that writes this and the Case of Transplantation
pleads for them, but thy cause; 'tis safe and profitable for thee that
some be removed, not all. This Colonel Lawrence says shall be done and
this I desired might be done: where is my offence against authority
more than his, my love to the Irish more than his, or my care of thee
less than his?' After all there is not much difference between the two
writers. That the English did not think Gookin's ideas hostile to the
settlement may be inferred from their electing him to Parliament, and
proposing to pay his expenses there, an offer which he refused.[269]
[Sidenote: Effect of the Waldensian massacre.]
[Sidenote: Officers in Ireland protest against leniency.]
There can be little doubt that the sufferings of the Waldenses reacted
upon Ireland, the rather that many Irish refugees were concerned in
the massacres. At the end of 1653 it was reported that Irish troops
had passed the mountains from Spain and appeared at Nîmes, where there
was a strong body of Protestants. The priests secured them a good
reception, though they boasted that they would 'tear in pieces and
crucify quick' any Protestants they found there. Some of them were
induced to settle and take wives 'so that they may in a manner in
this town augment and renew the race of that execrable and murdering
nation.' Two months later another detachment were refused admission to
Nîmes because some of them boasted that they had massacred the English
in Ireland, and they went on to Piedmont. Later on it was said that
the Waldensian valleys were to be given up to the Irish. It is not
therefore surprising that the officers in Ireland, with Fleetwood at
their head, should have expressed their horror at the proceedings in
Piedmont, and cautioned the Protector against too great leniency in
Ireland. 'Let the blood of Ireland be fresh in your view, and their
treachery cry aloud in your ears, that the frequent solicitations with
which you are encompassed may not slack your hand to an unsafe pity of
those whose principles in all ages carry them forth to such brutish
and inhuman practices, which consist not with human society; and let
not such be left untransplanted here, or unminded in England, whose
continuance among us do palpably hazard the very being of Protestant
interest in these nations.' And Cromwell himself told the Dutch
Ambassador that the example of Ireland was fresh in his memory, where
above 200,000 had been massacred. So strong was the feeling in Ireland
that the officers contributed a fortnight's pay and the soldiers a
week's pay for the relief of the persecuted mountaineers. A large sum
was also subscribed privately.[270]
[Sidenote: Transplantation proceeds slowly.]
[Sidenote: The Loughrea commissioners.]
[Sidenote: The Athlone commissioners.]
The process of transplantation went on slowly, and was never carried
to its extreme lengths, for very few would have escaped if the Act of
Settlement had been carried out to the letter. But vast numbers did
remove during the year 1654, and it would probably be difficult to
exaggerate the hardships they underwent. In some cases at least whole
districts were depopulated, for it was officially reported that 'no
inhabitant of the Irish nation that knows the country' was left in the
barony of Eliogarty in Tipperary, which contains the town of Thurles,
and orders were given for the return of four families, who might live
near their old homes and assist the surveyors. Those who crossed the
Shannon were provided with land in a temporary way, and two commissions
were appointed to consider claims with a view to more permanent
arrangements. In October 1653 the transplanted were ordered to go
to Galway and inform the commissioners of revenue there as to their
families and the nature of their claims. Afterwards these commissioners
sat at Loughrea, and it became their duty to distribute land in
accordance with the findings of another commission at Athlone. The
latter were appointed on December 28, 1654, as the 'Court of Claims and
Qualifications of the Irish,' and were generally known as the Athlone
commissioners. Their business was to find under which qualification
or degree of guilt each Irish claimant fell, and to give him lands
proportionate to those which he had enjoyed east of the Shannon.
The Loughrea commissioners used the maps and registers made for
Strafford's intended plantation in Connaught and in the northern half
of Tipperary. For the rest of Ireland it was necessary to make a new
survey. Meanwhile transplantation proceeded very slowly, and in March
1656 there were 1000 men under restraint who had borne arms during the
rebellion, but refused to cross the Shannon.[271]
[Sidenote: A fresh survey. Benjamin Worsley.]
[Sidenote: William Petty.]
[Sidenote: Petty's proposals accepted.]
