THE WAR TO THE FIRST CESSATION, 1642-1643
[Sidenote: The Adventurers for Irish land.]
To gain possession of the land in English hands was at least one
main object of the Irish rebellion. Much property had been acquired
by various confiscations and plantations, but there was no idea of
abandoning that policy. The war would be extremely costly, and the
Irish were to be made to pay for it by giving up some of the land
which was still theirs. It was assumed that at least 2500 acres of
good land would be forfeited; and upon that security a large sum was
subscribed by Adventurers, as they were always called. It was provided
that the money should all go to the reduction of Ireland; but necessity
has no law, and much of it was spent in making head against the King
in England. It was not till the quarrel at home was settled that
Parliament could act effectively on the other side of St. George's
Channel.[31]
[Sidenote: Expedition of Lord Forbes, July 1642.]
[Sidenote: Gallant defence of Rathbarry.]
In June 1642 the Adventurers determined to send an expedition to
Ireland. The arrangements were completed in a fortnight by a committee
of fifteen under the presidency of Sir Nicholas Crispe, afterwards the
noted Royalist, who had subscribed 1500_l._ Ten ships were hired, each
of which carried or towed a flat-bottomed barge for landing men and
ascending rivers. The admiral was Captain Benjamin Peters, with the
famous Rainsborough, one of the committee, a vice-admiral, and Captain
Thompson, also a member of the committee, as Rear-Admiral. Hugh Peters
was chaplain. One thousand soldiers were embarked under Alexander Lord
Forbes, and the expedition sailed from Dover on July 1, having lost two
of the barges in an easterly gale. In Mount's Bay they spoke a King's
ship with the late garrison of Limerick Castle on board. In mid-channel
a vessel was detached with a letter to St. Leger, reciting a commission
from the King and both Houses to raise additional forces, and asking
the Lord President to say where the expedition could be most usefully
employed. St. Leger had died before the letter was written, and Forbes
turned a deaf ear to Inchiquin's entreaties for help. On July 11 the
squadron was off the old head of Kinsale, and the town was found to
be full of justly suspected Irish and of Protestant refugees, 'living
in miserable holes and huts.' Lord Kinalmeaky came in from Bandon, of
which he was governor, and Peters preached on a Thursday. Next day
Forbes marched to Bandon with 600 men, of whom 100 were seamen, and two
small brass guns. Seven thousand English, including many clergymen, had
gathered round Kinalmeaky, many of them being in great distress. Peters
notes that the river was full of salmon. Next day Forbes went to the
relief of Captain Freke, who had been beset at Rathbarry ever since the
middle of February. About 1800 sheep, 200 cows, and 50 horses had been
captured by the troops and driven as far as Clonakilty, through which
the line of march lay. Forbes foolishly divided his force, leaving
three companies to guard the cattle. As soon as the main body were
out of sight the Irish attacked the detachment, and Captain Weldon
was killed with a great part of two companies. Captain Groves, whose
men were part of the Bandon garrison, and understood the work better,
fought his way through the enemy to a rath on the Rosscarbery road, and
there maintained himself till he was relieved. The Irish fled towards
the sea, and many of them were killed on the shore. After rescuing
Groves, Forbes went back to Bandon, and left Freke in worse case than
ever, for most of his men took the opportunity of deserting. A few sick
soldiers were left in their places, 'and so factious that I and my
servants were often endangered of our lives among them, and some that
had fled from the fight at Clonakilty much discouraged us with that
relation.' They held out, enduring almost incredible hardships, for
eleven weeks longer, when relief came under a more capable commander
than Forbes.[32]
[Sidenote: Ill conduct of Forbes's army.]
[Sidenote: Forbes at Galway.]
[Sidenote: The mayor appeals to Clanricarde.]
Forbes was repulsed with loss from Timoleague Castle. Lady
O'Shaughnessy, whose husband, Sir Roger, was loyal, offered to
surrender it to Kinalmeaky and Sir William Hull, but not to strangers.
