CLANRICARDE AND IRETON, 1651
[Sidenote: The plague and famine.]
When Ludlow landed in Ireland a few weeks after Ormonde left, one of
his first acts was to sign a proclamation prohibiting the slaughter of
calves and lambs. The waste of the war had been so great that there was
a danger of depleting the country of its stock. Starvation was imminent
everywhere, and to this the plague was added, which first appeared in
Galway and was supposed to be imported from Spain. The Aphorismical
Discovery relates with something like glee that the first house visited
was that of Sir Richard Blake, which had been cursed by Rinuccini,
and that the contagion flowed thence 'as from a channel, the divine
vengeance of high power unto the respective provinces of Ireland,
except Ulster, as not guilty of either censure, curse, or ejection of
my lord nuncio.' Ludlow says simply that it reached most parts, and
Bishop O'Brien of Emly that it was in every corner. It was very bad in
the south, Kilkenny, Waterford, and Limerick being severely scourged.
Bishop Comerford of Waterford estimates the deaths in his own diocese
at 5000, and many priests were taken. 'Our sins,' he adds, 'have
provoked this scourge.'
[Sidenote: A devoted friar.]
At first the English soldiers were nearly exempt, but suffered equally
afterwards; as a punishment, Ireton thought, for trusting in the
carnal arm and not giving God the glory. The bishops and the clerical
politicians generally do not show to advantage in their disputes
with Ormonde, and the narrative of a poor friar is much better worth
reading. Having visited in disguise Kilkenny, Ross, and many other
places he came to Waterford, where many were dying of the plague. 'Here
have I been,' he says, 'these six weeks ministering indifferently to
poor and rich, and here I intend to stay until plague or gallows ends
my life. I had no confessor until God sent an English priest to this
city, who, coming lately out of Spain into England, was pressed for
military service by the Parliamentarians, who did not know he was a
priest, and sent with others to Ireland, where he escaped and is now
in hiding here. I go freely about the city as gardener of its chief
heretic, and even work at carrying burdens with the porters. I am
indifferent whether God continues thus to hide me or not, but if I can
get away unrecognised I will go to Dungarvan and Youghal and so round
Ireland until He pleases to take me to Himself. Our father Gregory is
within fifteen or twenty miles, but being known and unwieldy he cannot
come to me, nor can I go to him or account of the scarcity of priests
in these parts, all the native clergy being driven out.'[194]
[Sidenote: A regicide government.]
[Sidenote: Ludlow and Cromwell.]
[Sidenote: Instructions to the Commissioners, Oct. 1650.]
Ireton was Lord Deputy, and commanded the army, but the Council of
State found it necessary to give him help in the civil government.
After some discussion, Edmund Ludlow, Miles Corbet, John Jones, and
John Weaver were appointed to settle the affairs of Ireland 'with
the advice and approbation of General Cromwell, Lord Lieutenant
thereof, and Henry Ireton, Esq., his deputy, or either of them.' Of
these commissioners the first three were regicides, while Weaver had
been appointed one of the late King's judges, but had never acted.
Ludlow was also general of the cavalry, and his friends suggested
that Cromwell only wished to get him out of the way, 'but I,' he says
himself, 'could not think myself so considerable and therefore could
not concur with them in that opinion.' He was not anxious to go, but
Cromwell declared that he was the fittest man, and that private affairs
must yield to those of the public. The Commissioners were instructed
to advance religion and to suppress 'idolatry, popery, superstition,
and profaneness,' executing the statutes against Recusants and taking
care that Papists should have no public employment, nor be allowed to
'practise as counsellors at law, attorneys, or solicitors, nor to keep
schools for the training up of youth.' They were to study the revenue
and reduce expenses as soon as the progress of the war allowed, and to
take especial pains as to the administration of justice. Ludlow and his
colleagues were all at Waterford before the end of January, and Lady
Ireton, who travelled with them, joined her husband there.[195]
[Sidenote: Ireton a dilatory general.]
[Sidenote: Hugh O'Neill at Limerick.]
[Sidenote: Athlone town occupied, Sept. 16.]
After the surrender of Waterford, Galway, Limerick and Athlone were
the only walled towns still held by the Irish, and the next work
awaiting Ireton was to find a passage over the Shannon. Vast quantities
of cattle, some stolen, had been driven into the Wicklow mountains,
which were diligently searched by Ireton's parties. In Glen Imale,
where the Royal Artillery now practise, a great herd was captured, and
part of it was handed over to Sir Hardress Waller, who was detached
at the beginning of September to summon Limerick, and to blockade it
as far as that could be done from the left bank of the Shannon. By
his defence of Clonmel Hugh O'Neill had earned the respect of his
foes, and civilities passed between him and Waller, but he declared
his resolution to maintain the city to the death, 'for the use of his
Majesty King Charles.' The citizens were well disposed to resistance,
but the unfortunate governor had no soldiers, and the corporation
would admit none. He himself was not 'excommunication-proof,' to
use Preston's phrase, and he thought it best to keep quiet until
circumstances changed. His personal safety even was doubtful, and
he begged Ormonde's pardon for not going to bid him farewell, since
he 'gloried in nothing more than to be esteemed a faithful observer
of monarchical government.' If Ireton had been a great commander he
would not have divided his army, and probably he could have taken
Limerick by pressing it resolutely when no preparations had been made
for resistance, and while dissensions were rife within the walls.
Instead of this he went to Athlone, where the garrison abandoned
the town on the Leinster side. Sir Charles Coote established a camp
among the half-burned houses, and Ireton occupied himself in reducing
scattered garrisons, which might safely have been neglected. The most
important was Birr, which was deserted by its garrison on the approach
of the army and occupied on September 28. Roscrea, Thurles, Cashel,
and Thomastown near Tipperary were visited, and on October 4 Ireton
encamped near the old Desmond stronghold at Lough Gur, whence he
approached Limerick on the western side. He asked for a passage through
the city, which he would then protect, but of course this was refused,
and on October 9 the Deputy went to see what could be done about making
a bridge at Castle Connell.[196]
[Sidenote: Clanricarde invades Leinster, October.]
[Sidenote: Slaughter at Meelick, Oct. 25.]
Axtell left Kilkenny with 800 men on October 6, and marched towards
Athlone, from which Coote had withdrawn northwards. While he was on his
way Clanricarde crossed the Shannon with over 3000 men, took Ferbane
and besieged Kilcolgan in King's County. In the face of a superior
force Axtell was unable to cross the Brosna, and drew back to Roscrea.
The Irish then summoned Birr, taking Streamstown and two other castles
near it, but retired again before a fresh advance of Axtell, whose
force was trebled in a few days by the arrival of contingents from
Tipperary and Wexford. On October 25 the Parliamentarians advanced to
the Shannon, where they found the enemy strongly posted in the island
or peninsula of Meelick, near Banagher, which was then accessible
only by one passage flanked with bogs and defended by three separate
entrenchments one behind the other. The two first were carried pretty
easily, but at the third it came to a hand-to-hand fight. Axtell's men
burst into the island and the slaughter was very great, five hundred
being driven into the river and drowned in one body. Out of at least
3000 men only 300 escaped by swimming across. Clanricarde, who thought
there was no danger, was away, but his waggon and tent fell into the
victors' hands. The lately captured castles were abandoned, and Axtell
returned to Kilkenny, having sent a part of his force to help Ireton
in besieging Nenagh. The latter place surrendered on October 30, its
garrison of 108 men marching out without arms, and the army soon
afterwards went into winter quarters at Kilkenny.[197]
[Sidenote: Charles Duke of Lorraine.]
[Sidenote: A belated condottiere.]
Charles IV., Duke of Lorraine, who, according to Voltaire, spent his
life in losing his dominions, had been a lover of the open-hearted
Duchess of Chevreuse, for whose sake his state was made the focus
of intrigue against Richelieu. Louis XIII. when dying ordered this
mischievous lady to be kept out of France, and Mazarin afterwards
noted how disaster had dogged her footsteps in Lorraine and everywhere
else. Her sojourn in England preceded the rebellion there, her voyage
to Madrid was followed by the loss of Portugal and Catalonia, and her
stay at Brussels coincided with the progress of French arms at the
expense of Spain. Acknowledging the suzerainty of the Emperor and
repudiating that of the French king, the Duke of Lorraine had visions
of an eighth electorate, and of a commanding military position like
that of Wallenstein. He lost his duchy, he did not gain his electorate,
and the mercenaries whom he gathered from all sides, and supported by
plunder or by forced contributions, were used by the Emperor or the
King of Spain with very little regard for the permanent interests of
their leader, who, however, made money by the business like an Italian
condottiere of the fifteenth century. At the beginning of 1646 he gave
a commission to Colonel Thomas Plunket to raise an Irish regiment for
service in Flanders, and sought the assistance of Ormonde in so doing.
