The community next adjoining, is that of the Hermondurians; (that I may

now follow the course of the Danube, as a little before I did that of

the Rhine) a people this, faithful to the Romans. So that to them alone

of all the Germans, commerce is permitted; not barely upon the bank of

the Rhine, but more extensively, and even in that glorious colony in the

province of Rhoetia. They travel everywhere at their own discretion and

without a guard; and when to other nations, we show no more than our

arms and encampments, to this people we throw open our houses and

dwellings, as to men who have no longing to possess them. In the

territories of the Hermondurians rises the Elbe, a river very famous and

formerly well known to us; at present we only hear it named.

Close by the Hermondurians reside the Nariscans, and next to them the

Marcomanians and Quadians. Amongst these the Marcomanians are most

signal in force and renown; nay, their habitation itself they acquired

by their bravery, as from thence they formerly expulsed the Boians. Nor

do the Nariscans or Quadians degenerate in spirit. Now this is as it

were the frontier of Germany, as far as Germany is washed by the Danube.

To the times within our memory the Marcomanians and Quadians were

governed by kings, who were natives of their own, descended from the

noble line of Maroboduus and Tudrus. At present they are even subject to

such as are foreigners. But the whole strength and sway of their kings

is derived from the authority of the Romans. From our arms, they rarely

receive any aid; from our money very frequently.

Nor less powerful are the several people beyond them; namely, the

Marsignians, the Gothinians, the Osians and the Burians, who altogether

enclose the Marcomanians and Quadians behind. Of those, the Marsignians

and the Burians in speech and dress resemble the Suevians. From the

Gallic language spoken by the Gothinians, and from that of Pannonia by

the Osians, it is manifest that neither of these people are Germans; as

it is also from their bearing to pay tribute. Upon them as upon aliens

their tribute is imposed, partly by the Sarmatians, partly by the

Quadians. The Gothinians, to heighten their disgrace, are forced to

labour in the iron mines. By all these several nations but little level

country is possessed: they are seated amongst forests, and upon

the ridges and declivities of mountains. For, Suevia is parted by a

continual ridge of mountains; beyond which, live many distinct nations.

Of these the Lygians are most numerous and extensive, and spread into

several communities. It will suffice to mention the most puissant; even

the Arians, Helvicones, Manimians; Elysians and Naharvalians. Amongst

the Naharvalians is shown a grove, sacred to devotion extremely ancient.

Over it a Priest presides apparelled like a woman; but according to

the explication of the Romans, 'tis _Castor_ and _Pollux_ who are here

worshipped. This Divinity is named _Alcis_. There are indeed no images

here, no traces of an extraneous superstition: yet their devotion is

addressed to young men and to brothers. Now the Aryans, besides their

forces, in which they surpass the several nations just recounted, are

in their persons stern and truculent; and even humour and improve their

natural grimness and ferocity by art and time. They wear black shields,

their bodies are painted black, they choose dark nights for engaging in

battle; and by the very awe and ghastly hue of their army, strike the

enemy with dread, as none can bear this their aspect so surprising and

as it were quite infernal. For, in all battles the eyes are vanquished

first.

Beyond the Lygians dwell the Gothones, under the rule of a King; and

thence held in subjection somewhat stricter than the other German

nations, yet not so strict as to extinguish all their liberty.

Immediately adjoining are the Rugians and Lemovians upon the coast of

the ocean, and of these several nations the characteristics are a round

shield, a short sword and kingly government. Next occur the communities

of the Suiones, situated in the ocean itself; and besides their strength

in men and arms, very powerful at sea. The form of their vessels varies

thus far from ours, that they have prows at each end, so as to be always

ready to row to shore without turning; nor are they moved by sails, nor

on their sides have benches of oars placed, but the rowers ply here and

there in all parts of the ship alike, as in some rivers is done, and

change their oars from place to place, just as they shift their course

hither or thither. To wealth also, amongst them, great veneration is

paid, and thence a single ruler governs them, without all restriction of

power, and exacting unlimited obedience. Neither here, as amongst other

nations of Germany, are arms used indifferently by all, but shut up and

warded under the care of a particular keeper, who in truth too is always

a slave: since from all sudden invasions and attacks from their foes,

the ocean protects them: besides that armed bands, when they are not

employed, grow easily debauched and tumultuous. The truth is, it suits

not the interest of an arbitrary Prince, to trust the care and power of

arms either with a nobleman or with a freeman, or indeed with any man

above the condition of a slave.