The soldiers then burned the town and abbey containing a thousand
hogsheads of wine. Two spies were taken, but, says Ensign Jones, 'the
rogues slight death, for we could get nothing out of them; so our men
mangled them to pieces.' So Forbes returned to Kinsale, and on July 25
sailed to Castlehaven. The Irish appeared in force on the hills, and
the castle of their chief, O'Donovan, was blown up with one barrel of
powder. It was sixty feet high with very thick walls, but it fell half
on one side and half on the other. O'Driscol's castle at Baltimore was
burned, and the neighbouring islands harried. About 100 camp-followers
of the worst kind followed Forbes's wake. They entered and plundered
houses without provocation, and even killed children within sight of
the soldiers. Meanwhile Forbes had been summoned to Galway, without
Clanricarde's knowledge, by Willoughby, who having a commission to
execute martial law from the Lords Justices, had hanged a sergeant
in Lord Clanmorris's company for extortion. Clanmorris retaliated
by hanging some soldiers of the fort who had strayed into the open
country. The Lords Justices sent Captain Ashley with his frigate to
Galway, and he and Willoughby combined to seize corn, cattle, and
timber upon requisition. Only tickets were given in exchange, and
Clanricarde's friends and tenants were injured. Forbes anchored off the
town on August 9, Willoughby and Ashley coming on board the same night,
and at once sent letters to Ranelagh, Clanricarde and the corporation
of Galway. The lieutenant-general of the additional forces by sea
and land, so he styled himself, proposed to join hands with the Lord
President, and so to subdue the rebellion. Ranelagh answered that he
would come from Athlone to Galway, though at some personal risk. 'I
observe,' he said, 'in your lordship's letter an inclination to make a
distinction of persons; and truly, my lord, if that course shall not be
held, I see little hope of a speedy reducing this kingdom to obedience,
seeing most men are possessed of an opinion that an utter extirpation
is intended, and that conceit being fomented by the priests and friars,
all are falling into such a course of desperation, that being once
engaged and their counsels and force united, will certainly be an
occasion to lengthen the war, and draw a vast charge upon the Crown to
make a complete conquest.' The only chance of peace, he thought, was in
'a just distinction between practick and passive rebels, with severity
to the one and moderation to the other.' Of the citizens of Galway
Forbes demanded that they should lay down their arms, admit a garrison,
and place themselves under his protection, submitting absolutely to
the King 'and the state of England, under whose blessed government
they had enjoyed a sweet and long-continued peace.' The mayor in reply
urged his grievances against Willoughby, and declined all further
answer till Clanricarde had been consulted, under whose government and
by whose mediation they had lately enjoyed some degree of peace. To
Clanricarde himself Forbes made much the same proposals as to Ranelagh,
with the additional suggestion that he should allow him to garrison
Tirellan as a basis of operation against the O'Flahertys, whom the Earl
had acknowledged to be 'out of protection and fit persons to receive
chastisement.' The invitation to give up a convenient private residence
to the soldiers who had burned his cousin's town of Timoleague was
politely declined, but Clanricarde was ready to come from Loughrea and
to receive Lord Forbes as a guest.[33]
[Sidenote: Clanricarde's difficulties.]
[Sidenote: Forbes harries co. Galway.]
Peters thought Clanricarde's letter in which he excused the Galway
people and laid the blame on Willoughby was well written and showed
the writer to be 'a man of wisdom and parts.' In the meantime John de
Burgo, titular bishop of Clonfert, let the head of his family know
that no one would fight for him if he sided with Forbes. While the
correspondence proceeded, a detachment from the English squadron was
landed on the Clare shore, and harried the lands of Daniel and Tirlogh
O'Brien, who had both helped to provision the fort. Peters says they
burned 'a whole town.' Two demi-culverins were landed on the west side
of Galway, but it was 'as strong and compact as most towns in Europe
for houses and walls.' Forbes said he would raze the latter if the
townsmen did not agree to his terms, but the task did not prove easy.
In the meantime Forbes's men landed at various points on the north side
of Galway Bay, burning every house and hamlet that they could reach as
in an enemy's country.
[Sidenote: The pragmatic chaplain.]
The country was so little safe that Clanricarde went to meet Ranelagh
at Carrowreagh ford on the Suck with 200 horse. Ranelagh brought
the same and as many foot, but no attack took place, and with the
horse only they rode the first night to Clonbrock and the second to
Loughrea. Clanricarde then sent to invite Forbes to dinner at Tirellan,
but he did not care to venture so far inland, and proposed that the
place of meeting should be the fort. Clanricarde, who took his stand
upon the royal commission to him as governor of Galway, objected to
this as beneath his dignity, especially after Forbes had refused his
hospitality, and also because some attempt might be made to detain
him. Ranelagh, who thought it unwise to stand upon mere points of
honour, and who did not believe any one would dare to touch him, made
no difficulty about entering the fort. He found Forbes much under the
influence of Peters--a 'pragmatic chaplain from London'--who urged him
to attack the town. In the meantime soldiers both from the fleet and
the fort ravaged the coast, many men and some women were killed, and
Clanricarde had the pleasure of seeing his tenants' houses burning.