Plunket brought letters to the Confederate Catholics, also, with money
enough for recruiting purposes, and with a gift of four field pieces,
thirty barrels of powder, and some pikes and muskets. Through the
Spanish ambassador in London he had also obtained a safe conduct for
himself and a passage for his men through the places held for the
Parliament, and he was allowed to carry some of his levies to Flanders.
As the Parliamentarians had command of the sea, it was easy for Ormonde
to say that he countenanced nothing against the French court, and that
there was little chance of Irish recruits being obtainable for the
service of Louis XIV.[198]
[Sidenote: The Duke's objects.]
[Sidenote: Mission of Bishop French.]
[Sidenote: Abortive dealings with Ormonde.]
At the beginning of 1646 the Duke proposed to send 10,000 men into
England to help Charles I., but the plan was frustrated, if it was
ever meant seriously, by the unwillingness of France and Holland to
allow the embarkation in their respective territories. Interference
in England would have had sentimental motives mainly, but Charles
had other reasons for looking to Ireland. He was a bigamist, having
children by a second wife during the lifetime of the first, and he
was not of a rank to imitate Henry VIII. His object was to dissolve
the first union and to legitimate the second, and assistance given to
the Irish Catholics might gain him favour at Rome. The Irish officers
in his service would naturally push him in the same direction, and
the Irish clergy assembled at Clonmacnoise in December 1649 deputed
Nicholas French, bishop of Ferns, and William Burke, provincial of the
Dominicans, to ask the Duke's help. French carried a secret commission
signed by some bishops and others under their control, and without
any regard to the viceroy. The strength of England had not yet been
exerted, and the clergy fancied that Ireland could break off with some
foreign help. Many regretted that they had not supported Rinuccini
better. Patrick Rochfort, recorder of Wexford, a partisan of the
nuncio, went to Jersey about the same time to open communications with
Charles II., but he had no authority from anyone holding power in
Ireland. His main object seems to have been to intrigue for Ormonde's
removal from the Irish Government. The Duke of Lorraine's first
idea was to deal with Ormonde as the King of England's unquestioned
representative, and he sent over Colonel Oliver Synnott nominally to
recruit soldiers in Ireland as of old under Ormonde's authority, but
also with letters relating to the more important negotiations. Rochfort
followed Charles to Breda, and proposed to give Duncannon Fort to
the Duke of Lorraine as security for an advance of 24,000_l._ This
negotiation was carried pretty far, but nothing actually came of it,
and Duncannon was in Ireton's hands in the following August. Rochfort
and Synnott reached Ireland in May, declaring that they had thrown
overboard their most secret and important despatches for fear of their
capture by a pursuing frigate. There seemed probability enough in their
story to induce Ormonde to treat with them, and he gave a commission
to Lord Taaffe, Lord Athenry, and Geoffrey Browne to negotiate on his
behalf. Galway was now the object instead of Duncannon, but there
was mutual distrust between Ormonde and Synnott, and they came to no
agreement.[199]
[Sidenote: Taaffe's mission to Charles II.]
[Sidenote: Mazarin and De Retz.]
[Sidenote: An exile at Paris.]
While Synnott's business hung fire, Ormonde sent Lord Taaffe to the
King, and he sailed from Galway Bay on the last day of June, after the
arrival of Charles in Scotland. The Duke of York, who was the next
best authority, gave him a letter of credence to the Duke of Lorraine
at Brussels. Taaffe, whom Carte rightly calls 'a bold and forward
undertaker,' went first to Paris, which he found hard to leave, as
Rinuccini had done before him, and as so many others have done since.
Mazarin was much more anxious to keep on good terms with the Parliament
than to promote an Irish crusade. Moreover, his enemy De Retz was, by
Hyde's account, the best friend Charles had in France, and he certainly
gave him sound advice when he said that the profession of Catholicism,
however desirable for his soul's good, would prevent him from regaining
his kingdom. De Retz had befriended the Queen when he found her at the
Louvre, a few days before her husband's death, without funds or credit,
and obliged to keep the future Duchess of Orleans in bed for lack of
a fire. The coadjutor attributes this destitution to Mazarin, and
exaggerated his own services, but it appears from later researches that
the Queen's or Jermyn's extravagance had much to do with it. The Duke
of Lorraine had hesitated about embarking on an Irish adventure without
knowing the King of England's views, but it was thought impossible to
send a Catholic emissary to Scotland, and Henrietta Maria wrote twice
to that effect, advising the Duke to place the fullest confidence
in Taaffe. Later on she had not so good opinion of him, for without
consulting her he tried to negotiate a betrothal between the Duke of
York and the Duke of Lorraine's infant daughter. After lingering six
weeks in the French capital, Taaffe did not reach Brussels till the end
of November, nearly five months after his departure from Ireland. Want
of means may have been one cause of delay, for he says: 'I was like to
starve at Paris, though every person saluted me with "votre très humble
serviteur jusqu'à la mort!"' It became clear to him that nothing could
be expected either from France or Spain, but there was some chance from
Lorraine.[200]
[Sidenote: A Lorraine envoy to Ireland]
[Sidenote: Bishop French at Brussels.]
[Sidenote: Clanricarde and the Lorraine proposals.]
[Sidenote: What Clanricarde agreed to.]
Ormonde left Ireland in December 1650, and was destined not to return
until 1662. Meanwhile, the Duke of Lorraine sent Stephen de Henin,
Abbot of St. Catherine's, a person much in his confidence, to Ireland,
with letters addressed generally to the men in authority there.
Shortly afterwards he wrote to the Pope claiming to be the Church's
champion, and asking for Innocent's blessing and prayers. De Henin was
accompanied by George Dillon, a Franciscan who was Taaffe's uncle,
and who brought 5000_l._ as an earnest of what might be expected from
Lorraine. They landed at Galway on February 26, when Bishop French,
who hated Ormonde above all created beings, had sailed for France with
a private commission from some of the clergy. He stayed some time at
Paris, went on to Brussels about the end of April, and speedily gained
the Duke of Lorraine's ear. Madame de Chevreuse and the Duchess of
Orleans gave what help they could, and De Henin found the viceregal
authority in Clanricarde's hands, and being, in Clarendon's words 'a
wise man and of phlegm enough,' he refused to treat with anyone else.
Four of the Commissioners of Trust, of whom two had already been
employed by Ormonde, summoned Clanricarde from Banagher, and he gave
the Lorraine envoy a public audience at Tirellan. De Henin handed him
the Duke's letter, and Dillon the two last from Taaffe to Ormonde.
Dillon, who had had opportunities of knowing the Lorrainer's plans, was
called upon to submit proposals, and they were not such as Clanricarde
could possibly agree to. It was suggested that the protectorate of
Ireland should be handed over to the Duke, 'his heirs and successors,'
that Limerick and Galway should be given in pawn for his outlay, that
he should be invited to come over in person, and that in the meantime
Lord Taaffe should 'have as ample commission to treat and conclude
with his Highness, as his Highness's ambassador hath to this kingdom.'
Many of the Commissioners of Trust and several bishops had come to
Galway on hearing of the stranger's arrival, and they drew up fresh
proposals less bold in form, but equally destructive of the viceregal
authority. In the long negotiations that followed, Clanricarde showed
a good deal of diplomatic skill, and had no difficulty in proving
that neither the King alone nor any popular assembly without him
could convey away Ireland as an estate of inheritance. In the end the
Lord Deputy covenanted with De Henin that the Duke of Lorraine should
give 20,000_l._, including what Dillon had already brought, on the
security of Limerick and Galway, and of the whole nation collaterally,
but without binding any man's separate estate. The Duke was to have
the appointment of a commandant in each cautionary town, provided,
nevertheless, that 'in case of pressing necessity for the public
service of the kingdom, the Lord Deputy may make use of his power as
hitherto accustomed.'[201]
[Sidenote: What Charles II.'s advisers thought.]
[Sidenote: Extent of the Lorraine succours.]
[Sidenote: Bishop French's abuse of Clanricarde.]
[Sidenote: The viceregal authority set aside.]
