CHAPTER VI.

THE REVIEW OF THE TROOPS AT DORISCUS.

B.C. 480

The fleet and the army separate.--The Chersonesus.--Sufferings from

thirst.--The Hebrus.--Plain of Doriscus.--Preparations for the great

review.--Mode of taking a census.--Immense numbers of the troops.--The

cavalry.--Corps of Arabs and Egyptians.--Sum total of the army.--Various

nations.--Dress and equipments.--Uncouth costumes.--Various

weapons.--The lasso.--Dresses of various kinds.--The

Immortals.--Privileges of the Immortals.--The fleet.--Xerxes reviews the

troops.--He reviews the fleet.--A lady admiral.--Her abilities.--Number

of vessels in the fleet.--Demaratus the Greek.--Story of

Demaratus.--Childhood of his mother.--The change.--Ariston, king of

Sparta.--The agreement.--Birth of Demaratus.--Demaratus disowned.--His

flight.--Question of Xerxes.--Perplexity of Demaratus.--Demaratus

describes the Spartans.--Surprise of Xerxes.--Reply of Xerxes.--His

displeasure.--Demaratus's apology.--His gratitude to

Darius.--Demaratus's defense of the Spartans.--They are governed by

law.--Xerxes resumes his march.--Division of the army.--The

Strymon.--Human sacrifices.--Arrival at the canal.--Death of the

engineer.--Burial of the engineer.--A grand feast.--Scene of

revelry.--Desolation and depopulation of the country.

As soon as the expedition of Xerxes had crossed the Hellespont and

arrived safely on the European side, as narrated in the last chapter, it

became necessary for the fleet and the army to separate, and to move,

for a time, in opposite directions from each other. The reader will

observe, by examining the map, that the army, on reaching the European

shore, at the point to which they would be conducted by a bridge at

Abydos, would find themselves in the middle of a long and narrow

peninsula called the Chersonesus, and that, before commencing its

regular march along the northern coast of the AEgean Sea, it would be

necessary first to proceed for fifteen or twenty miles to the eastward,

in order to get round the bay by which the peninsula is bounded on the

north and west. While, therefore, the fleet went directly westward along

the coast, the army turned to the eastward, a place of rendezvous having

been appointed on the northern coast of the sea, where they were all

soon to meet again.

The army moved on by a slow and toilsome progress until it reached the

neck of the peninsula, and then turning at the head of the bay, it moved

westward again, following the direction of the coast. The line of march

was, however, laid at some distance from the shore, partly for the sake

of avoiding the indentations made in the land by gulfs and bays, and

partly for the sake of crossing the streams from the interior at points

so far inland that the water found in them should be fresh and pure.

Notwithstanding these precautions, however, the water often failed. So

immense were the multitudes of men and of beasts, and so craving was the

thirst which the heat and the fatigues of the march engendered, that, in

several instances, they drank the little rivers dry.

The first great and important river which the army had to pass after

entering Europe was the Hebrus. Not far from the mouth of the Hebrus,

where it emptied into the AEgean Sea, was a great plain, which was called

the plain of Doriscus. There was an extensive fortress here, which had

been erected by the orders of Darius when he had subjugated this part of

the country. The position of this fortress was an important one,

because it commanded the whole region watered by the Hebrus, which was a

very fruitful and populous district. Xerxes had been intending to have a

grand review and enumeration of his forces on entering the European

territories, and he judged Doriscus to be a very suitable place for his

purpose. He could establish his own head-quarters in the fortress, while

his armies could be marshaled and reviewed on the plain. The fleet, too,

had been ordered to draw up to the shore at the same spot, and when the

army reached the ground, they found the vessels already in the offing.

The army accordingly halted, and the necessary arrangements were made

for the review. The first thing was to ascertain the numbers of the

troops; and as the soldiers were too numerous to be counted, Xerxes

determined to _measure_ the mighty mass as so much bulk, and then

ascertain the numbers by a computation. They made the measure itself in

the following manner: They counted off, first, ten thousand men, and

brought them together in a compact circular mass, in the middle of the

plain, and then marked a line upon the ground inclosing them. Upon this

line, thus determined, they built a stone wall, about four feet high,

with openings on opposite sides of it, by which men might enter and go

out. When the wall was built, soldiers were sent into the

inclosure--just as corn would be poured by a husbandman into a wooden

peck--until it was full. The mass thus required to fill the inclosure

was deemed and taken to be ten thousand men. This was the first filling

of the measure. These men were then ordered to retire, and a fresh mass

was introduced, and so on until the whole army was measured. The

inclosure was filled one hundred and seventy times with the foot

soldiers before the process was completed, indicating, as the total

amount of the infantry of the army, a force of one million seven hundred

thousand men. This enumeration, it must be remembered, included the land

forces alone.