Forbes propounded large schemes of conquest with the aid of the Scots
army in Ulster, over the impracticability of which Ranelagh and
Clanricarde had a good laugh together. The President tried to persuade
Forbes to go to Sligo, or to Tralee, whence help might be given from
the sea, but he preferred to press Clanricarde to admit his garrison
to Tirellan. Some forty guns were landed, but there was no wood to
make platforms, and Forbes soon recognised that he could not take
Galway, where every house was like a castle. Sir Charles Coote had been
expected, but he did not come. Clanricarde returned to Loughrea and
Ranelagh to Athlone, while Willoughby remained in command of the fort,
and on the worst terms with the townsmen.[34]
[Sidenote: Forbes repulsed from Galway.]
[Sidenote: Tralee taken.]
[Sidenote: The Earl of Thomond.]
[Sidenote: Glin taken.]
[Sidenote: Result of Forbes's campaign.]
[Sidenote: Opinions of Hugh Peters.]
The officers knew that a strong town could not be taken with the means
at their disposal, but the sailors were 'readier to fall on nakedly
than forsake the work, and the soldiers no way backward.' The guns were
taken on board, and Forbes departed to the Shannon. Askeaton, which had
made so gallant a stand in the last Desmond war, surrendered without a
blow. Sir Edward Denny continued to press for the relief of his castle
at Tralee, but Forbes wasted two or three days in harrying the poor
islands of Arran, and when at last he arrived off Ballingarry in Kerry
it was only to hear that Tralee had fallen, the garrison having been
reduced to eating hides. The expedition then returned to the Shannon,
and captured a great piece of ordnance called 'roaring Meg' with which
the Irish had taken most of the castles thereabouts. The gun was found
in one boat and the carriage in another, so that this was an easy task.
It was then proposed to destroy Sir Daniel O'Brien's house at Clare
Castle on the ground that he was no friend to the Parliament. Yet he
acted in strict unison with the loyal and Protestant Earl of Thomond.
Even the latter was doubted, 'and in truth,' says Peters, 'his case is
nice, the chief of the country being his kindred and himself without
power saving fifty horses in his stable.' He was, however, unwilling
to see his country laid waste, and declined to join in the work. The
Limerick shore was devastated instead. The Knight of Glin sent a letter
of recommendation from Clanricarde, and offered to give cattle for
the use of the squadron. Glin Castle was nevertheless battered and
stormed, the defenders being short of bullets. 'Most matters,' says
Peters, 'fell as at the last siege forty years since,' but in shorter
time and with the loss of only four men. 'The plate and silver were
gone for Limerick, which receives most of which is in Ireland.' A
garrison was put in, and guns mounted on the walls. This was done on
September 26, and so the expedition ended, for the ships had only been
hired till Michaelmas. Five vessels had been taken worth 20,000_l._,
including one from Barbadoes with a cargo of tobacco, and corn to the
same value had been destroyed. Many Irish towns had been burned, and
many English relieved. Thousands of cattle had been taken or spoiled,
and a diversion had been made on the west coast. This is Peters's
own summary, and it does not amount to much. It is more certain that
Forbes did everything in his power to aggravate the bitterness of a
war which was already sufficiently horrible. The pragmatic chaplain's
political remarks are interesting. He had been assured that a million
of English had been murdered, and he hoped many more Irish slain. The
cause of the war was Popery on the one side and profaneness on the
other. The royalism of the Irish was a mere catchword. 'An Irish rebel
and an English cavalier in words and actions we found as unlike as an
egg is to an egg,' he adds rather ambiguously. Among the English there
were many abuses both in ecclesiastical and civil government, many
unfaithful ministers, and many scurrilous and ignorant congregations.
Ireland, he prophetically concludes, will be reduced 'when soldiers
and commanders there shall rather attend the present work than the
continuance of their trade.'[35]
[Sidenote: The King praises Clanricarde,]
[Sidenote: and repudiates Forbes.]
[Sidenote: Galway fort besieged.]
[Sidenote: The fort surrendered.]
[Sidenote: Galway occupied by the Irish, Aug. 1648.]