Ormonde, and the rest of the exiled family's chief advisers, with Hyde
at the head of them, had little hope from the Duke of Lorraine, whom
they considered fond of money, very cunning, and very much inclined
to have his pound of flesh. Nicholas saw very clearly that Taaffe was
no match for him, and that he was liar enough to 'deceive the Earl
of Norwich or any man living.' The object was to make a diversion in
Ireland, and so give the King some chance in his Scotch venture. The
Duke of Lorraine did actually give 20,000_l._ for Ireland, but this
was not enough seriously to affect the desperate situation there. If
anything, the expectation of these shadowy succours had the effect
of preventing the Irish from exerting themselves. Bad bargains were
made in buying arms, there was a good deal of waste, and the discount
on bills of exchange was so heavy that 'the sheer money,' to quote
Bellings, 'came far short of the first mouthful.' Dean King reported
that the 20,000_l._ was thus reduced by 6,000_l._ Rumours that more
was coming were sedulously propagated, and great things were expected
as far off as Madrid, and the farce was continued during the whole of
1651. This reliance upon a broken reed probably weakened the efforts of
the Irish. The Duke proposed to send a small army, but neither Spain,
France, nor Holland would allow it passage, and it was arms and money
that were wanted, for of men there were already plenty in Ireland. It
seems probable that the Duke had no intention of doing anything, and
that his real object was to further his matrimonial suits at Rome. To
that end he might be willing to outwit the Irish clergy as well as
the Protestant Royalists and the non-clerical Deputy. In addressing
the Pope he took his stand upon a decree of the Lateran Council under
Innocent III., where legates from England and all other States were
present, which gave the Pontiff power to appoint a protector if any
state fell into heresy. Innocent X., however, was cautious, thought the
Irish nation should be consulted, and that some more powerful prince
might undertake the work. Bishop French told Taaffe and his colleagues
that they derived their authority from the 'withered and accursed
hand of one for several causes excommunicated _a jure et homine_, and
at Rome accounted a great contemner of the authority and dignity of
churchmen, and persecutor of my lord nuncio and some bishops and other
churchmen ... who never joined the Confederate Catholics until he found
the opportunity of bearing down the Pope's nuncio ... comrade-in-arms
with Lord Inchiquin, who not long before dyed his hands in the blood
of priests and innocent souls in the church or rock of St. Patrick, in
Cashel.' He urged the agents to ignore Clanricarde's commission, and
to 'go on cheerfully in the contract with this most Catholic' prince.
Taking advantage of Taaffe's absence from Brussels, Plunket and Browne
did accordingly make an agreement with the Duke of Lorraine without
mentioning the Lord Deputy, and in the name of the 'kingdom and people
of Ireland.'[202]
[Sidenote: Ormonde's opinion.]
[Sidenote: Terms of agreement with Lorraine.]
[Sidenote: A "Protector Royal."]
There was an Irish agent at Paris named Tyrrell, who intrigued with
Madame de Chevreuse and the Duchess of Orleans, but even before the
battle of Worcester Ormonde saw that the Duke would do nothing serious.
'He must,' he wrote, 'sit down with the loss of 20,000_l._, and they
(the Irish) with the state of perfect slavery, the frequent lot of
such as affect immoderate power upon weak foundations. The remaining
consolation is that, if the King recover England, Ireland will soon
follow, without which, if he had it again so peopled as it was, it
would be lost.' The agreement was signed on July 2, but was not
transmitted to Clanricarde until September, after the news of Worcester
had reached Brussels. Taaffe, who had hitherto been so sanguine, now
thought that the Duke of Lorraine would be unable to do anything; and,
indeed, he had probably no further object but to gain credit at Rome
by a show of strong clerical leanings. 'His proposals,' Taaffe wrote,
'discovered more of self-interest than affection to his Majesty.' As
far as the agreement could do it, he was constituted the 'true royal
protector of Ireland, and this to pass to his heirs and successors.'
The army and militia present and future were placed absolutely in his
hands, with power in his absence to appoint a substitute 'professing
Catholic religion, excluding all other whosoever.' All heretics were to
be expelled from Ireland. When these points had been granted, certain
provisoes making a show of preserving the royal authority were hardly
worth the paper on which they were written. Ormonde, who might easily
have been communicated with, never heard of the agreement until a copy
was sent back by Clanricarde from Ireland. At the time of its despatch
Limerick was closely besieged, and within a few days of surrender, but
the corporation of Galway received a direct letter from the Duke of
Lorraine, in which he held out hope of further supplies, and claimed
their help in carrying out the agreement made with Plunket and Browne.
Some powder was sent towards the end of 1651, but it was the 'basest
ever seen, not worth 2_s._ a barrel,' yet the Irish were afraid to
complain for fear of offending the Duke. In 1652 a very small further
supply was sent to Innisbofin. They sent a favourable answer by special
messenger, addressing the Duke as royal protector of Ireland, and when
the Lord Deputy remonstrated they practically refused to make any
excuse. He reported fully to the Queen and to Ormonde, and he could do
no more. The latter at least fully understood the matter. The object of
the Irish clergy, he said, was to call in a Roman Catholic protector,
'from which office to absolute sovereignty the way is straight and
easy,' and they were so intent upon this that they allowed the country
to fall into the power of the English rebels.[203]
[Sidenote: Clanricarde condemns the Lorraine agreement,]
[Sidenote: and Charles II. approves.]
[Sidenote: The Duke of Lorraine's reflections.]
Clanricarde plainly told the Duke of Lorraine that he had been duped
'by the counterfeit shew of a private instrument, fraudulently
procured, and signed by some inconsiderable factious persons.' He
laid the chief blame on French, as the violent and malicious enemy of
royal authority in Ireland, and 'a fatal instrument in contriving and
fomenting all those diversions and divisions that have rent asunder
the kingdom.' He bade Bishop Darcy of Dromore, and the Archbishop of
Tuam, who must have known all about it, to observe the efficacy of
that prelate's powerful spirit in persuading and 'prevailing with the
commissioner to break and betray their trust.' Letters took a long time
in transit, but in February 1652 Charles II. wrote to Clanricarde,
entirely approving of his conduct, expressing full confidence in
him, and allowing him to leave Ireland whenever he thought fit. This
did not reach the Lord Deputy until August, and in the meantime all
negotiations with the Duke of Lorraine had been broken off. 'De Henin,'
says Clarendon, 'returned in the same ship that brought him, and gave
the Duke such an account of his voyage and people that put an end to
that negotiation, which had been entered into and prosecuted with less
wariness, circumspection, and good husbandry, than that prince was
accustomed to use.' While still professing his anxiety to help the
Irish Catholics, the Duke declined to have anything more to say to the
Commissioners, whose factiousness had spoiled all. Charles II. had
reminded him that Clanricarde was 'as zealous for the Catholic religion
as anyone in Ireland, and that he knew the affections and interests of
that people as well as any, whatsoever others pretend.' Of his dislike
to Clanricarde he made no secret, calling him a traitor and base
fellow, whom he would do his best to injure if he came within reach,
and when the Marchioness reached the Continent he regretted that her
sex prevented him from satisfying his feelings of revenge. The remnant
of the Irish in Innisbofin continued to hold the island for the Duke of
Lorraine, and to hope against hope for his arrival until late in the
year 1652.[204]
[Sidenote: Ormonde on the results of Worcester.]
[Sidenote: No help, even from Rome.]
[Sidenote: Ormonde and the Ultramontanes.]
[Sidenote: The Duke of Lorraine's failure.]
When the news of Worcester reached Ormonde he knew that all was over
for a very long time. A Scottish army in England under Charles in
person, a still unsubdued Scotland behind that, and at the same time
enough resistance in Ireland to occupy a large Parliamentary force, all
these made a combination very unlikely to recur. The only chance, and
that a remote one, was that the parties into which England was divided
might fall out among themselves, and so the King come by his own.
'This,' he wrote to Clanricarde, who may never have got the letter, 'I
take to be a remote, lazy speculation, and very near lying in the dirt
and crying God help. God often blesses very improbable endeavours, but
I find not where he promises, or where he has given success to flat
idleness, unless contempt or misery, which are the proper fruits of it,
may be so called.' He thought the only thing to do was to seek foreign
help, and that the best chance was to try to make the Pope a mediator.
Attempts to get money from Rome for the Irish war had already failed,
but it was proposed to send Taaffe there a little later. The Pope
would do nothing unless Charles would satisfy him that he had joined
the Roman communion, and to let this be known would have alienated
England irretrievably. When, in due time, the treaty of Dover was
signed, Ormonde was kept in the dark. Bishop French, who had reviled
Taaffe for not signing the agreement with the Duke of Lorraine, did not
return to Ireland, but he attacked Ormonde long after the Restoration
for preferring Cromwell's protectorate to that of a distinguished
Catholic prince. It was, perhaps, impossible for an Irish Ultramontane
to understand the position of an English Royalist, but it is easy to
see now that Ormonde and Clanricarde were essentially in the right.
Neither they nor their master could help the usurpation, but they would
have destroyed their chances altogether by placing the sovereignty
of Ireland in the hands of a foreign adventurer, who could not call
a single sea-port his own. Two years later the Spaniards seized his
person, and the French annexed his army.[205]
[Sidenote: Hopelessness of the struggle in Ireland.]
[Sidenote: Operations in the midland counties, March.]
[Sidenote: Finnea Castle, March 14.]