Beyond the Suiones is another sea, one very heavy and almost void

of agitation; and by it the whole globe is thought to be bounded and

environed, for that the reflection of the sun, after his setting,

continues till his rising, so bright as to darken the stars. To this,

popular opinion has added, that the tumult also of his emerging from

the sea is heard, that forms divine are then seen, as likewise the rays

about his head. Only thus far extend the limits of nature, if what fame

says be true. Upon the right of the Suevian Sea the Aestyan nations

reside, who use the same customs and attire with the Suevians; their

language more resembles that of Britain. They worship the Mother of the

Gods. As the characteristic of their national superstition, they wear

the images of wild boars. This alone serves them for arms, this is the

safeguard of all, and by this every worshipper of the Goddess is secured

even amidst his foes. Rare amongst them is the use of weapons of iron,

but frequent that of clubs. In producing of grain and the other fruits

of the earth, they labour with more assiduity and patience than is

suitable to the usual laziness of Germans. Nay, they even search the

deep, and of all the rest are the only people who gather _amber_. They

call it _glasing_, and find it amongst the shallows and upon the very

shore. But, according to the ordinary incuriosity and ignorance of

Barbarians, they have neither learnt, nor do they inquire, what is

its nature, or from what cause it is produced. In truth it lay long

neglected amongst the other gross discharges of the sea; till from our

luxury, it gained a name and value. To themselves it is of no use: they

gather it rough, they expose it in pieces coarse and unpolished, and for

it receive a price with wonder. You would however conceive it to be a

liquor issuing from trees, for that in the transparent substance are

often seen birds and other animals, such as at first stuck in the soft

gum, and by it, as it hardened, became quite enclosed. I am apt to

believe that, as in the recesses of the East are found woods and groves

dropping frankincense and balms, so in the isles and continent of the

West such gums are extracted by the force and proximity of the sun; at

first liquid and flowing into the next sea, then thrown by winds and

waves upon the opposite shore. If you try the nature of amber by the

application of fire, it kindles like a torch; and feeds a thick and

unctuous flame very high scented, and presently becomes glutinous like

pitch or rosin.

Upon the Suiones, border the people Sitones; and, agreeing with them in

all other things, differ from them in one, that here the sovereignty is

exercised by a woman. So notoriously do they degenerate not only from

a state of liberty, but even below a state of bondage. Here end the

territories of the Suevians.

Whether amongst the Sarmatians or the Germans I ought to account the

Peucinians, the Venedians, and the Fennians, is what I cannot determine;

though the Peucinians, whom some call Basstarnians, speak the same

language with the Germans, use the same attire, build like them, and

live like them, in that dirtiness and sloth so common to all.

Somewhat they are corrupted into the fashion of the Sarmatians by the

intermarriages of the principal sort with that nation: from whence

the Venedians have derived very many of their customs and a great

resemblance. For they are continually traversing and infesting with

robberies all the forests and mountains lying between the Peucinians

and Fennians. Yet they are rather reckoned amongst the Germans, for

that they have fixed houses, and carry shields, and prefer travelling

on foot, and excel in swiftness. Usages these, all widely differing from

those of the Sarmatians, who live on horseback and dwell in waggons.

In wonderful savageness live the nation of the Fennians, and in beastly

poverty, destitute of arms, of horses, and of homes; their food, the

common herbs; their apparel, skins; their bed, the earth; their only

hope in their arrows, which for want of iron they point with bones.

Their common support they have from the chase, women as well as men;

for with these the former wander up and down, and crave a portion of

the prey. Nor other shelter have they even for their babes, against the

violence of tempests and ravening beasts, than to cover them with the

branches of trees twisted together: this a reception for the old men,

and hither resort the young. Such a condition they judge more happy than

the painful occupation of cultivating the ground, than the labour of

rearing houses, than the agitations of hope and fear attending the

defence of their own property or the seizing that of others. Secure

against the designs of men, secure against the malignity of the Gods,

they have accomplished a thing of infinite difficulty; that to them

nothing remains even to be wished.

What further accounts we have are fabulous: as that the Hellusians and

Oxiones have the countenances and aspect of men, with the bodies and

limbs of savage beasts. This, as a thing about which I have no certain

information, I shall leave untouched.

THE LIFE OF AGRICOLA, WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THE SITUATION, CLIMATE, AND

PEOPLE OF BRITAIN.

Amongst the Ancients, it was common to transmit to posterity the

characters and exploits of memorable men: nor in truth in our own times

has the Age, however indifferent about what concerns itself, failed to

observe the like usage, whenever any spirit eminent for great and signal

virtue has vanquished and triumphed over the blindness of such as cannot

distinguish right from wrong, as well as over the spite of malignants;

for, spite and blindness are evils common to great States and to small.

But, as in those early times there was found greater propensity to feats

of renown, and more scope to perform them; so whoever excelled in a

happy genius was naturally led to display the merits and memory of the

virtuous dead, without all view to court favour, or to gain advantages,

but only by the motives and recompense flowing from a benevolent and

conscientious mind. Indeed there were several who, in recounting their

own lives, concluded, that they thence showed rather a confidence in

their own integrity and demeanour than any mark of arrogance. Neither

was the account which Rutilius and Scaurus gave of themselves, thence

the less credited or the more censured. So true it is, that the several

virtues are best understood and most prized, during the same times in

which they are most easily produced. But to myself, who am going to

relate the life of a person deceased, I find pardon necessary; which I

should not have asked, were I not about to revive and traverse times so

sanguinary, and baneful to all virtue.