When Clanricarde returned from the conference at Trim he found things
in a bad way at Galway. Little or no support was given him from Dublin,
while agents of the confederates did all in their power, 'both by
spiritual and temporal practices,' to seduce his men and to sap his
great local influence. He was somewhat comforted by a letter from the
King, who approved of his conduct, protested that Lord Forbes had no
orders from him, and declared that he would support him rather than
'those who pretend that they do really serve us by rebelling against
us.' Colonel John Bourke was acting as lieutenant-general for the
confederates on Christmas Eve, and the question of closely besieging
the fort was at once entertained. Willoughby had exasperated the
townsmen by firing into their houses, and many were ready to retaliate,
though the more prudent hesitated. His necessities forced him to
drive cattle wherever he could, and he was not particular about the
exact opinions of the owners. On one occasion fifty of his men were
intercepted by a party from Galway, several being killed and others
taken prisoners. From accounts given by the latter general Bourke was
convinced that the fort might be starved out, and breastworks were
erected on the points at the mouth of the river to prevent relief by
sea. Chains were afterwards drawn across the channel. Of relief by
land there was little chance, for Clanricarde's castle of Claregalway
had been betrayed to the Irish, and it was as much as he could do to
provide for the safety of Loughrea and Portumna. Bourke had a garrison
at Athenry, and some of his troops watched Roscommon so as to prevent
Ranelagh from making any move. Preston had occupied Banagher, and
Inchiquin, though he wrote civil letters, could find neither men nor
money. Early in May Bourke besieged the fort in force, with about 1000
men, but he made no approaches, and trusted to famine. On or about
June 10 Captain Brooke, who commanded a man-of-war in the bay, sent
in a flotilla of boats to attempt the relief of the fort, but they
were beaten back by boats from the town, assisted by the fire from the
breastworks. Willoughby believed this to be his last chance, and as
a choice of evils proposed to surrender his post into Clanricarde's
hands. This could not be done without the consent of the Irish, and the
terms offered by Bourke were such as Clanricarde could not in honour
entertain. He held the King's commission, and yet he was required to
take the confederate oath of association, and to do nothing without the
consent of the corporation of Galway, and of several other persons,
the betrayer of Claregalway being one. Negotiations upon this basis
necessarily failed, and Willoughby capitulated on the 20th without
making Clanricarde a party. The garrison marched out with the honours
of war, and were allowed to go on board ship. The post at Oranmore,
which belonged to Clanricarde, was surrendered on the same terms
without his consent. The day after the capitulation was signed a
squadron sailed into the bay, which had it come sooner would have
been able to relieve the fort. On August 6 Galway opened its gates to
Bourke and granted him 300_l._, which enabled him to proceed to the
siege of Castle Coote. The castles of Athlone and Roscommon in the Lord
President's hands, Loughrea, Portumna and Kildogan in Clanricarde's,
were the only other places in Connaught of which the Irish were not by
this time masters.[36]
[Sidenote: Owen Roe and Sir Phelim O'Neill.]
[Sidenote: Leven leaves Ireland.]
Owen Roe O'Neill had been appointed general of Ulster by the
confederates, but it was some time before he was fully acknowledged,
for Sir Phelim was very unwilling to yield the first place. It was
found necessary to send primate O'Reilly as a peacemaker. Leven
arrived in Ireland soon after O'Neill, but attempted little, and
left the country in November, driven out, as Turner believed, by the
insubordinate action of the officers. O'Neill claimed him as an ally
if he was for the King, but would consider him an enemy if he was for
the Parliament. 'I charitably advise you,' he wrote, 'to abandon the
kingdom and defend your own native country.' According to O'Neill's
panegyrist this letter drove him away, but perhaps he really went
because the Parliament of England invited him. According to Turner he
appropriated 2500_l._ sent to him from England for the use of the army;
'and truly this earl who lived till past fourscore, was of so good a
memory that he was never known to forget himself, nay, not in extreme
old age.' When leaving Ireland he told Monro that O'Neill would be too
much for him, if ever he succeeded in getting an army together.[37]
[Sidenote: O'Neill and Monro.]
[Sidenote: O'Neill defeated at Clones]
[Sidenote: O'Neill in Meath. Lord Moore killed, Sept. 12.]