Benjamin Worsley, who had been a surgeon or apothecary in Strafford's
army, came over again in 1652, and was appointed Surveyor-General. He
had been an unsuccessful projector and according to Petty had tried his
hand at universal medicine, gold-making, saltpetre sowing, and other
'mountain-bellied conceptions which ended only in abortive mice,' he
and his friend Sankey being stigmatised as a 'multiloquial pair of
monti-parturists.' He began to make a survey, at which he expected
to be employed for many years, but Petty soon began to criticise his
proceedings and to suggest that he could do the work a great deal
better in as many months. Despatch was of the essence of the business,
for both adventurers and soldiers were clamouring for possession of the
promised lands. Petty had come over at the same time as Worsley, and
the Irish Government very soon found that he was a man of extraordinary
ability and very likely to carry anything he undertook to a successful
issue. Ireton made him Physician-General to the army, and he claimed
to have so reformed the drug department as to get rid of all abuses
and at the same time save the State 500_l._ a year. Worsley's plan was
to survey the forfeited lands without any regard to the established
divisions into baronies, parishes, and town lands, or to the physical
features of the country. He was to be paid only for the profitable
lands, and thus there was a constant tendency to include worthless
tracts. Moreover the subdivision would still have to be done either
at a great charge to the State or at the expense of the grantees. In
the latter case no authentic record would remain, and there would be
no unity of action. Nobody was satisfied at the prospect, and Petty
declared that Worsley's great object 'was so to frame committees
of conceited, sciolous persons, intermixing some of credit and
bulk amongst them, as whereby he might screen himself in case of
miscarriage.' He made proposals of his own, and the rival schemes were
submitted to the judgment of a committee consisting of Sir Hardress
Waller, Colonels Lawrence and Hewson, and nine others, including Petty
and Worsley.[272]
[Sidenote: The Down survey.]
[Sidenote: Surveying dangerous work.]
Petty's plan was approved, though Worsley worked hard against him, and
had at first the help of Sir Charles Coote and some other officers.
Afterwards Coote and Reynolds were added to the committee, and the
final result was a complete victory for Petty. Worsley remained
Surveyor-General, and it was with him that his rival contracted to do
the work. Petty engaged to make in thirteen months a general map of
twenty-two counties, ascertaining and defining the bounds of baronies
so that there should be no future doubt. He undertook within the same
counties accurately to set out all forfeited lands as well as all
Crown lands and the property of bishops, deans, and chapters, 'or any
other officer belonging to that hierarchy,' showing their quality and
physical character, and all civil subdivisions. He was to receive
7_l._ 2_s._ 4_d._ for every thousand acres of forfeited profitable
land that shall be admeasured and actually sent out to 'the soldiery
by him,' and 3_l._ for every thousand acres of unprofitable land. One
of the conditions made by Petty was that those whom he employed in the
survey should be protected from Tories, and this was no superfluous
precaution. Eight surveyors were actually captured near Timolin in
Kildare, carried off to the Wicklow mountains, and there murdered.
In spite of such drawbacks the survey was completed, or very nearly
so, within the specified time, and the distribution of land to the
disbanded soldiers went on in the meantime. Henry Cromwell visited
Kilkenny, Waterford, and Wexford in September and October 1655, and
reported that good progress had been made in the work.[273]
[Sidenote: Progress of the survey.]
[Sidenote: The debentures.]
[Sidenote: English settlers cannot be had.]
Petty claimed to have made lineal measurements to the extent of more
than five times the earth's circumference. The forfeited lands were
indicated to him by what was called the Civil Survey, which was merely
a register of forfeited lands made independently by commissioners and
for the most part before the old proprietors had actually departed.