This method of measuring the army in bulk was applied only to the foot

soldiers; they constituted the great mass of the forces convened. There

were, however, various other bodies of troops in the army, which, from

their nature, were more systematically organized than the common foot

soldiers, and so their numbers were known by the regular enrollment.

There was, for example, a cavalry force of eighty thousand men. There

was also a corps of Arabs, on camels, and another of Egyptians, in war

chariots, which together amounted to twenty thousand. Then, besides

these land forces, there were half a million of men in the fleet.

Immense as these numbers are, they were still further increased, as the

army moved on, by Xerxes's system of compelling the forces of every

kingdom and province through which he passed to join the expedition; so

that, at length, when the Persian king fairly entered the heart of the

Greek territory, Herodotus, the great narrator of his history, in

summing up the whole number of men regularly connected with the army,

makes a total of about five millions of men. One hundred thousand men,

which is but one fiftieth part of five millions, is considered, in

modern times, an immense army; and, in fact, half even of that number

was thought, in the time of the American Revolution, a sufficient force

to threaten the colonies with overwhelming destruction. "If ten thousand

men will not do to put down the rebellion," said an orator in the House

of Commons, "fifty thousand _shall_."

Herodotus adds that, besides the five millions regularly connected with

the army, there was an immense and promiscuous mass of women, slaves,

cooks, bakers, and camp followers of every description, that no human

powers could estimate or number.

But to return to the review. The numbers of the army having been

ascertained, the next thing was to marshal and arrange the men by

nations under their respective leaders, to be reviewed by the king. A

very full enumeration of these divisions of the army is given by the

historians of the day, with minute descriptions of the kind of armor

which the troops of the several nations wore. There were more than fifty

of these nations in all. Some of them were highly civilized, others were

semi-barbarous tribes; and, of course, they presented, as marshaled in

long array upon the plain, every possible variety of dress and

equipment. Some were armed with brazen helmets, and coats of mail formed

of plates of iron; others wore linen tunics, or rude garments made of

the skins of beasts. The troops of one nation had their heads covered

with helmets, those of another with miters, and of a third with tiaras.

There was one savage-looking horde that had caps made of the skin of the

upper part of a horse's head, in its natural form, with the ears

standing up erect at the top, and the mane flowing down behind. These

men held the skins of cranes before them instead of shields, so that

they looked like horned monsters, half beast and half bird, endeavoring

to assume the guise and attitude of men. There was another corps whose

men were really horned, since they wore caps made from the skins of the

heads of oxen, with the horns standing. Wild beasts were personated,

too, as well as tame; for some nations were clothed in lions' skins, and

others in panthers' skins--the clothing being considered, apparently,

the more honorable, in proportion to the ferocity of the brute to which

it had originally belonged.

The weapons, too, were of every possible form and guise. Spears--some

pointed with iron, some with stone, and others shaped simply by being

burned to a point in the fire; bows and arrows, of every variety of

material and form, swords, daggers, slings, clubs, darts, javelins, and

every other imaginable species of weapon which human ingenuity, savage

or civilized, had then conceived. Even the lasso--the weapon of the

American aborigines of modern times--was there. It is described by the

ancient historian as a long thong of leather wound into a coil, and

finished in a noose at the end, which noose the rude warrior who used

the implement launched through the air at the enemy, and entangling

rider and horse together by means of it, brought them both to the

ground.

There was every variety of taste, too, in the fashion and the colors of

the dresses which were worn. Some were of artificial fabrics, and dyed

in various and splendid hues. Some were very plain, the wearers of them

affecting a simple and savage ferocity in the fashion of their vesture.

Some tribes had painted skins--beauty, in their view, consisting,

apparently, in hideousness. There was one barbarian horde who wore very

little clothing of any kind. They had knotty clubs for weapons, and, in

lieu of a dress, they had painted their naked bodies half white and half

a bright vermilion.