O'Neill could get as many men as he wanted, but arms and ammunition
were not so plentiful. He succeeded, however, in equipping a force of
about 1500 men during the winter. In May 1643 Monro attacked him with
superior numbers near Charlemont, but without much result, though he
himself fought on foot to encourage his men, calling out 'Fay, fay,
run away from a wheen rebels.' A second attack some weeks later also
ended in nothing, but in July O'Neill was defeated by Robert Stewart
near Clones, with the loss of 150 men. Shouts of 'Whar's Macart?'
showed that the great object was to capture the Irish leader, and he
had a very narrow escape. O'Neill afterwards made his way to Mohill
in Leitrim, where he procured a small supply of arms from Kilkenny
and then encamped near Boyle. This camp was surprised in August by a
small English force, and about 160 men killed and wounded, the sentries
having been made drunk by Irish sutlers who brought them spirits from
the neighbouring garrisons. Immediately afterwards O'Neill was ordered
by the Supreme Council to join Sir James Dillon in Meath with as many
men as possible. He succeeded in collecting 3000, with whom he marched
across Cavan, taking castles on the way, till he came to Portlester
near Trim. The castle near the ford was taken after a short cannonade,
and O'Neill prepared to defend the passage of the Boyne against Lord
Moore, who was approaching from Dublin with a superior force. A short
fight took place, and Moore was cut in two by a cannon-ball, the gun
being laid by O'Neill himself, with the assistance of a 'perspective
glass.' The attempt to cross was then abandoned and the cessation was
agreed to three days later.[38]
[Sidenote: The King decides to negotiate, Jan. 1642-3,]
[Sidenote: but is not prepared to concede much.]
[Sidenote: Conference at Trim, March, 1642-3.]
In the meantime Charles had made up his mind to treat with the Irish.
As early as July 31, 1642, the nobility and gentry assembled at
Kilkenny had petitioned the King for an interview where they might
affirm their loyalty, and explain the grievances which had induced
them to take up arms. This was forwarded through Ormonde, who was
warned that if he refused to transmit it he would be held 'guilty of
all the evils that may ensue.' He first communicated with the Lords
Justices and Council, who agreed to forward a copy of the petition to
the King with remarks of their own, but as they took a long time about
it Ormonde sent over the original himself, 'being well assured that
his Majesty's judgment is not to be surprised with any colours these
rebels can cast upon their foul disloyalty.' Charles took no notice of
the document, and in December the Roman Catholics sent fresh petitions
both to the King and Queen. They asked to have a place appointed where
they might state their grievances at length. The result was a royal
commission, dated January 11, to Ormonde and others, authorising
them to meet representatives from the rebels and hear what they had
to say. Thomas Burke, one of the Irish Parliamentary Committee who
contributed to Strafford's condemnation, brought over the packet and
was himself joined in the commission, which made a very bad impression
on the Protestants, since he was believed to have been an abettor of
the original outbreak. 'We have not thought fit,' Charles wrote to
Ormonde at the same time, 'to admit any of them to our presence, who
have been actors or abettors in so odious a rebellion.' He also sent a
paper pointing out that an abrogation of the penal laws would be asked
for, but that nothing more could be granted than a mild administration
of laws which were never severe. A repeal of Poynings' Act, or any
measure tending to make the Irish Parliament independent, was refused
beforehand. Inquiries into forfeitures or titles could not be carried
further back than the beginning of the reign, and Recusants were never
to hold the majority of official posts. Drogheda was at first designed
as the place of meeting, but this was objected to by the Irish, and the
conference took place at Trim on March 17. Ormonde was absent in the
field, but the statement was received by Clanricarde, Moore, Roscommon,
and Sir Maurice Eustace, and by them transmitted to the King.[39]
[Sidenote: Irish Remonstrance.]
[Sidenote: Attack upon Parsons,]
[Sidenote: who is dismissed.]