This made the measuring business dangerous as well as troublesome,
and Petty employed soldiers 'such as were able to endure travail,
ill lodging and diet, as also heats and colds, being also men of
activity that could leap hedge and ditch, and could also ruffle with
the several rude persons in the country, from whom they might expect
often to be crossed and opposed.' He had no difficulty in finding men
who, 'having been bred to trades, could write and read sufficiently
for the purpose.' The more delicate instruments were obtained from
the best London makers, and skilled artificers were found to make the
rest. The soldiers had received debentures for their arrears, and the
idea was to set them down by regiments and companies alongside of the
Adventurers. But it soon became evident that the amount of forfeited
land was insufficient to meet the liabilities of the State. Land had
to be distributed on account, and debentures, including many fabricated
ones, were bought and sold. Very few old soldiers cared to settle down
upon small farms, and there were always speculative officers found to
buy up the claims of their men and so carve out estates for themselves,
Irish tenants and labourers being accepted because the hoped for
English immigration did not take place. The Act of Satisfaction forbade
officers to buy the privates' debentures, but a class of brokers sprang
up and the traffic continued till the Restoration. Great numbers were
sold before any distribution of land had been attempted. Petty himself
tells us that debentures were freely and openly sold at four or five
shillings in the pound, and that a pound so laid out purchased on an
average two acres of land. Later on there was a regulation against
selling at less than eight shillings in the pound, but of course this
was easily evaded. As a transfer of property from Irish to English
hands the Cromwellian settlement had some measure of success, but as a
scheme of colonisation it totally failed.[274]
[Sidenote: Insufficiency of lands assigned to soldiers.]
[Sidenote: The Adventurers' lands.]
[Sidenote: Clarendon's account of the settlement.]
It was at first supposed that the ten counties originally named in the
Act of Satisfaction would provide for both soldiers and adventurers,
but this soon had to be altered, and in the end distribution was made
to the soldiers in twenty-four counties out of thirty-two. Galway,
Mayo, Roscommon, and Clare were given to the transplanted Irish, and
Louth was set aside for the Adventurers. Dublin, Kildare, Carlow, and
Cork were retained by the Government, but about half the latter was
afterwards given up to disbanded soldiers. Nevertheless all arrears
were not paid in full, and some never received more than about twelve
shillings in the pound. Petty's detailed survey did not extend to
the Adventurers' portions, and their committee at Grocers' Hall made
separate arrangements which led to a good deal of confusion. Petty was
called in to disentangle the knot, and he and Worsley were commissioned
in September 1656 to measure the forfeited lands hitherto omitted. The
Adventurers, though numerous, were far fewer than the soldiers, and
they gave less trouble. Most of them probably had no idea of settling
in Ireland, and only wanted something to sell or let on lease. Some
debentures were given out to soldiers or their representatives as
late as the summer of 1658, and perhaps later. Many no doubt were
thoroughly dissatisfied with what they got, but working arrangements
had been made and Clarendon's testimony is conclusive as to the general
feeling of security among the English inhabitants. 'Ireland,' he says,
'was the great capital out of which all debts were paid, all services
rewarded, and all acts of bounty performed.' Buildings, enclosures,
and plantations were everywhere made, private purchases concluded 'at
very valuable rates, and jointures made upon marriages, and all other
conveyances and settlements executed, as in a kingdom at peace within
itself, and where no doubt could be made of the validity of titles.
And yet in all this quiet there were very few persons pleased or
contented.'[275]
[Sidenote: The land will not go round.]
[Sidenote: Security of the coast.]
[Sidenote: Case of Galway.]
[Sidenote: A desolate city.]
It was originally meant to give all the forfeited lands in Connaught
and Clare to the transplanted, reserving the towns and garrisons with
some space about them and a strip four miles wide all along the coast.
In the end Sligo and Leitrim were withdrawn, and the coast reserve was
narrowed to one mile. The amount of land was insufficient, and there
must have been great hardship, for the Government had no machinery for
giving quiet possession if there was any opposition from neighbouring
proprietors or rival claimants. It was a tradition of Irish government
to apprehend a Spanish invasion, and it was for that reason that a
belt of English settlers round the coast was contemplated, but nothing
seems to have come of it. Innisbofin was, however, strengthened and
garrisoned, and the Papist inhabitants ordered to leave the town of
Galway, where it was proposed to plant a colony from Gloucester as
a reward for its resistance to Charles I., and from Liverpool to
compensate it for losses during the war. But the inhabitants of those
towns were not tempted any more than those of Bristol had been in the
case of Waterford. 'Poor Galway,' wrote a clergyman in 1657, 'sitteth
in the dust and no eye pitieth her. Her merchants were princes and
great among the nations, but now the city which was full of people
is solitary and very desolate.' There was talk, but only talk, of
introducing a colony of Protestant Dutch. The old citizens were to
receive full value for their property and the settlers to give ten
years' purchase. As the latter did not come, probably the compensation
was not paid, and so the people lingered on or returned after a brief
absence. In November 1655 Henry Cromwell reported that all the Irish
had been cleared out of Galway, yet as late as August 1659, after
he had left Ireland, a fresh order was made to expel 'all the Irish
Papists.' The old trade with Spain, which had been interrupted by
the long war, did not return, and Galway never recovered its old
prosperity. In 1650 a householder had welcomed Lady Fanshawe 'to this
desolate city, where you now see the street grown over with grass, once
the finest little city in the world'; and so it remained for years.[276]
[Sidenote: Difficulties with the towns.]