We find it recorded, that for celebrating the praises of Paetus Thrasea,

Arulenus Rusticus suffered a deadly doom; as did Herennius Senesce, for

those of Helvidius Priscus. Nor upon the persons of the authors only was

this cruelty inflicted, but also upon the books themselves; since to the

Triumvirate of Justice orders were sent, that in the Forum and place of

popular elections, the works of men so illustrious for parts and genius

should be burned. Yes, in this very fire they imagined, that they should

abolish the voice and utterance of the Roman People, with the liberty of

the Senate, and all the ideas and remembrances of humankind. For, they

had besides expelled all the professors of philosophy, [Footnote:

When Vespasian's worthless son "cleared Rome of what most sham'd him:"

Domitian banished Epictetus, and the other philosophers.] and driven

every laudable science into exile, that nought which was worthy and

honest might anywhere be seen. Mighty surely was the testimony which

we gave of our patience; and as our forefathers had beheld the ultimate

consummation of liberty, so did we of bondage, since through dread

of informers and inquisitions of State, we were bereft of the common

intercourse of speech and attention. Nay, with our utterance we had

likewise lost our memory; had it been equally in our power to forget, as

to be silent.

Now indeed at length our spirit returns. Yet, though from the first dawn

of this very happy age begun by the reign of Nerva, he blended together

two things once found irreconcilable, public liberty and sovereign

power; and though Trajan his adopted successor be daily augmenting the

felicity of the State; insomuch that for the general security not only

hopes and vows are conceived, but even firm assurance follows these

vows, and their full accomplishment is seen; such however is the frailty

of man and its effects, that much more slow is the progress of the

remedies than of the evils; and as human bodies attain their growth by

tedious degrees, and are subject to be destroyed in an instant, so it is

much easier to suppress than to revive the efforts of genius and study.

For, upon the mind there steals a pleasure even in sloth and remissness,

and that very inactivity which was at first hated, is at last loved.

Will it not be found that during a course of fifteen years (a mighty

space in the age of mortal man) numbers perished through fortuitous

disasters, and all men noted for promptness and spirit were cut off by

the cruelty of the Emperor? Few we are, who have escaped; and if I may

so speak, we have survived not only others but even ourselves, when from

the middle of our life so many years were rent; whence from being young

we are arrived at old age, from being old we are nigh come to the utmost

verge of mortality, all in a long course of awful silence. I shall

however find no cause of regret from having framed an historical

deduction of our former bondage, as also a testimony of the public

blessings which at present we enjoy; though, in doing it, my style be

negligent and unpolished. To the honour of Agricola my wife's father,

this present book is in the meantime dedicated; and, as 'tis a

declaration of filial duty and affection, will thence be commended, at

least excused.

* * * * *

A.D. 40. Cnaeus Julius Agricola was born in the ancient and illustrious

Colony of Forojulium, [Footnote: Fréjus.] and both his grandfathers were

Procurators to the Emperors; a dignity peculiar to the Equestrian Order.

His father Julius Graecinus was a Senator, and noted for eloquence and

philosophy. By these his virtues, he earned the wrath of Caligula. For,

he was by him ordered to accuse Marcus Silanus, and put to death for

refusing. His mother was Julia Procilla, a lady of singular chastity.

Under her eye and tender care he was reared, and spent his childhood

and youth in the continual pursuit and cultivation of worthy

accomplishments. What guarded him from the allurements of the vicious

(besides his own virtuous disposition and natural innocence) was, that

for the seat and nursery of his studies, whilst yet very little, he had

the city of Marseilles; a place well tempered and framed, as in it

all the politeness of the Greeks and all the provincial parsimony are

blended together. I remember he was wont to declare, that in his early

youth he studied Philosophy and the Law with more avidity than was

allowable to a Roman and a Senator; till the discretion of his mother

checked his spirit, engaged with passion and ardour in the pursuit. In

truth, his superior and elevated genius thirsted, with more vehemence

than caution, after the loveliness and lustre of a name and renown so

mighty and sublime. Reason and age afterwards qualified his heat; and,

what is a task extremely hard, he satisfied himself with a limited

measure of philosophy.

A.D. 59-62. The first rudiments of war he learnt in Britain, under that

prudent and vigilant commander Suetonius Paulinus; by whom he was chosen

and distinguished, as his domestic companion. Neither did Agricola

behave licentiously, after the manner of young men, who turn warfare

into riot; nor assumed the title and office of a Tribune without the

sufficiency, in order to use it slothfully in feats of pleasure and

absence from duty, but to know the Province, to be known to the army,

to learn of such as had experience, to follow such as were worthy and

brave, to seek for no exploits for ostentation, to refuse none through

fear, and in all his pursuits was equally zealous and active. Indeed

at no time had Britain been under greater combustions, nor our affairs

there more precarious. Our veterans were slaughtered, our colonies

burned down, our armies surprised and taken. At that juncture the

struggle was for life; afterwards, for victory. Now though all these

affairs were transacted by the counsels and conduct of another than

Agricola, and though the stress of the whole, with the glory of

recovering the Province, accrued to the General; they all however proved

to the young man matters of skill, of experience and stimulation; and

there seized his soul a passion for military glory, a spirit disgustful

to the times, when of men signally eminent a malignant opinion was

entertained, and when as much peril arose from a great character as from

a bad.