The Remonstrance presented to Clanricarde and his colleagues at Trim is
an able paper, but it hardly afforded a basis for lasting peace between
parties whose objects were radically different. The remonstrants
objected to the penal laws, which resulted in driving all professors of
the old faith from the service of the state, and in employing in their
stead upstarts whose great aim was to enrich themselves. The attacks
upon property which Strafford had begun were continued after his death,
and Sir William Parsons in particular had incurred the gravest odium by
using his position as Lord Justice and Master of the Wards to oust the
old proprietors from their estates. They demanded a free Parliament,
that is, a Parliament in which they would have an overwhelming
majority. The Protestant party had never been the most numerous, and
with the country in military possession of their opponents they could
only hope to return very few members. The immediate result of the Trim
meeting was that Charles superseded Parsons and appointed Sir Henry
Tichborne Lord Justice in his stead. A few days later he authorised
and commanded Ormonde to conclude a truce for one year with the
Confederates, and when that was done to carry the Irish army over to
Chester.[40]
Inchiquin had not much to fear in Munster from such a general as
Barry, but he had no money to support an army in the field. He sent
one part of his force to Kerry, where means of subsistence were found,
and another under Sir Charles Vavasour to the borders of Tipperary,
while he himself sat down before Kilmallock. He had no hope of being
able to effect anything without money or stores. Vavasour took
Cloghleagh Castle, near Mitchelstown, and after the surrender some of
his followers slaughtered the defenders, and apparently some women and
children with them. In the meantime Castlehaven received a pressing
invitation from some of the Cork gentry, who had no confidence in
their own general. He persuaded the council at Kilkenny to give him
money, with which he soon raised a body of horse, and on June 4 he
routed Vavasour near Kilworth. On Castlehaven's side only cavalry were
engaged, Barry, with the main body, being more than two miles off,
and the result was due to panic. Vavasour's horse for the most part
escaped, but he himself was taken prisoner and his force routed. This
action was important, because it was the first victory of the Irish in
the field since the beginning of the war, for the affair at Julianstown
scarcely counted as a battle. Cox, with all his prejudices, says it
was a just judgment on Vavasour and his followers, 'for suffering some
inferior officers to violate the quarter they had given to the garrison
of Cloghleagh.'[41]
[Sidenote: King and Parliament.]
[Sidenote: Ormonde and Preston.]
[Sidenote: Arrest of Temple and other Privy Councillors, Aug. 1643.]
[Sidenote: Arrival of Scarampi,]
[Sidenote: who opposes any truce.]
[Sidenote: Bellings opposes Scarampi.]
During the spring and summer Charles continued to press for a cessation
of arms, full discretion as to terms being given to Ormonde. The
commission to him sets forth that the two Houses of Parliament 'to
whose care at their instance we left it' to manage the Irish war,
had long failed to support the army and to defend loyal subjects.
The general assembly of the Confederates met at Kilkenny on May 20,
and appointed commissioners with powers to treat, but nothing was
actually done for more than a month, when they delivered their first
proposition at Castlemartin in Kildare. Ormonde gave his answer within
a week, and the commissioners then asked for an adjournment till July
13. Time was in their favour, for the treaty would confirm each party
in possession of what they held, and they were gaining ground. On the
appointed day the commissioners returned a dilatory answer, and Ormonde
resolved if possible to try conclusions with Preston in the field. He
collected 5000 men and succeeded in retaking Edenderry and some other
strong places, but his opponent evaded a general action, and scarcity
of provisions soon forced him to return to Dublin. On August 1 orders
arrived from the King to arrest four Privy Councillors who sided with
the Parliament as much as they could, and against whom charges had been
brought. Sir John Temple, Sir Adam Loftus, and Sir R. Meredith were
accordingly shut up in the Castle, Parsons being excused on making
affidavit that confinement would injure his health. The opposition
was thus silenced, and Ormonde found himself complete master. In the
meantime Pier-Francesco Scarampi, an Oratorian, arrived at Kilkenny
with a commission from the Pope, and immediately threw his weight into
the scale against peace. The Confederates, he urged, appeared to be
winning, and if they continued to fight vigorously they would probably
get control of the country. Nothing was to be expected from the justice
of any English party, but if they made themselves formidable they might
extort respect from the victors, whether King or Parliament. Instead of
giving money to Charles 'to be converted by his ministers, our enemies,
to their own use,' it would be much better to employ their resources in
driving the Scots out of Ulster. The Scots would not be bound by the
cessation, which would be a sham as long as it was necessary to fight
them. Foreign princes would be offended if arms supplied by them were
laid down without their consent. The real object of Scarampi's mission
was to 'reinstate the Catholic religion and worship throughout the
whole country, and to restore to the entire island the splendour of
its ancient sanctity,' and not to beg an uncertain truce for a year.
Bellings, on the contrary, who expressed the official view taken by the
Supreme Council, argued that it was above all necessary to show that
they were no rebels, to join with the English to drive out the Scots,
and 'that the Catholic Church may, in safety and freedom, by a tacit
licence from the King, exercise her rights and jurisdiction among us.'
There was a great difference between what ultramontane priests were
determined to get, and what laymen, and especially lay landowners,
were willing to accept. There can be no doubt that Scarampi, and
Rinuccini after him, had plenty of justification for refusing to trust
the King, who could do nothing unless he were victorious in England,
and who would then be able to defy everyone.[42]
[Sidenote: Ormonde unable to continue the war.]