[Sidenote: Workmen allowed to remain.]
[Sidenote: Character of English settlers.]
[Sidenote: The priests not all expelled.]
By the ordinance of July 14, 1643, with a view to encourage merchants,
Galway, with 10,000 acres of land round it, had been offered for
a price of 7500_l._ and a rent of 520_l._, but the town did not
come into the power of Parliament for many years, and nothing was
done. Similar offers with the same result were made in the cases of
Limerick, Waterford, and Wexford. As the towns were gradually won,
frequent orders were given for the expulsion of the old inhabitants
who adhered to Rome, and who came within the scope of the Act of
Settlement. But here, as in the country, it was found impossible
really to carry out the clearance effectually. Artificers and workmen
could not be done without, since none came from England, and many of
them remained, though no doubt the houses of a better class were left
empty. When Inchiquin expelled the Roman Catholics from Cork in 1644,
three thousand houses were without tenants, and as many in Youghal.
The soldiers who were short of fuel warmed themselves with everything
that would burn, and Ormonde about the same time had to forbid the
practice in Dublin on pain of death. In March 1657 it is clear that
the work of depopulation had not been done, for an order was then
made 'that all Popish Recusants, as well proprietors as others, whose
habitation is in any port-towns, walled towns, or garrisons,' who had
not professed Protestantism before the cessation of 1643 and ever
since, should remove with their families at least two miles from any
such place. In 1650 some ministers and others in New England proposed
to colonise, being tempted by the offer of houses and land at Wexford
at one-tenth of their value before the war. Thousands were ready to
come if encouraged, being 'exiles through the tyranny of episcopacy
for no other offence but professing that truth, which (through mercy),
is now acknowledged.' This apparently came to nothing. Those English
who were attracted to Irish towns by the prospect of getting houses
rent-free, were often without capital, and in no condition to establish
a flourishing commerce. But all the Protestant settlers were not of
this class, for Charles II.'s declaration in 1660 set forth that they
had made improvements at their own charge, 'and brought trade and
manufacture into that our kingdom, and by their settlement there do
not a little contribute to the peace and settlement of that country.'
In any case much of the work was probably done by the old inhabitants,
for if they had not remained in considerable numbers, priests and
friars would not daily have risked their lives in Irish towns.[277]
[Sidenote: Proposed transplantation of Presbyterians.]
[Sidenote: The scheme is not carried out.]
Besides the great transplantation of Roman Catholics to Connaught,
Fleetwood and the sectaries contemplated the removal of Presbyterian
Royalists from Down and Antrim, whose proximity to the Scotch Highlands
was thought dangerous. Five commissioners, of whom Doctor Henry Jones
and Colonel Venables were two, were sent to Carrickfergus to tender
the Engagement of 1650, which bound men to support a government
without King or House of Lords. There were then but seven Presbyterian
ministers in the district, one of them being Patrick Adair, whose
narrative we possess. The commissioners sent parties of soldiers, one
of which seized all Adair's papers indiscriminately, 'there being
none among sixteen soldiers and a sergeant who could read.' The most
important papers were restored to Adair by a maidservant, who stole
them when the sergeant was asleep. None of the seven clergymen would
take the Engagement, and they had much support among the people.
The expulsion of the Long Parliament delayed, but did not stop, the
proceedings, and the Commissioners issued a proclamation against 260
persons, including Lord Clandeboye and Lord Montgomery of Ards, whom
they proposed to transplant to Kilkenny, Tipperary, and the sea coast
of Waterford. They were to receive the full value of the estates
which they lost, with a liberal price for way-going crops, and their
ministers might accompany them and receive salaries, provided they were
peaceable-minded and not scandalous. Sir Robert Adair and other leading
Presbyterians were sent to Tipperary, but the whole scheme came to
nothing, 'for Oliver, coming to the supreme order of affairs, used
other methods and took other measures than the rabble Rump Parliament.