A.D. 62-68. Departing from hence to Rome for the exercise of public

dignities, he there married Domitia Decidiana, a lady splendid in her

descent; and to him, who was aspiring to higher honours, this marriage

proved a great ornament and support. In marvellous unanimity they also

lived, in a course of mutual tenderness and mutual preference; a temper

commendable in both, only that the praise of a good wife rises in

proportion to the contumely of a bad. His lot as Quaestor fell upon

Asia, where he had Salvius Titianus for Proconsul. But neither the

Province nor the Proconsul corrupted his probity, though the country

was very rich, nay, prepared as a prey for men corruptly disposed;

and Titianus, a man bent upon all acts of rapine, was ready, upon

the smallest encouragement, to have purchased a mutual connivance in

iniquity. In Asia he was enriched by the birth of a daughter, tending at

once to his consolation and the support of his family; for the son born

to him before, he very soon lost. The interval between his bearing the

office of Quaestor and that of Tribune of the People, and even the year

of his Tribuneship, he passed in repose and inactivity; as well aware of

the spirit of the times under Nero, when sloth and heaviness served for

wisdom. With the like indolence he held the Praetorship, and in the same

quiet and silence. For upon him the jurisdiction of that dignity fell

not. The public pastimes and the empty gaieties of the office, he

exhibited according to the rules of good sense and to the measure of

his wealth, in a manner though remote from prodigality, yet deserving

popular applause. As he was next appointed by Galba to make research

into the gifts and oblations appertaining to the temples, he proceeded

with such diligence and an examination so strict, that the State

suffered from no sacrilege save that of Nero.

A.D. 69 and 70. In the year following he suffered a grievous blow in his

spirit and family. For, Otho's fleet, which continued roving upon

the coast and pursuing rapine, whilst they were ravaging Intemelium

[Footnote: Vinitimiglia.] (a part of Liguria) slew the mother of

Agricola upon her estate there, and plundered the estate itself with

a great part of her treasure, which had indeed proved the cause of the

murder. As he therefore went from Rome to solemnise her funeral, he had

tidings upon the road that Vespasian was pursuing the sovereignty, and

instantly espoused his party. In the beginning of this reign all the

exercise of power and the government of the city, were entirely in the

hands of Mucianus; for, Domitian was yet extremely young, and, of the

Imperial fortune of his father, assumed nothing further than a latitude

for debauchery. Mucianus, who had despatched Agricola to levy forces,

and found him to have acted in that trust with uprightness and

magnanimity, preferred him to the command of the twentieth legion; as

soon as he was informed, that he who commanded it before was engaged

in seditious practices. Indeed that legion had with great slowness and

reluctance been brought to swear allegiance to Vespasian, nay, was grown

over mighty and even formidable to the commanders-in-chief: so that

their own commander was found void of authority to control them; though

it is uncertain whether from the temper of the man or from that of

the soldiers. Thus Agricola was chosen, at once to succeed him, and to

punish delinquency in them; and exercising moderation altogether rare,

would rather have it thought, that he had found them unblamable than

made them so.

A.D. 72. Over Britain at that juncture Vettius Bolanus bore rule, but

with more complacency than suited a province so fierce and untamed.

Hence Agricola restrained his own heat, and held within bounds the

ardour of his spirit, as he was well skilled how to show his obedience,

and had thoroughly learned to blend what was honourable with what was

profitable: soon after this, Britain received for its Governor Petilius

Cerialis, one of Consular quality. The virtue and abilities of Agricola

had now ample space for producing suitable effects. But to him at first

Cerialis communicated only the dangers and fatigues: with him anon

he likewise shared the glory; frequently, for trial of his prowess,

committed to his conduct a part of the army; sometimes, according to the

measure of his success, set him at the head of forces still larger.

Nor did Agricola ever vaunt his exploits to blazon his own fame. To his

general, as to the Author of all, he, as his instrument and inferior,

still ascribed his good fortune. Thus from his bravery in the execution

of his orders, from his modesty in recounting his deeds of bravery, he

escaped envy, yet failed not to gain glory.