The Parliamentary Commissioners knew that the Irish in Connaught
had received arms and money from the Duke of Lorraine, and that they
had great hopes from de Henin's mission. But Ludlow and the rest saw
clearly that the subjugation of Ireland was only a matter of time. They
did not advise any immediate reduction in the army, but a large part
of the country was now contributing to its support, and they saw their
way to diminishing the parliamentary grant for Ireland from 33,000_l._
to 20,000_l._ a month. They hoped that the area still to be occupied
would on these terms be much narrowed by Michaelmas. Provisions and
clothes were scarce, 'yet your poor naked soldiers upon all commands
do go out most cheerfully,' and they were seldom idle. The Irish were
making great efforts to form a strong force out of the remnants of
O'Neill's and Preston's armies in Westmeath, Cavan, and Longford. To
prevent this coming to a head Hewson left Trecroghan on March 14,
marching by Tyrell's Pass to Kilbride, which made some resistance, and
through Mullingar to Donore, where Reynolds had stormed the castle with
much corn and other plunder in it. The two officers here joined their
forces to garrison and repair Lord Netterville's castle at Ballimore,
which had been partly dismantled by the Irish. Ballinalack, which
commanded a passage into Longford, was taken without much trouble, but
a strong stand was made between Loughs Kinale and Sheelin, where Lord
Westmeath had left a garrison in his castle of Finnea. He himself had
retired with all portable property to a stronghold at Termonbarry, in
Roscommon. Colonel Alexander MacDonnell, Antrim's brother, and Philip
MacHugh O'Reilly held the neighbouring village of Togher, where there
was another castle, but there was little discipline, and whisky was
easily obtainable, so that Hewson had an easy victory. O'Reilly, who
had kept his own head clear, could do nothing, and was fain to gallop
away, Sir Theophilus Jones being sent in pursuit of the demoralised
crowd. Many were killed and about 400 prisoners taken, including
the colonel, lieutenant colonel, and major--all MacDonnells, twelve
captains, and twenty-eight subalterns. According to the Irish account,
those who did not die in Dublin were 'transported to St. Christopher
as slaves.' The garrison of Finnea then surrendered on fair terms, the
men marching away under safe-conduct without arms, and Longford and
Cavan were at the mercy of the Parliament. Many still remained in arms
under Lord Westmeath's nominal orders, but they were little better than
brigands, plundering the poor, and even depriving fugitive friars of
such cattle as they had preserved for their sustenance.[206]
[Sidenote: A turning movement in Connaught.]
[Sidenote: Ireton's advice to Castlehaven.]
[Sidenote: Ireton passes the Shannon, June 2.]
[Sidenote: Coote and Reynolds elude Clanricarde.]
Leinster and Ulster being now pretty safe, Coote was directed to cross
the Erne near its mouth, and to turn the line of the Shannon. Reynolds
was sent with a regiment of horse to help him, and there was no force
in Connaught able to repel the invasion. Coote and Reynolds were at
Athenry before the end of May, while Ireton himself advanced to the
Shannon opposite Killaloe, and Hewson to Athlone. Castlehaven was at
Killaloe with what were called ten regiments, 'but nothing answerable
in numbers,' and there he received a long letter from Ireton setting
forth the justice of the Parliamentary cause, speaking slightingly of
the King, and inviting him to retire to England, where he would be well
received. He would thus save his property and be spared a hopeless
struggle in company unworthy of him. Peter Walsh was with Castlehaven,
and by his advice Ireton's offers were spurned, after which all
intercourse ceased between the two generals. Preparations for crossing
at Killaloe, where the bridge was broken down, were openly made, and
more quietly at O'Brien's Bridge, where there had been no bridge for
generations. A few men were sent over in a boat at daybreak, and seized
an old house on the Clare side, under cover of which and of field guns
on the Tipperary shore 500 men were ferried over in one hour. The Irish
were seized with panic, and deserted their entrenchments, while Colonel
Ingoldsby with 300 horse crossed the river unopposed at Castleconnell.
Castlehaven came too late to rally the fugitives, and in his absence
Colonel Fennell deserted his post at Killaloe and fled to Limerick.
Ireton then crossed himself without trouble, while Castlehaven, whose
force had dwindled to 300 horse, lost his plate and other property,
and went northwards in hopes of joining Clanricarde and intercepting
Coote and Reynolds, who had left Londonderry together on May 5, and
who for the first time dragged two pieces into Donegal over Barnesmore
gap, 'till then thought impassable for the lightest carriages.' When
they drew near the Curlew mountains, where Sir Conyers Clifford
was overthrown in the Elizabethan days, their scouts reported that
Clanricarde had occupied the passes, whereupon they turned westward,
and got 'by strange and unexpected ways undiscovered into the county
of Mayo,' near Ballaghdereen, leaving Clanricarde two days' march in
their rear. They were at Athenry on May 31, and outside Loughrea on
June 2, where they lost no time, but pushed on towards Portumna without
fighting. Clanricarde and Castlehaven were together at Loughrea, but
too weak to do anything. They warned all the population to fly with
their property, and retired beyond the Galway river, taking refuge in
the town when Coote appeared on its eastern side.[207]
[Sidenote: Ludlow's march to Portumna, June.]
[Sidenote: Desperate defence of Gort.]
[Sidenote: The laws of war.]
As soon as he heard of Coote's approach, Ireton sent 1000 cavalry and
dragoons to meet him, with whom Ludlow, who volunteered his services,
started northwards through a desolate country. One 'creaght' or
encampment of half a dozen families with their cattle, was sighted,
and the soldiers would have killed these poor people as enemies had
not Ludlow interfered. 'I took a share with them,' he says, 'of a
pot of sour milk, which seemed to me the most pleasant liquor that
ever I drank.' Having marched forty miles in about twenty-four hours,
Ludlow left the bulk of his men comfortably encamped, and hurried on
with sixty troopers to Portumna, which, having repulsed one attack,
surrendered next morning. Coote being safe, Reynolds joined Ludlow with
500 horse, and they pursued Clanricarde as far as Ballinasloe, which
surrendered and was garrisoned. Reynolds then returned to Portumna, and
Ludlow marched through Clare to Limerick. At Gort he found that Sir
Dermot O'Shaughnessy had gone to Galway, leaving his tenants with some
soldiers under an English lieutenant named Foliot to hold the castle. A
countryman employed by Ludlow deserted, and told the garrison that he
had no artillery or other equipage for a siege. But faggots or fascines
were made, and each soldier carried one to use as a shield first, and
afterwards to fill up the ditch. Enraged by the fall of two comrades
the men climbed the twelve foot wall of the courtyard, helping each
other to the top. Some ladders were found inside which gave admission
to more, a window was soon forced open, and the occupants of the room
killed. Foliot fought desperately 'with a tuck in one hand and a
stiletto in the other,' but was soon run through the body. Faggots were
piled against the gates and fired, when the garrison, fearing to be
burned alive, hung out a white flag and threw down their arms. Ludlow
gave one of his men twenty shillings to fetch out two barrels of powder
that were near the fire, which could not be put out, eighty men besides
many women and children being rescued by 'skeins of match thrown up
into the chambers.' A few soldiers were put to death as defenders of an
untenable post. Ludlow says he was pressed by his council of war to use
this severity, but O'Shaughnessy's tenants were all dismissed unhurt to
their homes, and the general went on to Ireton, driving before him 500
cattle which his foragers had collected among the Burren hills.[208]
[Sidenote: Siege of Limerick, June-Oct.]
[Sidenote: The bombardment does little harm.]
Ireton came before Limerick on June 3 on the Clare side of the Shannon.
A large number of cattle had been collected at a place called Ferboe,
a little above the town, where there was a narrow pass partly defended
by an old castle. A stout resistance was made here, but Ingoldsby
forced the passage with his cavalry and drove the Irish back to
Thomond Bridge, about 150 being killed or drowned. The cattle formed a
welcome addition to the commissariat, and Ireton marched on without
further opposition. The estuary was in the hands of the Parliament,
and the next few days were spent in landing cannon and mortars. The
word bomb was, perhaps, first applied to the mortar-shells used during
this siege. June 18 was set apart as a day of thanksgiving 'for the
Lord's mercies in bringing us over the Shannon,' and other unexpected
successes, and on the next day Ireton having formally summoned
Limerick, at once began the bombardment. A battery of twenty-eight
guns played upon the castle defending Thomond Bridge. Two mortars,
afterwards increased to four, threw shells into the town, but the
largest, carrying projectiles of two hundred weight, burst, but without
hurting anyone. Ludlow joined Ireton three days later, and found that
a lodgment had already been effected on the great salmon-weir above
Limerick, where a castle still stands. Two guns were brought to bear,
and from one the first shot went in at a window and broke a soldier's
leg. The garrison at once took to their boats, but the fire was so hot
that they all rowed to shore and surrendered, some to Tothill on the
Clare bank, and some to Ingoldsby on the Limerick bank.[209]
[Sidenote: Ireton's justice.]
Ireton, says Ludlow, 'was so great a friend of justice, even where
an enemy was concerned, that, though Colonel Axtell was a person
extraordinarily qualified ... he suspended him from his employment.' A
court-martial had found that he killed prisoners who had been promised
quarter by soldiers, though not by himself. This seems to have been in
the attack on Meelick. Tothill was now charged with the same offence
and deprived of his regiment, his ensign being also cashiered. Tothill
pleaded that he thought no one could grant quarter but the commanding
officer, and that the Lord Deputy would be angry if he showed mercy.