In all this vast array, the corps which stood at the head, in respect to

their rank and the costliness and elegance of their equipment, was a

Persian squadron of ten thousand men, called the Immortals. They had

received this designation from the fact that the body was kept always

exactly full, as, whenever any one of the number died, another soldier

was instantly put into his place, whose life was considered in some

respects a continuation of the existence of the man who had fallen.

Thus, by a fiction somewhat analogous to that by which the king, in

England, never dies, these ten thousand Persians were an immortal band.

They were all carefully-selected soldiers, and they enjoyed very unusual

privileges and honors. They were mounted troops, and their dress and

their armor were richly decorated with gold. They were accompanied in

their campaigns by their wives and families, for whose use carriages

were provided which followed the camp, and there was a long train of

camels besides, attached to the service of the corps, to carry their

provisions and their baggage.

While all these countless varieties of land troops were marshaling and

arranging themselves upon the plain, each under its own officers and

around its own standards, the naval commanders were employed in bringing

up the fleet of galleys to the shore, where they were anchored in a long

line not far from the beach, and with their prows toward the land. Thus

there was a space of open water left between the line of vessels and the

beach, along which Xerxes's barge was to pass when the time for the

naval part of the review should arrive.

When all things were ready, Xerxes mounted his war chariot and rode

slowly around the plain, surveying attentively, and with great interest

and pleasure, the long lines of soldiers, in all their variety of

equipment and costume, as they stood displayed before him. It required a

progress of many miles to see them all. When this review of the land

forces was concluded, the king went to the shore, and embarked on board

a royal galley which had been prepared for him, and there, seated upon

the deck under a gilded canopy, he was rowed by the oarsmen along the

line of ships, between their prows and the land. The ships were from

many nations as well as the soldiers, and exhibited the same variety of

fashion and equipment. The land troops had come from the inland realms

and provinces which occupied the heart of Asia, while the ships and the

seamen had been furnished by the maritime regions which extended along

the coasts of the Black, and the AEgean, and the Mediterranean Seas. Thus

the people of Egypt had furnished two hundred ships, the Phoenicians

three hundred, Cyprus fifty, the Cilicians and the Ionians one hundred

each, and so with a great many other nations and tribes.

The various squadrons which were thus combined in forming this immense

fleet were manned and officered, of course, from the nations that

severally furnished them, and one of them was actually commanded in

person by a queen. The name of this lady admiral was Artemisia. She was

the Queen of Caria, a small province in the southwestern part of Asia

Minor, having Halicarnassus for its capital. Artemisia, though in

history called a queen, was, in reality, more properly a regent, as she

governed in the name of her son, who was yet a child. The quota of ships

which Caria was to furnish was five. Artemisia, being a lady of

ambitious and masculine turn of mind, and fond of adventure, determined

to accompany the expedition. Not only her own vessels, but also those

from some neighboring islands, were placed under her charge, so that she

commanded quite an important division of the fleet. She proved, also, in

the course of the voyage, to be abundantly qualified for the discharge

of her duties. She became, in fact, one of the ablest and most efficient

commanders in the fleet, not only maneuvering and managing her own

particular division in a very successful manner, but also taking a very

active and important part in the general consultations, where what she

said was listened to with great respect, and always had great weight in

determining the decisions. In the great battle of Salamis she acted a

very conspicuous part, as will hereafter appear.

The whole number of galleys of the first class in Xerxes's fleet was

more than twelve hundred, a number abundantly sufficient to justify the

apprehensions of Artabanus that no harbor would be found capacious

enough to shelter them in the event of a sudden storm. The line which

they formed on this occasion, when drawn up side by side upon the shore

for review, must have extended many miles.

Xerxes moved slowly along this line in his barge, attended by the

officers of his court and the great generals of his army, who surveyed

the various ships as they passed them, and noted the diverse national

costumes and equipments of the men with curiosity and pleasure. Among

those who attended the king on this occasion was a certain Greek named

Demaratus, an exile from his native land, who had fled to Persia, and

had been kindly received by Darius some years before. Having remained in

the Persian court until Xerxes succeeded to the throne and undertook the

invasion of Greece, he concluded to accompany the expedition.