A.D. 73-78. Upon his return from commanding a legion, the deified

Vespasian raised him to the rank of a patrician, and afterwards invested

him with the government of the Province of Aquitaine; a government of

the foremost dignity, and given as previous to the Consulship, to

which that Prince had destined him. There are many who believe, that

to military men subtilty of spirit is wanting; for that in camps

the direction of process and authority, is rather rough and void of

formality; and that where hands and force are chiefly used, there the

address and refinements usual to Courts are not exercised. Yet Agricola,

assisted by his natural prudence, though he was then engaged only with

men of peace and the robe, acquitted himself with great facility and

great uprightness. He carefully distinguished the seasons of business

and the seasons of recess. Whenever he sat in Council or upon the

Tribunals of justice, he was grave, attentive, awful, generally addicted

to compassion. The moment he had fulfilled the duties of his office,

he personated no longer the man of power: he had then cast off all

sternness, all airs of State, and all rigour. Nay, what is very rarely

to be seen, his complaisance neither weakened his authority, nor did his

severity make him less amiable. It were an injury to the virtues of so

great a man, to particularise his just dealings, his temperance, and

the cleanness of his hands. [Footnote: "Integritatem atque abstinentiam

referre."] In truth glory itself was what he pursued, not by any

ostentation of bravery, nor by any strain of artifice or address; though

of that pursuit even the best men are often fond. Thus he was far from

maintaining any competition with his equals in station, far from any

contest with the Procurators of the Prince: since, to conquer in this

contention he judged to be no glory; and to be crushed by them were

disgrace. His administration here lasted hardly three years, ere he

was recalled to the present possession of the Consulship. With this

employment there accrued the public opinion, that for his province

Britain would be assigned him, from no words which had dropped from him

about it, but because he was deemed equal to the office. Common fame

does not always err; sometimes it even directs the public choice. To

myself yet very young, whilst he was Consul, he contracted his daughter,

a young lady even then of excellent hopes, and, at the end of his

Consulship, presented her in marriage. He was then forthwith promoted

to the government of Britain, as also invested with the honour of the

Pontificate.

The account which I shall here present of the situation and people of

Britain, a subject about which many authors have written, comes not from

any design of setting up my own exactness and genius against theirs, but

only because the country was then first thoroughly subdued. So that such

matters as former writers have, without knowing them, embellished with

eloquence, will by me be recounted according to the truth of evidence

and discoveries. Of all the islands which have reached the knowledge of

the Romans, Britain is the largest. It extends towards Germany to the

east, towards Spain to the west. To the south it looks towards Gaul. Its

northern shore, beyond which there is no land, is beaten by a sea vast

and boundless. [Footnote: "Belluosus, qui remotis Obstrepit Oceanus

Britannis."] Britain is by Livy and Fabius Rusticus, the former the most

eloquent of the ancient historians, the latter of the moderns, compared

in shape to an oblong shield, or a broad knife with two edges. And such

in effect is its figure on this side Caledonia, whence common opinion

has thus also fashioned the whole. But a tract of territory huge and

unmeasurable stretches forward to the uttermost shore, and straitening

by degrees, terminates like a wedge. Round the coast of this sea, which

beyond it has no land, the Roman fleet now first sailed, and thence

proved Britain to be an island, as also discovered and subdued the Isles

of Orkney till then unknown. Thule was likewise descried, hitherto

hid by winter under eternal snow. This sea they report to be slow and

stagnate, difficult to the rowers, and indeed hardly to be raised by

the force of winds. This I conjecture to be because land and mountains,

which are the cause and materials of tempests, very rarely occur in

proportion to the mighty mass of water, a mass so deep and uninterrupted

as not to be easily agitated. An inquiry into the nature of the ocean

and of the tide, is not the purpose of this work, and about it many have

written. One thing I would add, that nowhere is the power of the sea

more extensive than here, forcing back the waters of many rivers, or

carrying them away with its own; nor is its flux and ebbings confined to

the banks and shore; but it works and winds itself far into the country,

nay forms bays in rocks and mountains, as if the same were its native

bed.

For the rest; who were the first inhabitants of Britain, whether natives

of its own, or foreigners, can be little known amongst a people thus

barbarous. In their looks and persons they vary; from whence arguments

and inferences are formed. For, the red hair of the Caledonians and

their large limbs, testify their descent to be from Germany. The swarthy

complexion of the Silures, and their hair, which is generally curled,

with their situation opposite to the coast of Spain, furnish ground to

believe, that the ancient Iberians had arrived from thence here, and

taken possession of the territory. They who live next to Gaul are also

like the Gauls; whether it be that the spirit of the original stock

from which they sprang, still remains, or whether in countries

near adjoining, the genius of the climate confers the same form and

disposition upon the bodies of men. To one who considers the whole,

it seems however credible, that the Gauls at first occupied this their

neighbouring coast. That their sacred rites are the same, you may learn

from their being possessed with the same superstition of every sort.

Their speech does not much vary. In daring and dangers they are prompted

by the like boldness, and with the like affright avoid them when they

approach. In the Britons however superior ferocity and defiance is

found, as in a people not yet softened by a long peace. For we learn

from history, that the Gauls too flourished in warlike prowess and

renown: amongst them afterwards, together with peace and idleness, there

entered effeminacy; and thus with the loss of their liberty they lost

their spirit and magnanimity. The same happened to those of the Britons

who were conquered long ago. The rest still continue such as the Gauls

once were.