He did not force any engagement or promise upon people contrary to
their conscience; knowing that forced obligations of that kind will
bind no man.' Orders for this transplantation were given, but nothing
was actually done.[278]
FOOTNOTES:
[257] Irish Commissioners to Council of State, January 8, 1651-2,
_Portland Papers_, i. 622, and _Ludlow_, i. 497. In the former the
river 'which goes to Youghal' is called the More, _i.e._ the Avonmore
or Blackwater, not the Nore, as printed in the latter. Statements by
Adventurers' Committee in _Portland Papers_, i. 639, April 5, 1652,
and _ib._ 649, May 14; Irish officers to Parliament, May 5, signed by
Ludlow and eighteen others. See _Prendergast_, pp. 83 _sqq._ Dr. Jones
had a vested interest in the 1641 depositions, Parliament having given
him the sole right to print and reprint his abstract up to March 21,
1641-2, _Somers Tracts_, v. 573. He had a fresh commission to take
evidence after that date, and doubtless the document which caused such
horror at Kilkenny in 1652 contained much additional matter.
[258] Act for the settling of Ireland, August 12, 1652, in _Scobell_,
ii. 197, reprinted in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 341, and (with date
misprinted and omission of names in clause 3) in Gardiner's
_Constitutional Documents_, 2nd. ed. p. 394.
[259] _Life of Colonel Hutchinson_; _Ludlow_, i. 318; Cromwell's
commission to Fleetwood as commander-in-chief, July 10, 1652, in
_Thurloe_, i. 212; instructions to Commissioners, August 24, in
_Parliamentary History_, xx. 92; Representation of officers in Ireland
against Mr. Weaver, February 18, 1652-3, in _Portland Papers_, i. 671.
[260] Declaration of April 22, 1653, in _Parliamentary History_, xx.;
Commissioners in Ireland to Lenthall, December 3, 1652, January 15,
1652-3, and to the new Speaker, July 20, and their proclamation of
April 29, all printed in appx. to _Ludlow_, vol. i.
[261] _Parliamentary History_, xx. 152-183; Cromwell's opening speech
on July 4, 1653, is the first in _Carlyle_; _Ludlow_, i. 358.
[262] Order of Council of State, June 1, Commission and Instructions
'from the keepers of the liberty of England by authority of
Parliament,' June 22, in _Scobell_, 1653, chap. 12.
[263] Further instructions of July 2, 1653, in _Scobell_, chap. 12.
The letter of the Commissioners dated July 22, was written before the
receipt of this, _Ludlow_, i. 539. Lawrence's _Answer to Gookin_, p. 6.
Order in Council, March 19, 1654-5, _Irish R.O._, A/26.
[264] Declaration dated Dublin, October 14, 1653, signed by Fleetwood,
Ludlow, Corbet, and Jones, reprinted in _English Historical Review_,
xiv. 710, from what is believed to be a unique copy at Kilkenny.
[265] Petition presented March 1655, _ib._ The allusion is to chap.
6 of Campion's _History of Ireland_, first printed in 1587, and
republished by Sir James Ware in 1633, with a dedication to Strafford.
[266] Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, March 8, 1653-4, in _Thurloe_,
ii. 149; Jenkin Lloyd to Thurloe, March 13, _ib._ 162; Fleetwood
to Thurloe, April 8, _ib._ 224; appendix to _Fourteenth Report_ of
Deputy-keeper of Public Records, Ireland, p. 28; _Ludlow_, i. 377, 542.
[267] The names and constituencies of the Irish members of Parliament
are in _Parl. Hist._, xx. 307; _Ludlow_, i. 388. Instructions of August
17, 1654, in _Thurloe_, ii. 508.
[268] _The Great Case of Transplantation_ &c., London, printed for J.
C. 1655, to which Thomasson gives the date January 3. A potato-field is
still called a 'garden' in Ireland. The 'handy-man' who builds with bad
tools out of bad materials, is even now not extinct. The declaration of
November 30, 1654, is not extant, but is recited in a later one, see
_Eng. Hist. Review_, xiv. 722.