[Sidenote: The cessation concluded, Sept. 15.]
[Sidenote: A truce not a peace.]
[Sidenote: The Confederates make a grant to the King.]
Ormonde offered to continue the war, in spite of the King's wishes, if
the Privy Council could find any means of feeding the army. This he
knew they could not do, and the Confederates knew it too. All the chief
officers declared that a truce was necessary. Both sides were fighting
in the King's name, and it did not suit either of them to disobey his
direct orders, so that the conference was renewed at Sigginstown, near
Naas, and there the terms of cessation were agreed to on September
15. The King's commission being to Ormonde personally, he signed the
articles alone on the one part. Ten persons signed on the part of the
Confederates, of whom Lord Muskerry, Sir Robert Talbot, and Geoffrey
Brown were perhaps the most notable. A meeting of the Privy Council was
held immediately afterwards, and the articles were solemnly approved.
Clanricarde and Inchiquin were present. In the articles of cessation
none of the grievances so often brought forward by the Confederates
were touched upon at all. On the other hand they refused to make any
stipulation as to sending an army to England. This they were willing
to do, but declined to bind themselves until after the conclusion
of a truce. There was a cessation of hostilities for one year and
nothing more, based upon the actual condition of affairs. All places
in possession of the King's Protestant or Roman Catholic subjects
respectively were to remain so during the year, and trade was to be
free. Prisoners were to be mutually restored. The practical meaning of
this was that Ormonde retained the coastline from below Bray up to and
including Belfast, and a strip of territory, including Naas, Navan, and
Lisburn, with detached garrisons at Athboy, Maryborough, and Carlow in
Leinster. In Ulster Londonderry, Coleraine, and Enniskillen were also
held by the Protestants, and in Munster they had the ports of Cork,
Youghal, Kinsale, and Courtmacsherry, and the valley of the Blackwater
from above Mallow to the sea. In Connaught Clanricarde, though not a
Protestant, yet adhering to Ormonde, retained Loughrea and Portumna,
while the Lord President kept the castle of Athlone, Roscommon, and
Castle Coote. Monro and his Scots held Carrickfergus and Lough Larne,
and all the rest of the island was in the hands of the Confederates.
Within a week the cessation was proclaimed at several places in the
Pale, and at the three Connaught fortresses, and directions for doing
the like were sent to all principal officers. On September 16, the
day after the signing of the articles, the Confederate commissioners
granted the King 30,000_l._, half in cash and half in bullocks, payable
by instalments extending over six months. A further sum of 800_l._ was
to be paid within two months to maintain the garrison at Naas.[43]
[Sidenote: Ormonde made Lord-Lieutenant, Nov. 1643.]
[Sidenote: The English Parliament against the cessation.]
[Sidenote: The Irish Government insist on the truce,]
[Sidenote: Parliament having failed to support the war.]
In April 1642 Ormonde had received a jewel and the thanks of the House
of Commons for his services against the 'wicked, bloody rebels.' In the
following August, a few days after the raising of the royal standard,
Charles made him a marquis. After the cessation he was appointed Lord
Lieutenant, and the farce of Leicester's viceroyalty came to an end.
The latter was a very good but very weak man, and his vacillations
prevented his being trusted by any party. Meanwhile Ireland had been
left to substitutes without either the ability or the position required
to command success. The ruling party in the English Parliament,
whatever their shortcomings may have been, were opposed to the
cessation. The King having informed them of his commission to Ormonde,
they retorted that they had 'just cause to suspect an impious design on
foot to sell for nought the crying blood of many hundreds of thousands
of British Protestants, by a dishonourable, insufferable peace with
the rebels, and then to lay the blame and shame of this upon the
Parliament, a plot suitable to those counsels that have both projected
and fomented this unparalleled rebellion'; for those who contrived the
powder treason intended to lay it on the Puritans. The Lords Justices
and Council informed both King and Speaker that their position was bad
in the extreme, and that this was owing mainly to Parliament having
failed to send the necessary supplies. To this the two Houses replied
that they had made great efforts, and that in any case the direction
of the war belonged to them, as well as the privilege of acting as
bankers to the Irish Council. Full control had been conferred on them
by Act of Parliament, and the King had no power to deprive them of it.