Their principal force consists in their foot. Some nations amongst them

make also war in chariots. The more honourable person always drives:

under his leading his followers fight. They were formerly subject to

Kings. They are now swayed by several chiefs, and rent into factions and

parties, according to the humour and passions of those their leaders.

Nor against nations thus powerful does aught so much avail us, as that

they consult not in a body for the security of the whole. It is rare

that two or three communities assemble and unite to repulse any public

danger threatening to all. So that whilst only a single community fought

at a time, they were every one vanquished. The sky from frequent clouds

and rain is dull and hazy. Excessive cold they feel not. Their days in

length surpass ours. Their nights are very clear, and at the extremity

of the country, very short; so that between the setting and return of

the day, you perceive but small interval. They affirm, that were it not

for the intervention of clouds, the rays of the sun would be seen in the

night, and that he doth not rise and fall, but only pass by: for that

the extremities of the earth, which are level, yielding but a low

shadow, prevent darkness from rising high and spreading; and thence

night is far short of reaching the stars and the sky. The soil is such,

that except the olive and the vine, and other vegetables, which are wont

to be raised in hotter climes, it readily bears all fruits and grain,

and is very fertile. It quickly produces, but its productions ripen

slowly; and of both these effects there is the same cause, the extreme

humidity of the earth and of the sky. Britain yields gold and silver,

with other metals, all which prove the prize and reward of the

Conquerors. The sea also breeds pearls, but of a dark and livid hue,

a defect by some ascribed to the unskilfulness of such as gather them.

For, in the Red Sea they are pulled from the rocks alive and vigorous.

In Britain they are gathered at random, such as the sea casts them

upon the shore. For myself; I am much apter to believe, that nature

has failed to give the pearls perfection, than that we fail in avarice.

[Footnote: "Ego facilius crediderim naturam margaritis de esse; quam

nobis avaritiam."]

The Britons themselves are a people who cheerfully comply with the

levies of men, and with the imposition of taxes, and with all the duties

enjoined by Government; provided they receive no illegal treatment and

insults from their governors: those they bear with impatience. Nor have

the Romans any further subdued them than only to obey just laws, but

never to submit to be slaves. Even the deified Julius Caesar, the first

of all the Romans who entered Britain with an army, though by gaining

a battle he frightened the natives, and became master of the coast;

[Footnote: Caesar conquered to the north of the Thames.] yet may be

thought to have rather presented posterity with a view of the country,

than to have conveyed down the possession. Anon the civil wars ensued,

and against the Commonwealth were turned the arms of her own chiefs

and leaders. Thus Britain was long forgot, and continued to be so even

during peace. This was what Augustus called _Reason of State_, but what

Tiberius styled the _Ordinance of Augustus_. That Caligula meditated an

invasion of Britain in person, is well known: but he possessed a

spirit, as precipitate and wild, so presently surfeited with any design

whatever; besides that all his mighty efforts against Germany were

quite baffled. The deified Claudius accomplished the undertaking; having

thither transported the legions, with a number of auxiliary forces, and

associated Vespasian into the direction of the design: an incident which

proved the introduction to his approaching fortune. There, nations were

subdued, Kings taken captive, and Vespasian placed to advantage in the

eye of the Fates.

The first Governor of Consular quality, was Aulus Plautius, then

Ostorius Scapula, both signal in war: and by degrees the nearest part

of Britain was reduced into the condition of a Province. To secure it,

a colony of veterans was likewise settled. To the British King Cogidunus

certain communities were given, a Prince who even till our times

continued in perfect fidelity to us. For, with the Roman People it is a

custom long since received, and practised of old, that for establishing

the bondage of nations, they are to employ even Kings as their

instruments. Afterwards followed Didius Gallus, and just preserved what

acquisitions his predecessors had made; only that further in the island

he raised some forts, and very few they were, purely for the name and

opinion of having enlarged his government. Next to Didius came Veranius,

and died in less than a year. Then immediately succeeded Suetonius

Paulinus, who during two years commanded with success, subdued fresh

nations and established garrisons. Trusting to these he went to assail

the Isle of Anglesey, as a place which supplied the revolters with

succours, and thus left the country behind him exposed to the enemy.

For, the Britons, when through the absence of the Governor they were

eased of their fear, began to commune together concerning the miseries

of bondage, to recount their several grievances, and so to construe and

heighten their injuries as effectually to inflame their resentments.