The story of the political difficulties in which Demaratus became

involved in his native land, and which led to his flight from Greece,

was very extraordinary. It was this:

The mother of Demaratus was the daughter of parents of high rank and

great affluence in Sparta, but in her childhood her features were

extremely plain and repulsive. Now there was a temple in the

neighborhood of the place where her parents resided, consecrated to

Helen, a princess who, while she lived, enjoyed the fame of being the

most beautiful woman in the world. The nurse recommended that the child

should be taken every day to this temple, and that petitions should be

offered there at the shrine of Helen that the repulsive deformity of her

features might be removed. The mother consented to this plan, only

enjoining upon the nurse not to let any one see the face of her

unfortunate offspring in going and returning. The nurse accordingly

carried the child to the temple day after day, and holding it in her

arms before the shrine, implored the mercy of Heaven for her helpless

charge, and the bestowal upon it of the boon of beauty.

These petitions were, it seems, at length heard, for one day, when the

nurse was coming down from the temple, after offering her customary

prayer, she was met and accosted by a mysterious-looking woman, who

asked her what it was that she was carrying in her arms. The nurse

replied that it was a child. The woman wanted to look at it. The nurse

refused to show the face of the child, saying that she had been

forbidden to do so. The woman, however, insisted upon seeing its face,

and at last the nurse consented and removed the coverings. The stranger

stroked down the face of the child, saying, at the same time, that now

that child should become the most beautiful woman of Sparta.

Her words proved true. The features of the young girl rapidly changed,

and her countenance soon became as wonderful for its loveliness as it

had been before for its hideous deformity. When she arrived at a proper

age, a certain Spartan nobleman named Agetus, a particular friend of the

king's, made her his wife.

The name of the king of Sparta at that time was Ariston. He had been

twice married, and his second wife was still living, but he had no

children. When he came to see and to know the beautiful wife of Agetus,

he wished to obtain her for himself, and began to revolve the subject

in his mind, with a view to discover some method by which he might hope

to accomplish his purpose. He decided at length upon the following plan.

He proposed to Agetus to make an exchange of gifts, offering to give to

him any one object which he might choose from all his, that is,

Ariston's effects, provided that Agetus would, in the same manner, give

to Ariston whatever Ariston might choose. Agetus consented to the

proposal, without, however, giving it any serious consideration. As

Ariston was already married, he did not for a moment imagine that his

wife could be the object which the king would demand. The parties to

this foolish agreement confirmed the obligation of it by a solemn oath,

and then each made known to the other what he had selected. Agetus

gained some jewel, or costly garment, or perhaps a gilded and

embellished weapon, and lost forever his beautiful wife. Ariston

repudiated his own second wife, and put the prize which he had thus

surreptitiously acquired in her place as a third.

About seven or eight months after this time Demaratus was born. The

intelligence was brought to Ariston one day by a slave, when he was

sitting at a public tribunal. Ariston seemed surprised at the

intelligence, and exclaimed that the child was not his. He, however,

afterward retracted this disavowal, and owned Demaratus as his son. The

child grew up, and in process of time, when his father died, he

succeeded to the throne. The magistrates, however, who had heard the

declaration of his father at the time of his birth, remembered it, and

reported it to others; and when Ariston died and Demaratus assumed the

supreme power, the next heir denied his right to the succession, and in

process of time formed a strong party against him. A long series of

civil dissensions arose, and at length the claims of Demaratus were

defeated, his enemies triumphed, and he fled from the country to save

his life. He arrived at Susa near the close of Darius's reign, and it

was his counsel which led the king to decide the contest among his sons

for the right of succession, in favor of Xerxes, as described at the

close of the first chapter. Xerxes had remembered his obligations to

Demaratus for this interposition. He had retained him in the royal court

after his accession to the throne, and had bestowed upon him many marks

of distinction and honor.

Demaratus had decided to accompany Xerxes on his expedition into

Greece, and now, while the Persian officers were looking with so much

pride and pleasure on the immense preparations which they were making

for the subjugation of a foreign and hostile state, Demaratus, too, was

in the midst of the scene, regarding the spectacle with no less of

interest, probably, and yet, doubtless, with very different feelings,

since the country upon which this dreadful cloud of gloom and

destruction was about to burst was his own native land.

After the review was ended, Xerxes sent for Demaratus to come to the

castle. When he arrived, the king addressed him as follows:

"You are a Greek, Demaratus, and you know your countrymen well; and now,

as you have seen the fleet and the army that have been displayed here

to-day, tell me what is your opinion. Do you think that the Greeks will

undertake to defend themselves against such a force, or will they submit

at once without attempting any resistance?"