Ireton said the punishment was too little for the offence and the
excuses equally abominable, 'for the base and servile fear pretended
in the latter part, as for the pride of spirit predominate in the
former.' He was somewhat consoled by the fact that Ingoldsby spared all
lives on his side.[210]
[Sidenote: Fruitless negotiations, June.]
[Sidenote: Non-combatants turned out of Limerick.]
[Sidenote: Disaster to the besiegers, June 23.]
[Sidenote: Ireton's explanation.]
On the same day that the castle on the weir was taken, the garrison of
Limerick sent out a drum in answer to Ireton's summons. A truce was
asked for, hostages to be given by the Deputy during the time that
the representatives of the besieged were in his camp. Both conditions
were refused, but Ireton had no objection to treat for a capitulation,
and six commissioners were sent out, two for the garrison, two for
the citizens, and two for the clergy, a like number being named by
the Deputy. Among the former were Major-General Purcell and Geoffrey
Baron, one of the late Supreme Council; among the latter, Ludlow,
Waller, and Colonel Henry Cromwell. They met in a tent between town and
camp, dined together every day, and discussed the terms in a leisurely
way; but Limerick did not yet despair of relief, and the negotiations
came to nothing. Meanwhile, the bombardment continued, two bridges
being thrown across the Shannon, one of wood at Castleconnell and the
other of boats or floats, below the weir. O'Neill tried to reduce the
number of useless mouths by driving non-combatants out of the town. On
one occasion Ireton ordered that four of these poor wretches should
be knocked on the head, but the order was wrongly given, and forty
were killed--'an act much disgusted by his Excellency.' The castle on
Thomond Bridge was stormed after many hand-grenades had been thrown
in; which, strange to say, failed to ignite some barrels of powder
specially laid to blow up the assailants. An open arch under the
drawbridge was filled up with rubbish and faggots, so that the captured
work could be used against the town; but the garrison broke down other
arches, and there appeared to be no chance of entering that way. As
soon as the floating bridge was finished, Ireton fortified the Clare
end of it, and transferred the bulk of his army to the county Limerick
side. More than a dozen boats were laden with men, and an attempt was
made to seize the upper end of King's Island, upon the lower end of
which a large part of Limerick stands; but here the besiegers met with
a serious reverse. Four boats got over safely, under Major Walker, who
had been distinguished at O'Brien's Bridge, and three other officers.
Finding no resistance at first, the men got out of hand and ran through
the enemies' line up to a fort in the middle of the island. The
garrison sallied out and drove them back to their boats and to a fifth
which was just coming ashore, so that nearly all were either shot or
drowned. 'We find missing,' Ireton wrote, 'eighty-six or eighty-seven
men, besides the four commissioned officers aforementioned, and not
more whatever may be reported.' Abundant reinforcements were at hand,
but before order was restored it was broad daylight, and nothing more
could be done. A night attack is always risky, and Ireton acknowledges
that there was mismanagement; but some of Tothill's men who had broken
faith with the enemy were among those who perished, and on that
account, he adds, 'that most justly the Lord hath rebuked us, and cast
reproach and confusion of face upon us.'[211]
[Sidenote: Athlone Castle taken, June 18.]
[Sidenote: Ludlow in Clare, July.]
[Sidenote: Ireton's devotion to duty.]
The next day was set apart as one of humiliation for the sins of the
army, and on the following came the news that Coote had taken Athlone
Castle. Great efforts were made to relieve Limerick. Muskerry had about
5000 men in Kerry, with whom he intended to join Fitzpatrick, who
collected what was left of the Leinster forces at Galbally, near the
Glen of Aherlow. Meanwhile, David Roche was active with some 3000 men
in Clare, and Ludlow was detached to look after him. Roche, who was
besieging Carrigaholt, which had been but lately taken, drew off as
soon as he heard that Ludlow had passed the Fergus, and Captain Lucas
took the opportunity of slipping out with his men, whom he brought
safe to the Parliamentary camp. Roche then occupied the passage of
the river at Inch Cronan, so as to prevent Ludlow from returning
to Limerick; but his party were soon routed by a superior force of
cavalry. Some skirmishing took place among woods and bogs, during which
Connor O'Brien of Leamaneh, who commanded a regiment of horse, and was
perhaps the most considerable person in Clare, was shot. The Irish
were so light of foot that Ludlow could do but little execution; but
Carrigaholt was burned or blown up, whether by him or by Roche does not
seem quite certain; it was too remote to have much effect on military
operations. Having dispersed the Clare gathering and made all safe on
that side, Ludlow rejoined Ireton, and while the engineers were pushing
on the siege works accompanied him to Killaloe, where he repaired or
rebuilt the bridge. The Lord Deputy 'rode so hard that he spoiled many
horses, and hazarded some of the men; but he was so diligent in the
public service, and so careless of everything that belonged to himself,
that he never regarded what clothes or food he used, what hour he went
to rest, or what horse he mounted.' As a cavalry leader he might have
done better by giving heed to Francesco Sforza, one of whose three
leading principles was never to ride a horse that stumbled or cast its
shoes.[212]
[Sidenote: Broghill made a general.]
[Sidenote: His campaign against Muskerry.]
[Sidenote: His victory near Kanturk, July 26.]
[Sidenote: Superstition of Muskerry's men]
Lord Broghill thought his services had been insufficiently
acknowledged, and when Cromwell left Ireland he announced that he would
obey no one but Ireton and Adjutant-General Allen. Ludlow sympathised
with his discontent, though he occupied in command of the cavalry
the very post that Broghill coveted. This, he assured Ireton, he
would never have accepted but as a matter of duty and in obedience to
positive orders. He advised that something should be done to content
Broghill, who, after much discussion, was appointed Lieutenant-General
of the Ordnance, with the rank of a general officer. In July 1651 he
was detached to intercept Muskerry, with not more than 600 foot and 400
horse as a field force; but his own troop, consisting of reformadoes or
unemployed commissioned officers, was particularly efficient. Muskerry
collected nearly 3000 men, of whom about one-third were cavalry or
dragoons, in the woods near Drishane, where he had defeated Colonel
Elsing in the previous winter, and he got over the Blackwater to
Dromagh without fighting. At Castlelyons, Broghill had a message from
Ireton ordering him to use every exertion to intercept the Irish army.
On the 21st he went to Mallow with this object, and next day followed
them towards Castle Ishin, on the border of county Limerick, coming
upon their outposts at midnight in a storm of rain and wind. Muskerry
doubled back to Dromagh, 'but through a place and country that the
very Teigs themselves could hardly march in,' leaving Broghill to bar
the road to Limerick. On the 24th the Irish were at Drishane again,
whither Broghill followed next day, crossing the Blackwater, which
had risen much from the great rain. Unable to bring them to action,
he determined to return to Mallow for fresh provisions and take up a
position at Courtstown, where he could watch the road to Fitzpatrick's
position at Galbally. Before they had marched half a mile the enemy
suddenly appeared on the hills to his rear, and at last their whole
force descended into the plain at Knockbrack, to the south of Banteer
railway station. Broghill's men fought with great alacrity, and he
thought 'better knocking' had never been known in Ireland. One division
of Irish pikemen particularly distinguished themselves, and all fought
well, but, though almost surrounded by superior numbers, the veterans
had the best of it. Broghill narrowly escaped with his life, which was
specially aimed at, the Irish soldiers calling to each other to 'kill
the fellow with the gold-laced coat.' He lost under thirty men killed,
but there were four or five times as many wounded, and he admits
that his force was extremely shattered. Having no means of keeping
prisoners safely, he had given orders to make none, and at least 600
were killed, but a few officers were taken to Cork. The priests had
exhorted the Irish to fight, and fortified their speech with holy
water and charms, many of which were 'found quilted in the doublets of
the dead,' and there was also a large stock of spare ones. A specimen
guaranteeing the wearer against war, water, fire, and pestilence, was
sent for parliamentary inspection: it claimed to have been approved by
the Council of Trent, and it was supposed that the Virgin Mary would
appear to the owner fourteen days before his death.[213]
[Sidenote: The last battle.]
[Sidenote: Ireton and Ludlow in Clare, Aug.-Sept.]
[Sidenote: Guerrilla warfare.]
[Sidenote: Pirates in the channel.]
The fight at Knockbrack was the last in this war which deserves the
name of a battle. There was a prophecy current among the country people
that there would be one on that spot, and that the English would get
the day. Broghill noted that it was like Naseby, fair weather at the
beginning, then a thunderstorm, and then sunshine again. It made the
relief of Limerick impossible, and Ireton was justified in firing
salvoes of artillery and musketry. But guerrilla warfare continued in
many places, and the besiegers were always in danger of being attacked.