"Their patience," they said, "availed them nothing, further than to

invite the imposition of heavier burdens upon a people who thus tamely

bore any. In times past they had only a single King: they were now

surrendered to two. One of these the Governor-General, tyrannised over

their bodies and lives; the Imperial Procurator, who was the other, over

their substance and fortunes. Equally pernicious to their subjects was

any variance between these their rulers, as their good intelligence and

unanimity. Against them the one employed his own predatory bands, as

did the other his Centurions and their men; and both exercised violence

alike, both treated them with equal insults and contumely. To such

height was oppression grown, that nothing whatever was exempt from their

avarice, nothing whatever from their lust. He who in the day of battle

spoiled others, was always stronger than they. But here it was chiefly

by the cowardly and effeminate that their houses were seized, their

children forced away, and their men obliged to enlist; as if their

country were the only thing for which the Britons knew not how to die.

In truth, what a small force would all the soldiers arrived in the

island appear; would the Britons but compute their own numbers? It

was from this consideration that Germany had thrown off the same yoke,

though a country defended only by a river, and not like this, by the

ocean. To animate themselves to take arms, they had their country, their

wives, their parents; whilst these their oppressors were prompted

by nothing but their avarice and sensuality: nor would they fail to

withdraw from the island, as even the deified Julius had withdrawn,

would the natives but imitate the bravery of their forefathers, and not

be dismayed with the issue of an encounter or two. Amongst people like

themselves reduced to misery, superior ardour was ever found, as also

greater firmness and perseverance. Towards the Britons, at this juncture

even the Gods manifested compassion, since they thus kept the Roman

General at such a distance, thus held the Roman army confined in

another island. Nay, already they themselves had gained a point the most

difficult to be gained, that they could now deliberate about measures

common to all: for, doubtless more perilous it were to be discovered

forming such counsels, than openly to put them in execution."

When with these and the like reasons they had instigated one another,

they unanimously took arms under the leading of Boudicea, [Footnote:

Boadicea.] a woman of royal descent; for, in conferring sovereignty,

they make no distinction of sexes. They then forthwith assailed on every

side the soldiers dispersed here and there in forts, and having stormed

and sacked the several garrisons, fell upon the colony itself, as

the seat and centre of public servitude: nor was any kind of cruelty

omitted, with which rage and victory could possibly inspire the hearts

of Barbarians. In truth, had not Paulinus, upon learning the revolt of

the Province, come with notable speed to its relief, Britain had been

lost. Yet by the success of a single battle, he reduced the country to

its old subjection, though several continued in arms, such namely as

were conscious of inciting the rebellion, and under personal dread from

the spirit of the Governor. He, though otherwise a signal commander, yet

treated such as had surrendered themselves in a manner very imperious;

and, as one who likewise avenged his own particular injury, thence

exerted the greater rigour. Insomuch that in his room Petronius

Turpilianus was sent, as one whose behaviour would prove more relenting,

one who being unacquainted with the delinquencies of the enemies, would

be more gentle in accepting their remorse and submission. Turpilianus,

when he had quite appeased the late commotions, ventured upon nothing

further, and then delivered the Province to Trebellius Maximus. He,

still more unwarlike and inactive than his predecessor, and nowise

trained in camps and armies, maintained the tranquillity of the Province

by a method of softness and complaisance. The Barbarians had now

likewise learned to forgive such vices as humoured them in pleasure and

ease. Moreover, the civil wars which then intervened, furnished a proper

excuse for the lazy behaviour of the Governor. But he found himself

greatly embarrassed with faction and discord; for that the soldiers, who

had ever been inured to expeditions and feats in the field, were through

idleness grown turbulent and licentious. Trebellius, by flight and

lurking, escaped the present fury of the army: he afterwards resumed the

command, but with an authority altogether precarious, without all spirit

and destitute of all dignity; as if between him and them articles

had been settled, that the soldiers should retain their licentious

behaviour, and the General be permitted to enjoy his life. During this

mutiny no blood was spilled. Neither did Vettius Bolanus, as the civil

war yet subsisted, exert any discipline in Britain. Towards the enemy

there still remained the same sloth and negligence, with the same

insolent spirit in the camp: this difference only there was, that

Bolanus was a man perfectly innocent; and being subject to no hate, as

he was free from all crimes, he had instead of authority over them, only

gained their affections.

But, when Vespasian had, with the possession of the world, also

recovered Britain, in it were seen great commanders, noble armies, and

the hopes of the enemy quite abated, Petilius Cerialis, particularly,

at his first entrance, struck them at once with general terror, by

attacking the community of the Brigantes, reckoned the most populous of

the whole Province. There followed many encounters, such as sometimes

proved very bloody. So that he held most part of their country as

his conquest, or continued to ravage it by war. In truth, though the

exploits of Cerialis would have eclipsed the vigilance and fame of any

other successor, yet Julius Frontinus sustained in his turn the mighty

task; and, as he was a man as great and able as he found scope and

safety to be, he by the sword utterly subdued the powerful and warlike

nation of the Silures; though besides the bravery of the enemy, he

was likewise obliged to struggle with the difficulties of places and

situation.