[269] Fleetwood to Thurloe, February 7, 1654-5, _Thurloe_, iii. 139.
_The Interest of England in the Irish Transplantation stated_, &c., by
a faithful servant of the Commonwealth, Richard Lawrence, London, 1655,
dated March 9. _The Author and Case of Transplanting, &c., vindicated
against the Unjust Aspersions of Colonel Richard Lawrence_, by Vincent
Gookin, Esquire, London, 1655, published May 12. Petty had a hand in
Gookin's first pamphlet, see his _Life_, by Lord Fitzmaurice. Lawrence
was a brother of the English President of Council; he came to Ireland
with Cromwell and was governor of Waterford.
[270] Letters of November 25, 1653, in _Thurloe_, i. 587; of January 25
1653-4. _ib._ ii. 27; of April 27, 1655, _ib._ iii. 384; Fleetwood and
forty-four other officers to the Protector, _ib._ iii. 466; Nieuport to
the States General, _ib._ iii. 477; Morland's _Hist. of the Evangelical
Churches_, book iii. chap. 3, art. 1.; _Hist. of Down Survey_, p. 66;
Henry Cromwell to Thurloe, January 30, 1655-6, _Thurloe_, iv. 484.
[271] H. Cromwell to Thurloe, March 12, 1655-6, _Thurloe_, iv. 606.
[272] Petty's _Reflections_ on some persons and things in Ireland, ed.
1790, pp. 54, 106; _Hist. of the Down Survey_, chaps. 1 and 2. The name
'Down', comes simply from the particulars being laid down in map form
and not merely described.
[273] Dr. Petty's proposals at p. 9 of _Hist. of Down Survey_; Articles
with Worsley ratified by the Lord Deputy and Council, December 25,
1654, _ib._ 29; H. Cromwell to Thurloe, October 9, 1655, in _Thurloe_,
iv. 73; Prendergast, _Cromwellian Settlement_, p. 206. In consequence
of the delays interposed by Worsley and others, the thirteen months
were made to run from February 1 1654-5.
[274] Brief account of the Survey in _Hist. of Down Survey_, xiii.;
Petty's _Political Anatomy of Ireland_, chap. iv.; Fitzmaurice's _Life
of Petty_, chap. ii.; _Prendergast_, 2nd. edition, 221, where there are
many details as to the sale of debentures to officers, and a facsimile
of one by way of frontispiece. On August 29, 1655, Henry Cromwell wrote
to Thurloe: 'I believe we reduce near 5000 men, and as good soldiers
as are in the three nations. I am afraid few of them will betake
themselves to planting; if you could find out some employment for them
abroad, it would be of good service to the public,' _Thurloe_, iii.
744. State Papers, _Domestic_, December 28, 1654. As late as November
6, 1657, Broghill wrote to Montagu 'if all things move at the rate our
settlement of Ireland has done, I shall think the body politic has got
the gout,' _Thurloe_, vi. 600.
[275] _Hist. of Down Survey_, 53, 198; Clarendon's _Life_, Con. 116;
Fitzmaurice's _Life of Petty_, chap. 2. A list printed by Prendergast,
p. 403, gives the names of 1,360 adventurers.
[276] _Prendergast_, p. 305; Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_, p. 137;
Lady Fanshawe's _Memoirs_. On January 30, 1655-6, Henry Cromwell told
Thurloe that there were not six families in Galway, and that the houses
decayed daily; he thought it would pay to encourage London merchants to
make a settlement, even if they had the houses rent-free, _Thurloe_,
iv. 198, 483; Rev. R. Easthorp to H. Cromwell, July 17, 1657,
_Lansdowne MSS._, 822.
[277] _Scobell_, p. 47. Thirty priests were ordered to be shipped to
the Continent from Galway on June 15, 1665, Irish R.O., A/60. One
secular priest, one Jesuit, and several friars remained in Dublin
during the whole Cromwellian period, _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 208.
Many details as to Irish towns are given by Prendergast, chap. vi.
272-307. Letter to Cromwell from New England, October 31, 1650, _Milton
State Papers_, p. 44.
[278] Patrick Adair's _True Narrative_, ed. Killen, 197, 201. The
proclamation for the transplantation dated May 23, 1653, is printed
in Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, chap 16, and the 260 names in the
appendix. See Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, iii. 305.