At the end of August or beginning of September Ireton and Ludlow were
both in Clare, catching horses and cows, but seldom their masters,
and placing a garrison at Clonroad to curb Clare Castle. Seizing the
opportunity of their absence, two thousand foot sallied out of Limerick
and almost surprised the cavalry guard; but the latter 'immediately
mounted, and being not accustomed to be beaten,' drove them back
into the town. Muskerry again collected some force, but Broghill
easily dispersed them, and the Irish general soon retired to Galway.
Occasionally the Parliamentarians suffered small reverses. Meelick, for
instance, was recaptured by Fitzpatrick at the beginning of August,
the garrison being all asleep. Phelim M'Hugh O'Reilly attacked Finnea
on August 5, but was beaten back with great loss; and there were other
considerable bodies of the Irish still together in Leinster and Ulster.
'I found them unwilling to fight,' says Hewson, 'though their numbers
be great.' But they sometimes surprised and routed small bodies of
troops, and they exhausted the country and made it impossible for the
people to contribute towards the support of the army. The detached
Parliamentary garrisons could just hold their own, but were scarcely
able to act on the offensive. Early in October Venables made an attempt
on Ballinacargy, O'Reilly's chief stronghold in Cavan, but was foiled,
the Irish retreating to a bog whenever he advanced, and watching to
intercept provisions, so that he had to return to Dundalk. It was
evident that nothing of importance could be done as long as Limerick
held out and kept the main strength of the army occupied. Even within
a few miles of Dublin, Sherlock kept 2000 men among the mountains,
and there was no force to attack him. Meanwhile, the coast was but
carelessly guarded, no Government ships being seen between July and
October. At Carrickfergus and at Wexford rovers took many English
vessels out of the harbours, and it was as hard to get in the customs
as the assessments from the country.[214]
[Sidenote: Limerick closely invested, Aug.-Sept.]
[Sidenote: Sufferings of the besieged.]
[Sidenote: The party of surrender prevail.]
After the failure of the boat attack in June, Ireton had been content
to rest his hopes mainly on famine and on the plague which raged
within the walls of Limerick. The garrison sometimes made signals with
fire, but without result, and spies had not much chance. One poor
woman brought a message from Roche, which might have caused a combined
attack by the garrison and by his men in Clare, but she was caught
and 'hanged for fear of giving further intelligence.' All attempts
to escape from the doomed city were ruthlessly repressed. No threats
were strong enough to deter these poor wretches, and an example was
made by hanging two or three and having the rest driven back with
whips. One old man desired to be hanged instead of his daughter, 'but
that,' says Ludlow, 'was refused, and he with the rest driven back
into the town.' A gibbet was then raised in sight of the walls upon
which condemned criminals were hanged, and this stopped the exodus,
but only for a time. Michaelmas came round without starving out the
place, and Ireton, having greatly strengthened his battering train,
resumed active operations, for the winter was approaching, and an Irish
soldier boasted from the walls that snowballs would beat bombshells.
But heavy guns had been brought up from the ships, and the counsels
of the defenders were divided. Overtures were made to Ireton early
in October, but three weeks elapsed and a fresh bombardment began
before the scale turned in favour of the party of surrender. The news
of Worcester had probably destroyed all hope, but an actual breach
was made before the decisive step was taken. A weak spot had hitherto
escaped notice, where there was no counter-scarp in front and no mass
of earth behind, and Ludlow thought it would soon have been untenable;
but Ireton, who had no vanity, thought the sudden surrender 'a mercy
most seasonable at the beginning of winter.' The English and Irish
accounts agree that there were two parties in the beleaguered city, and
it is possible that the weak place was pointed out by a deserter or by
one of the commissioners who had been going and coming between city and
camp. The charter required that a new mayor should be chosen on October
6, and the election resulted in the substitution of Peter Creagh, who
was peacefully inclined, for Thomas Stretch, who had sworn that the
city should be defended during his year of office. After more than two
months of a mere blockade, 'we began our approaches,' says Ireton, 'in
one night, and finished our batteries and planted our guns the second,
and next morning began to batter.'[215]
[Sidenote: Capitulation of Limerick, Oct. 27.]
[Sidenote: Persons exempted from quarter.]
[Sidenote: Excommunication and interdict have no effect.]
[Sidenote: O'Neill surrenders to Ireton.]
[Sidenote: Fate of Fennell]
The articles offered to the besieged in June and July had been on the
whole favourable, but an exception was made as to those who 'committed
the murders and outrages in the first insurrection before the first
General Assembly.' The members of that first Assembly and the clergy
generally were also denied all protection, so that the city contained
many desperate men, who naturally prolonged the siege as far as
possible. This mistake was not now repeated, but twenty-two persons
were excepted by name, who were all known or believed to have deceived
or overawed the generality of the people into 'the obstinate holding
out of the place.' All spies and a single Welsh deserter were also
excepted. Of those named, the most important were Hugh O'Neill, the
governor, the Bishops of Emly and Limerick, Major-General Purcell,
Ormonde's old enemy, Alderman Fanning, and Geoffrey Barron, amongst the
others being a few priests and friars. The corporation and the military
officers met, and decided 'that the treaty should go on, and that they
should not stick for any person exempted, or to be exempted, from
quarter of life or goods'; but when they met next morning to choose
commissioners, the two bishops, accompanied by others of the clergy,
appeared, and threatened to excommunicate them all 'if they should
deliver up the prelates to be slaughtered.' But the danger was too
pressing and ecclesiastical censures had become too common, so that the
commissioners were named nevertheless. The sentence of excommunication
and a perpetual interdict of the city were posted on the church doors,
whereupon Colonel Fennell and others were sent to seize St. John's Gate
and the adjoining tower. O'Neill remonstrated, but Fennell said he had
orders from the mayor and chief citizens. The governor, whose military
authority at least had hitherto been unquestioned, then summoned a
court-martial, but Fennell refused to appear. Lord Castleconnell took
his part, so that no sentence was passed; and Fennell, who had the keys
and some powder from the mayor, turned the guns upon the town, and said
plainly that he would not leave his post until surrender was decided
on. At last Ireton's preparations were complete, and seventeen heavy
shot were discharged with great effect against one spot in the wall,
whereupon a drum was sent out and negotiations began in earnest. Two
hundred 'redcoats' were admitted by Fennell into the gate-tower, and on
October 27 the articles of capitulation were signed. According to one
account, Fennell even threatened O'Neill with a pistol, when that brave
soldier rode out alone and delivered his sword to Ireton himself, who
treated him honourably. Fennell was not among the twenty-two specially
exempted from the benefit of the articles, but they did not protect
him or others 'from prosecution to justice in a judicial way for any
crimes they might be guilty of.' There is perhaps no positive evidence
against him, though he has always been considered a traitor by writers
on the Irish side. He was accused of a plot to give up Clonmel; and
Castlehaven, who is not much given to calling names, accuses him of
cowardice or treachery in quitting his post at Killaloe and flying to
Limerick, after the fall of which, 'Ireton, with more than his usual
justice, hanged him. Some say he was carried to Cork and there pleaded
for his defence how he had betrayed me before Youghal; but his judges
would not hear him on his merits, but bid him clear himself of the
murders laid to his charge.'[216]
[Sidenote: Treatment of the besieged.]
[Sidenote: The Bishop of Limerick escaped.]
[Sidenote: The Bishop of Emly hanged.]
Soldiers and citizens were allowed to go free, and time was given
to remove personal property, but without any guarantee for lands or
houses; and Ireton evidently contemplated a partial colonisation. The
garrison of 2000 had been reduced to about 1200, who marched out after
giving up their arms, and the city contained about 4000 other men
capable of bearing arms, though about 5000 persons had perished 'by
the sword without and the famine and plague within.' He was inclined
to spare those who had not shown themselves irreconcilable; but there
would still be plenty of room for settlers. In the meantime, he had
himself to deal with as many of the excepted persons as he could
catch. Besides the governor, ten of them voluntarily surrendered,
and their fate was reserved for further consideration. Some of the
others were not caught, among them the Bishop of Limerick, who escaped
in a soldier's dress, joined Muskerry in Kerry, and died at Brussels
in 1654. Ireton did not regret this, as he found that he had not
been one of the violent party; he had formerly been well disposed
to Ormonde. The Bishop of Emly took refuge in the pest-house, where
he was quickly taken and hanged by order of a court-martial. He had
been the soul of the defence all along, and has always been regarded
as a martyr by those of his own faith. His head was placed over one
of the gates, as were those of Stretch and of Purcell, who alone
behaved in a pusillanimous manner. Five or six others were executed,
including a priest named Walsh, who served as a captain, Sir Geoffrey
Gallwey, Geoffrey Baron, and Dr. Higgins, a physician who, according
to the military diarist, was 'powder-maker and money-coiner to the
besieged.'[217]
[Sidenote: O'Neill is tried]
[Sidenote: and acquitted]
[Sidenote: He returns to Spain,]
[Sidenote: and claims the earldom of Tyrone.]