Demaratus seemed at first perplexed and uncertain, as if not knowing

exactly what answer to make to the question. At length he asked the king

whether it was his wish that he should respond by speaking the blunt and

honest truth, or by saying what would be polite and agreeable.

Xerxes replied that he wished him, of course, to speak the truth. The

truth itself would be what he should consider the most agreeable.

"Since you desire it, then," said Demaratus, "I will speak the exact

truth. Greece is the child of poverty. The inhabitants of the land have

learned wisdom and discipline in the severe school of adversity, and

their resolution and courage are absolutely indomitable. They all

deserve this praise; but I speak more particularly of my own countrymen,

the people of Sparta. I am sure that they will reject any proposal which

you may make to them for submission to your power, and that they will

resist you to the last extremity. The disparity of numbers will have no

influence whatever on their decision. If all the rest of Greece were to

submit to you, leaving the Spartans alone, and if they should find

themselves unable to muster more than a thousand men, they would give

you battle."

Xerxes expressed great surprise at this assertion, and thought that

Demaratus could not possibly mean what he seemed to say. "I appeal to

yourself," said he; "would _you_ dare to encounter, alone, ten men? You

have been the prince of the Spartans, and a prince ought, at least, to

be equal to two common men; so that to show that the Spartans in general

could be brought to fight a superiority of force of even ten to one, it

ought to appear that you would dare to engage twenty. This is manifestly

absurd. In fact, for any person to pretend to be able or willing to

fight under such a disparity of numbers, evinces only pride and insolent

presumption. And even this proportion of ten to one, or even twenty to

one, is nothing compared to the real disparity; for, even if we grant to

the Spartans as large a force as there is any possibility of their

obtaining, I shall then have _a thousand_ to one against them.

"Besides," continued the king, "there is a great difference in the

character of the troops. The Greeks are all freemen, while my soldiers

are all slaves--bound absolutely to do my bidding, without complaint or

murmur. Such soldiers as mine, who are habituated to submit entirely to

the will of another, and who live under the continual fear of the lash,

might, perhaps, be forced to go into battle against a great superiority

of numbers, or under other manifest disadvantages; but free men, never.

I do not believe that a body of Greeks could be brought to engage a

body of Persians, man for man. Every consideration shows, thus, that the

opinion which you have expressed is unfounded. You could only have been

led to entertain such an opinion through ignorance and unaccountable

presumption."

"I was afraid," replied Demaratus, "from the first, that, by speaking

the truth, I should offend you. I should not have given you my real

opinion of the Spartans if you had not ordered me to speak without

reserve. You certainly can not suppose me to have been influenced by a

feeling of undue partiality for the men whom I commended, since they

have been my most implacable and bitter enemies, and have driven me into

hopeless exile from my native land. Your father, on the other hand,

received and protected me, and the sincere gratitude which I feel for

the favors which I have received from him and from you incline me to

take the most favorable view possible of the Persian cause.

"I certainly should not be willing, as you justly suppose, to engage,

alone, twenty men, or ten, or even one, unless there was an absolute

necessity for it. I do not say that any single Lacedaemonian could

successfully encounter ten or twenty Persians, although in personal

conflicts they are certainly not inferior to other men. It is when they

are combined in a body even though that body be small, that their great

superiority is seen.

"As to their being free, and thus not easily led into battle in

circumstances of imminent danger, it must be considered that their

freedom is not absolute, like that of savages in a fray, where each acts

according to his own individual will and pleasure, but it is qualified

and controlled by law. The Spartan soldiers are not personal slaves,

governed by the lash of a master, it is true; but they have certain

principles of obligation and duty which they all feel most solemnly

bound to obey. They stand in greater awe of the authority of this law

than your subjects do of the lash. It commands them never to fly from

the field of battle, whatever may be the number of their adversaries. It

commands them to preserve their ranks, to stand firm at the posts

assigned them, and there to conquer or die.

"This is the truth in respect to them. If what I say seems to you

absurd, I will in future be silent. I have spoken honestly what I

think, because your majesty commanded me to do so; and, notwithstanding

what I have said, I sincerely wish that all your majesty's desires and

expectations may be fulfilled."

The ideas which Demaratus thus appeared to entertain of danger to the

countless and formidable hosts of Xerxes's army, from so small and

insignificant a power as that of Sparta, seemed to Xerxes too absurd to

awaken any serious displeasure in his mind. He only smiled, therefore,

at Demaratus's fears, and dismissed him.