This joint-letter is dated July 4, but was not delivered in Dublin
till October 6, after the cessation had been actually concluded. The
Lords Justices, with Ormonde and thirteen others of the Irish Council,
rejoined in greatest detail, reviewing all that had passed between the
two Governments. Such was the lack of money, after the great local
efforts, that the sack of Dublin by the unpaid soldiery was a calamity
daily expected. The parliamentary ships had failed to guard the coasts,
so that the Confederate cruisers often intercepted such scanty supplies
as were sent; and even captains employed by Parliament prevented the
passage of necessaries from Liverpool to Ireland. A cessation was
the only means of self-preservation, 'and seeing that the charge of
this war was referred to and undertaken by the Houses of Parliament
of England, and that by those despatches they fully understood the
condition of affairs here, we offer it to any man's consideration
whether or no we had not just cause to conceive and accordingly to
express, that our difficulties were occasioned through the Houses of
Parliament in England.'[44]
FOOTNOTES:
[31] Act for the speedy and effectual reducing of the rebels, &c.,
_Scobell_, i. 26. The royal consent was given March 19, 1641-2.
[32] Arthur Freke's Narrative, printed from the _Sloane MSS._ in
the Journal of the Cork Historical Society, 2nd series, i. 1; _True
Relation of God's Providence in Ireland_, by Hugh Peters, November 18,
1642; Day's edition of Smith's _Cork_, ii. 153, 1894; _Exceeding Good
and True News from Ireland_, London, August 20, and _Exceeding Joyful
News_, August 27.
[33] Hugh Peters and Smith's _Cork_, _ut sup._; Clanricarde's
_Memoirs_, August 1642, pp. 203-215.
[34] Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, August and September, 1642; _Bellings_,
i. 139-148; Hugh Peters, _ut sup._
[35] Hugh Peters, _ut sup._ The narrative was ordered to be printed by
a committee of the House of Commons immediately after Forbes's return.
Two letters from Forbes to the two Houses, dated Glin, September 27 and
28, were brought over by Peters and published October 11. He says the
Irish were 'so impudently bold as to father their rebellion upon his
sacred Majesty,' though they had never seen any warrant. Their 'priests
and prime commanders' tried to make them fight desperately by saying
there was no hope of pardon.
[36] Clanricarde's _Memoirs_, April to August; _Bellings_, i.
[37] Sir James Turner's _Memoirs_, p. 25; _Aphorismical Discovery_,
i. 45; O'Neill's _Journal_; _Bellings_, i. 116. Leven was back at
Edinburgh, November 30, 1642, Spalding's _Hist. of the Troubles_, ii.
100.
[38] O'Neill's _Journal_; _Bellings_, i. 152; _Aphorismical Discovery_,
i. 72; Letter of Monck and other officers, September 12, in
_Confederation and War_, ii. 363. Some wit produced the following:--
'Contra Romanos mores, res mira, dynasta
Morus ab Eugenio canonizatus erat.'
[39] Ormonde to Nicholas, August 13, 1642, in appendix to Carte's
_Ormonde_; _Confederation and War_, ii. 50, 129, 139, 243.
[40] Remonstrance of grievances, March 17; the King's letters and
Commission, April 23, _Confederation and War_, ii. 248, 265.
[41] Inchiquin to Cork, May 25, in Smith's _History of Cork_;
_Castlehaven_, p. 41.
[42] Commission dated Oxford, April 23, in _Confederation and War_, i.
267; Propositions of the Confederates, June 24, with Ormonde's answer,
June 29; Bellings' reasons in favour of a cessation and Scarampi's
answer, July and August. The above are in _Confederation and War_,
ii.; _Bellings_, i. 160; Carte's _Ormonde_. See the observations in
Gardiner's _Great Civil War_, chap. xi.
[43] _Confederation and War_, ii. 364-384; _Bellings_, i. 156, 163;
Declaration of Clanricarde, Inchiquin, and fifteen others that the
cessation was necessary, printed by Cox, ii. 133.
[44] Lords Justices and Council to the King, May 11, 1643, and to
the two Houses, October 28; the Speakers of both Houses to the Lords
Justices and Council, July 4--all in Clarendon's _Hist. of the
Rebellion_, book vii. 334, 366. Ormonde was appointed Lord Lieutenant
November 13, and sworn in January 21 following. As to Leicester, see
the preface to Blencowe's _Sydney Papers_ and his letter of complaint
to the Queen in Collins's _Sydney Papers_, ii. 673.