Hugh O'Neill was the last of that great clan who played an important
part in Irish history, and he bore himself worthily. Ireton seems
to have treated him personally with courtesy, but he influenced the
court-martial against him because of the blood shed through his defence
of Clonmel. He pleaded that the war had gone on long before he came
upon the invitation of his countrymen, that he had always been a fair
enemy, and that he had often advised the townsmen not to prolong a
conflict which he had seen to be hopeless from the first; that he
had carefully observed the capitulation by surrendering all stores,
'without embezzlement, and his own person to the Deputy'; and that he
was entitled to the benefit of the articles. Many of the officers,
including Ludlow, accepted his defence, and Ireton, 'who was now
entirely freed from his former manner of adhering to his own opinion,
which had been observed to be his greatest infirmity,' allowed a third
vote after sentence of death had been twice passed. He was acquitted,
sent to England in the same ship that carried Ireton's embalmed body,
and well treated in the Tower. After a few months he was released at
the instance of the Spanish ambassador, on the ground that he was born
in Flanders a vassal of the King of Spain, that he was not concerned in
the first outbreak in Ireland 'nor in the excesses which were committed
at that time,' and that he would be very useful in managing the Irish
soldiers whom the Commonwealth allowed to be recruited for the Spanish
service; and in the end this was agreed to. After the Restoration he
wrote to Charles II. pointing out that his cousin John's death had made
him Earl of Tyrone, and asking the King to acknowledge him as such. The
attainder was, of course, not reversed, and O'Neill, who was in bad
health when he wrote, probably died not long after. The title of Earl
of Tyrone was conferred on Lord Power in 1673.[218]
[Sidenote: Geoffrey Barron executed.]
Geoffrey Barron had been sent early in 1642 to solicit Richelieu's help
for the Confederacy, and he had remained throughout one of its most
irreconcileable partisans. He now pleaded that he had fought for the
liberties of his country just as the English Puritans professed to do.
Ireton thought it answer enough to say that Ireland was a conquered
country, that the Irish had been only too well treated under Charles
I., notwithstanding which they had robbed and murdered the English
wholesale, and that in the matter of religion the Puritans fought to
preserve their natural rights, whereas the Roman Catholics 'would not
be contented unless they might have power to compel all others to
submit to their impositions upon pain of death.' The two points of view
were hopelessly opposed, and the court-martial were satisfied with the
Lord Deputy's reasoning. During the short time that was left to him
Barron is said to have looked out a wedding suit of white taffety, in
which he was hanged, in the belief that his soul would 'straight enjoy
the pleasures of heaven, in the consummation of that eternal nuptial
felicity.'[219]
[Sidenote: Reinforcements from England, June.]
[Sidenote: Ludlow in Clare, November.]
[Sidenote: Ireton joins him.]
[Sidenote: Lady Honora O'Brien.]
Starvation had not done its work as Ireton had expected, but no horses
were found in Limerick at its surrender, and they had probably been
eaten. The besiegers commanded the estuary, and were in no want of
provisions, but the waste among the men must have been considerable,
less by actual fighting than by hardship and sickness. Reinforcements
had, however, been poured into Ireland during the summer, and Ireton
makes no complaint of insufficient numbers. An Act passed in April
authorised the impressment of 10,000 men, and was not suffered to
remain a dead letter. As early as June 25 nearly that number had been
landed at Dublin or Waterford. They were of three classes, drafts from
English garrisons, pressed men, and volunteer recruits. Some were too
young for the work, and these were mainly among the volunteers. Money
and ammunition was also ungrudgingly supplied, and no time was lost
in following up the capture of Limerick. On November 1 Ludlow marched
out to Inchecronan with 2000 foot and 1500 horse, and on the 4th,
after some parleying, Clare Castle surrendered. Though very strong,
it was evidently untenable now that the great siege was over. The
guns lost in July were recovered, and about 230 men marched out with
the honours of war and with power to go where they pleased. Those who
desired protection were to have it, 'except Romish priests, Jesuits,
and friars.' Carrigaholt also surrendered and was garrisoned, after
which the whole of Clare was at the mercy of Parliament. Ireton joined
Ludlow, and they visited the barony of Burren, 'where there is not
water to drown a man, wood enough to hang one, nor earth enough to bury
him,' but good pasture between the rocks. In riding through the Corofin
district towards Ennis most of the horses cast their shoes among the
crags; they carried spare ones, yet a single shoe was sold for five
shillings before night. Next morning came Lady Honora O'Brien, youngest
daughter of the late Earl of Thomond and niece of his successor, who
was accused of harbouring the enemies' goods and cattle while herself
enjoying the Lord Deputy's protection. Ireton rebuked her, whereupon
'she burst into tears, promising to mend her ways', and begging
Ludlow's intercession, which was successful. 'As much a cynic as I am,'
said Ireton, 'the tears of this woman moved me.'[220]
[Sidenote: Death of Ireton, Nov. 26.]
The weather was very bad during this journey in Clare, and both
generals caught bad colds. Ludlow's constitution triumphed, and he
lived till 1692, but Ireton succumbed. In spite of entreaties he had
neglected his health during the siege, not putting 'off his clothes
all that time, except to change his linen,' and never resting, though
he was in a burning fever. Sir Robert King wondered that he was not as
mad as a March hare, 'pen, tongue, head or both, or all, incessantly
at work.' Ludlow was not with him when he died, and we have few
particulars. In announcing his loss to Cromwell, the Commissioners
call him an incomparable man, and it is certain that he had a high
sense of duty and that he was not a self-seeker. Clarendon and others
have thought that his republicanism might have prevented Cromwell's
rise to supreme power, but of this there is no evidence. There have
been equally vain speculations as to whether Mirabeau, had he lived,
could have stopped the French Revolution. Ireton had signed the
death-warrant, and as a regicide was of course against restoring the
Stuarts, but he was not a theoretical republican, though he would have
disliked the supremacy of the army.[221]
FOOTNOTES:
[194] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 261; _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 97;
Letters (Latin) of the Bishop of Waterford, March 3, 1651, of the
Bishop of Emly, March 29, and of Anthony Nugent, 'capucinus indignus,'
June 30, all three in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 363-373. Borlase
says 17,000 were reported to have died in and about Dublin. Ireton
and his officers to Cromwell and the army in Scotland, July 10, 1651,
_Milton State Papers_, p. 72.
[195] The instructions to the Commissioners from the Council of State
were laid before Parliament, October 4, 1650, and are given in the
_Parliamentary History_, xix. 406. Corbet was substituted for Salwey,
who had been named but excused at his own request; Ludlow's _Memoirs_,
i. 249, 259.
[196] Hugh O'Neill to Ormonde, September 9 and 15, 1650, in _Contemp.
Hist._ iii. 180; Diary of Parliamentary Officers, _ib._ 220; W. Basil,
A.G., to Lenthall, November 3, _ib._ 265, and to Bradshaw, November 4,
in _Parl. Hist._ xix. 439.
[197] Basil's letters and Parliamentary officers' diary, _ut sup._
[198] Duke of Lorraine to Ormonde, February 8, 1646, in _Confed. and
War_, v. 259; Dumoulin to Mazarin, May and June, _ib._ 346; Cousin's
_Madame de Chevreuse_; Mazarin to Anne of Austria, April 1651, in
Ravanel's _Lettres du Cardinal Mazarin_. I have followed Martin and the
_Biographie Universelle_, as well as the Duke's own agreement with the
Irish, in writing Charles IV.--Gardiner and others call him Charles III.
[199] Nicholas to Ormonde, February 11/21, 1649-50, in Carte's
_Original Letters_; Long to Ormonde, _ib._; Duke of Lorraine to
Ormonde, April 29, 1650, in _Contemp. Hist._ ii. 399; Ormonde to
Synnott, June 25, _ib._ 428. See also Carte's _Ormonde_, book v., and
_Hibernia Dominicana_, p. 695; Clarendon's _Hist._ xiii. 176. Rochfort
reached Jersey January 12, 1649-50, see Hoskin's _Charles II. in the
Channel Islands_, ii. 367. Letters from Charles I. to the Queen, in the
_King's Cabinet Opened_, February-March, 1644-5.
[200] Taaffe to Ormonde, January 3 and 5, 1650-51, in Clanricarde's
_Memoirs_; Letters of James and Henrietta Maria, _ib._ 40-42;
Clarendon's _Hist._ xiv. 66; _Clarendon State Papers_, iii. 128;
De Retz _Mémoires_, part ii. vol. ii. 197, in the Grands Ecrivains
edition. 'Les biographes de Charles nous racontent qu'à cette époque de
sa vie il était revenu à l'idée d'aller tenter au loin quelque grande
aventure et à peu près décidé à céder aux instances que les évêques
catholiques d'Irlande lui faisaient continuellement adresser par le
Pape, afin qu'il leur vînt en aide contre la tyrannie de Cromwell. Ils
nous le représentent comme occupé à signer aux Irlandais réfugiés à
Bruxelles des patentes de colonels et d'officiers dans son armée de
secours, armant des vaisseaux pour passer le détroit et déjà tout prêt
à s'embarquer.'--D'Haussonville's _Hist. de la Réunion de Lorraine_,
ed. 1860, chap. 23, pp. 221-2.