Leaving a garrison and a governor in possession of the castle of

Doriscus, Xerxes resumed his march along the northern shores of the

AEgean Sea, the immense swarms of men filling all the roads, devouring

every thing capable of being used as food, either for beast or man, and

drinking all the brooks and smaller rivers dry. Even with this total

consumption of the food and the water which they obtained on the march,

the supplies would have been found insufficient if the whole army had

advanced through one tract of country. They accordingly divided the host

into three great columns, one of which kept near the shore; the other

marched far in the interior, and the third in the intermediate space.

They thus exhausted the resources of a very wide region. All the men,

too, that were capable of bearing arms in the nations that these several

divisions passed on the way, they compelled to join them, so that the

army left, as it moved along, a very broad extent of country trampled

down, impoverished, desolate, and full of lamentation and woe. The whole

march was perhaps the most gigantic crime against the rights and the

happiness of man that human wickedness has ever been able to commit.

The army halted, from time to time, for various purposes, sometimes for

the performance of what they considered religions ceremonies, which were

intended to propitiate the supernatural powers of the earth and of the

air. When they reached the Strymon, where, it will be recollected, a

bridge had been previously built, so as to be ready for the army when it

should arrive, they offered a sacrifice of five white horses to the

river. In the same region, too, they halted at a place called the Nine

Ways, where Xerxes resolved to offer a human sacrifice to a certain god

whom the Persians believed to reside in the interior of the earth. The

mode of sacrificing to this god was to bury the wretched victims alive.

The Persians seized, accordingly, by Xerxes's orders, nine young men and

nine girls from among the people of the country, and buried them alive!

Marching slowly on in this manner, the army at length reached the point

upon the coast where the canal had been cut across the isthmus of Mount

Athos. The town which was nearest to this spot was Acanthus, the

situation of which, together with that of the canal, will be found upon

the map. The fleet arrived at this point by sea nearly at the same time

with the army coming by land. Xerxes examined the canal, and was

extremely well satisfied with its construction. He commended the chief

engineer, whose name was Artachaees, in the highest terms, for the

successful manner in which he had executed the work, and rendered him

very distinguished honors.

It unfortunately happened, however, that, a few days after the arrival

of the fleet and the army at the canal, and before the fleet had

commenced the passage of it, that Artachaees died. The king considered

this event as a serious calamity to him, as he expected that other

occasions would arrive on which he would have occasion to avail himself

of the engineer's talents and skill. He ordered preparations to be made

for a most magnificent burial, and the body was in due time deposited in

the grave with imposing funeral solemnities. A very splendid monument,

too, was raised upon the spot, which employed, for some time, all the

mechanical force of the army in its erection.

While Xerxes remained at Acanthus, he required the people of the

neighboring country to entertain his army at a grand feast, the cost of

which totally ruined them. Not only was all the food of the vicinity

consumed, but all the means and resources of the inhabitants, of every

kind, were exhausted in the additional supplies which they had to

procure from the surrounding regions. At this feast the army in general

ate, seated in groups upon the ground, in the open air; but for Xerxes

and the nobles of the court a great pavilion was built, where tables

were spread, and vessels and furniture of silver and gold, suitable to

the dignity of the occasion, were provided. Almost all the property

which the people of the region had accumulated by years of patient

industry was consumed at once in furnishing the vast amount of food

which was required for this feast, and the gold and silver plate which

was to be used in the pavilion. During the entertainment, the

inhabitants of the country waited upon their exacting and insatiable

guests until they were utterly exhausted by the fatigues of the service.

When, at length, the feast was ended, and Xerxes and his company left

the pavilion, the vast assembly outside broke up in disorder, pulled the

pavilion to pieces, plundered the tables of the gold and silver plate,

and departed to their several encampments, leaving nothing behind them.

The inhabitants of the country were so completely impoverished and

ruined by these exactions, that those who were not impressed into

Xerxes's service and compelled to follow his army, abandoned their

homes, and roamed away in the hope of finding elsewhere the means of

subsistence which it was no longer possible to obtain on their own

lands; and thus, when Xerxes at last gave orders to the fleet to pass

through the canal, and to his army to resume its march, he left the

whole region utterly depopulated and desolate.

He went on to Therma, a port situated on the northwestern corner of the

AEgean Sea, which was the last of his places of rendezvous before his

actual advance into Greece.

Xerxes Makers of History · 第 6 / 12 章