[201] Duke of Lorraine to Innocent X., February 11, 1651, in
_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, ii. 84; _ib._ 92 for French's movements;
Letters in Clanricarde _Memoirs_, February 27, 1650-1 till April
4, when the agreement was signed; Clarendon's _Hist._, xiii. 182.
According to D'Haussonville (chap. 23), the state of French politics
was what really prevented Duke Charles from going to Ireland. He could
not afford to be out of the way just when Mazarin's flight seemed to
give him a chance. Ireton was well informed about these intrigues,
as may be seen from William King's letter to him, March 24, 1650-51,
printed in Z. Grey's _Examination of Neal_, iv. appx. 7.
[202] The Duke of Lorraine's supplies reached Ireland in March 1651,
_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 368; Bellings to Ormonde, April 10,
1651, in _Confederation and War_, vii. 370; Clanricarde _Memoirs_,
April-October; intercepted intelligence from Madrid, May 20, and
from Rome, May 22, in _Milton State Papers_, p. 67. According to the
_Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 153, French's letter was written early in
July (more probably the end of June, since the agreement inspired by it
was of July 2). In Carte's _Original Letters_ are several from Nicholas
commenting on the Duke of Lorraine's proceedings. Dean King's report to
Charles II., April 1, 1652, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 301; Nicholas to
Hyde, April 4, 1651, in _Nicholas Papers_.
[203] Ormonde to Nicholas, August 3, 1651, in _Nicholas Papers_. The
agreement is dated July 2, 1651, and the Duke's covering letter to
Clanricarde, September 10, but they did not reach him till October 12.
The Galway letter to the Duke is of October 15--all in Clanricarde
_Memoirs_. Taaffe to Ormonde, September 30 and November 23, in _Fourth
Rep. of Hist. MSS. Comm._, appx. 569; intercepted intelligence from
Paris, June 14 and 17, in _Milton State Papers_, p. 68; Ormonde to
Hyde, in _Clarendon S.P._, June 30, 1651; Patrick Archer to Ormonde,
January 19, 1651-2, in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 281. As to the supply
to Innisbofin in 1652, _ib._ 356. Writing to Clanricarde on March 23,
1651-2, Charles H. says other supplies had been stopped 'by some rude
people in Zeland,' Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, part ii. 52.
[204] _Aphorismical Discovery_, 996. Clanricarde's letters in
October to the Duke of Lorraine, to Henrietta Maria, to Ormonde,
Muskerry, Darcy, &c., are in his _Memoirs_, with the answers; Duke
of Lorraine's letter breaking off negotiations, February 14, 1652,
in Clarendon _Cal._ For his hostility to Clanricarde see Hist. MSS.
Comm. Calendar of _Ormonde Papers_, 1902, i. 256; for the difficulties
in corresponding with Ireland at this time see Ormonde's letter to
Muskerry of March 19/21, _ib._ 264; Clarendon's _Hist._, xiii. 176-182.
Other accounts of the whole affair are in Carte's _Life of Ormonde_ and
in _Hibernia Dominicana_.
[205] Unfinished letter from Ormonde to Clanricarde in September 1651;
Carte's _Original Letters_, i. 460; French to Taaffe, August 10, 1651,
and the answer, September 22, in _Clarendon S.P._ French's _Unkinde
Deserter_, published in 1676. 'Quelle destinée pour l'ennemi obstiné de
la cour de France, pour l'infatigable allié de la maison d'Autriche, de
voir au bout de vingt années, ses troupes au service des Français et sa
personne au pouvoir des Espagnols.'--D'Haussonville, chap. 24, p. 296.
[206] Ludlow, Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, March (before the
25th), 1650-51, in Cary's _Memorials_, ii. 253; Hewson to Lenthall,
with the articles for surrender of Finnea, March 14, published by order
of Parliament, London, March 25; _Aphorismical Discovery_, ii. 134-138.
[207] Journal of Parliamentary officer in _Contemp. Hist._ iii. 227;
Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 95.
[208] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 269-274, May 31 to June 17.
[209] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 274; Ireton's letter of July 15, in _Sad
News from Ireland_, published by order of Parliament, but Scobell's
imprimatur is dated July 4, probably for 24.
[210] Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 263-274, and Ireton's letter, _ut sup._
See also Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, ii. 48, 52.
[211] Ireton's letter of July 15 in _Sad News from Ireland_, _ut sup._;
Ludlow's _Memoirs_, i. 274-6; Diary in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 241,
where the abortive propositions for surrender are given. As Ireton
suspected, greatly exaggerated reports of the repulse at Limerick were
circulated in England, see for example Lord Derby's letter in Cary's
_Memorials_, ii. 287.
[212] _Ludlow_, i. 276-279.
[213] This account is taken from the narrative enclosed in Broghill's
letter to Lenthall, dated Mallow, July 28, and printed by order of
Parliament along with another dated Blarney, August 1. A copy is
abstracted in the Calendar of State Papers, _Ireland_, addenda p.
303. Notes in Broghill's own hand, preserved at Lismore, are printed
in Smith's _Hist. of Cork_, but wrongly placed under 1652. Journal in
_Contemp. Hist._, iii. 246; Ludlow, i. 276. 'My boldest horse being
twice wounded,' Broghill writes, 'became so fearful that he was turned
to the coach.' Some accounts call this the battle of Knocknaclashy.
[214] Hewson to Bradshaw, August 6, 1651, in _Parl. Hist._, xx. 32;
Corbet, Jones, and Weaver to Lenthall, September 18, in appx. to
_Ludlow_, i. 490. A disastrous skirmish near Cullenagh in Queen's Co.
is reported at September 15 by the Diarist, _Contemp. Hist._, i. 252.
[215] Ireton to Lenthall, November 3, 1651, printed by order of
Parliament, November 28; Ludlow, i. 286; Diary in _Contemp. Hist._ ii.
253, 262, 264. In the list of mayors in Lenihan's _Hist. of Limerick_
Stretch's name does not occur; perhaps there was a by-election.
[216] Relation by Dr. William Layles (probably the same as Lawless,
an old Limerick name), endorsed by Clanricarde, calendared among
_Clarendon MSS._ at October 27. The writer was present in the town.
The above is printed in _Contemp. Hist._, iii. 263, and the articles
of surrender are at p. 254. The Aphorismical Discovery, _ib._ 19,
gives even greater importance to Fennell. Castlehaven's _Memoirs_, 95.
Clarendon, _Ireland_, p. 199, says Fennell was executed some months
after the siege, so that it was not Ireton's doing. The crime for
which he suffered appears to have been the murder of Edward Croker
near Youghal on Shrove Tuesday, 1642, _Hickson_, ii. 139. See also the
letter in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 403, July 1653: 'Those of the
Irish army who forced us to render Limerick upon so base conditions
were hanged at Cork, viz. Col. Ed. Fennell and Lt.-Col. William Bourke,
of Brittas.'
[217] From a comparison of all the accounts it is certain that the
Bishop of Emly, Purcell, Baron, Stretch, Walsh, Fanning, and Higgins,
were executed soon after the surrender. Layles, who was not present,
had heard that two priests, Francis and George Wolfe, also suffered as
well as Fanning's two sons and brother. The _Aphorismical Discovery_
says Fanning was betrayed by a servant, when taking refuge from
the cold among the soldiers quartered in the cathedral. Clarendon,
_Ireland_, 198, says he had been refused food and shelter by his own
wife. See also note to Gardiner's _Commonwealth_, ii. 57. As to the
execution of James Wolfe, a Dominican, there can be little doubt, see
Clarendon, _ut sup._, 199, and _Hibernia Dominicana_, 568.
[218] _Ludlow_, i. 288; Thurloe, i. 212; _Contemp. Hist._ iii.
_passim_. Cromwell is said to have specially recommended O'Neill
to Philip IV., as a good soldier. On February 4, 1652-3, O'Neill
petitioned the Council of State, and on April 1 he was discharged from
the Tower, _Cal. of S.P. Dom._
[219] _Ludlow_, i. 288; _Aphorismical Discovery_, iii. 20.
[220] _Ludlow_, i. 290-293, 278 (with Mr. Firth's note); Diary in
_Contemp. Hist._, iii. 241, 249, 260; Scobell's _Acts and Ordinances_,
ii. 154. 'A lady that went for a maid, but few believed it,' Lady
Fanshawe's _Memoirs_, 57.
[221] See Preface to _Clarke Papers_, i. lxviii.; Irish Commissioners
to Cromwell December 2, 1651, printed in appx. to Firth's _Ludlow_, i.
496, and _ib._ 297; W. Rowe to Cromwell in _Milton State Papers_, p. 17.