A.D. 78. Such was the condition in which Agricola found Britain, such to

have been the vicissitudes of the war there, upon his arrival about the

middle of summer, a time when the Roman soldiers, supposing the service

of the season to be concluded, were securely bent upon inaction and

repose, as were the enemy upon any opportunity to annoy the Romans. The

Community of the Ordovicans had not long before his coming slaughtered,

almost entirely, a band of horse stationed upon their confines; and by

an essay so notable the Province in general became roused; while such as

were intent upon present war, commended the action as an example and a

call to the whole, and others were for delaying till they had discovered

the spirit of the new Lieutenant-General. Now though the summer

was over, though the troops were severed and lay dispersed over the

Province, though the soldiers had assured themselves of rest for the

residue of the year (a heavy obstacle and very discouraging to one who

is commencing war), nay, though many judged it better only to guard the

places which were threatened and precarious; yet Agricola determined to

meet the danger. Hence drawing together the choice bands of the legions,

with a small body of auxiliaries, he led them against the Ordovicans;

and as these dared not descend into equal ground, he, who by sharing

equal danger, would inspire his men with equal courage, marching in

person before his army, conducted them to the encounter upon the ascent.

Almost the whole nation was here cut off; but as he was well aware, that

it behoved him to urge and maintain this his fame, and that with the

issue of his first attempts all the rest would correspond, he conceived

a design to reduce the Isle of Anglesey, a conquest from which

Paulinus was recalled by the general revolt of Britain, as above I have

recounted. But, as this counsel was suddenly concerted, and therefore

ships were found wanting, such was the firmness and capacity of the

General, that without ships he transported his men. From the auxiliaries

he detached all their chosen men, such as knew the fords, and according

to the usage of their country were dexterous in swimming, so as, in the

water, at once to manage themselves, and their horses and arms. These,

unencumbered with any of their baggage, he caused to make a descent and

onset so sudden, that the enemy were quite struck with consternation,

as men who apprehended nothing but a fleet and transports, and a

formal invasion by sea, and now believed no enterprise difficult and

insurmountable to such as came thus determined to war. Thus they sued

for peace and even surrendered the island; and thence Agricola was

already considered as a very great and even renowned commander: for

that, at his first entrance into the Province, a time which other

governors are wont to waste in show and parade, or in courting

compliment and addresses, he preferred feats of labour and of peril.

Nor did he apply this his good fortune and success to any purpose of

vainglory: so that upon the bridling of such as were vanquished before,

he would not bestow the title of an expedition or of victory; nor in

truth would he so much as with the bare honour of the laurel distinguish

these his exploits. But even by disguising his fame, he enlarged it; as

men considered how vast must be his future views, when he thus smothered

in silence deeds so noble.

For the rest; as he was acquainted with the temper of the people in

his Province; as he had also learned from the conduct and experience of

others, that little is gained by arms where grievances and oppressions

follow, he determined to cut off all the causes of war. Beginning

therefore with himself and those appertaining to him, he checked and

regulated his own household; a task which to many proves not less

difficult than that of governing a province. By none of his domestics,

bond or freed, was aught that concerned the public transacted. In

raising the soldiers to a superior class, he was swayed by no personal

interest or partiality, nor by the recommendation and suit of the

Centurions, but by his own opinion and persuasion, that the best

soldiers were ever the most faithful. All that passed he would know;

though all that was amiss he would not punish. Upon small offences he

bestowed pardon; for such as were great he exercised proportionable

severity. Nor did he always exact the punishment assigned, but

frequently was satisfied with compunction and remorse. In conferring

offices and employments he rather chose men who would not transgress,

than such as he must afterwards condemn for transgressing. Though the

imposition of tribute and of grain had been augmented, yet he softened

it by causing a just and equal distribution of all public burdens;

since he abolished whatever exactions had been devised for the lucre of

particulars, and were therefore borne with more regret than the

tribute itself. For, the inhabitants were forced to bear the mockery

of attending at their own barns, locked up by the publicans, and

of purchasing their own corn of the monopolists, nay, of selling it

afterwards back again at a poor price. They were moreover enjoined to

take long journeys, and carry grain across the several countries to

places extremely distant; insomuch that the several communities, instead

of supplying the winter-quarters which lay adjoining, must furnish such

as were remote and difficultly travelled, to the end, that what was easy

to be had by all, might produce gain to a few.

A.D. 79. By suppressing these grievances immediately in his first year,

he gained a high character to a state of peace; a state which, either

through the neglect or connivance of his predecessors, was till then

dreaded no less than that of war. But, upon the coming of summer, he

assembled his army; then proceeded to commend such of the men who in

marching observed their duty and rank, and to check such as were loose

and straggling. He himself always chose the ground for encamping: the

salt marshes, friths, and woods he himself always first examined, and

to the enemies all the while allowed not a moment's quiet or recess,

but was ever distressing them with sudden incursions and ravages. Then,

having sufficiently alarmed and terrified them, his next course was to

spare them, thus to tempt them with the sweetness and allurements of

peace. By this conduct, several communities which till that day had

asserted a state of equality and independence, came to lay down all

hostility, gave hostages, and were begirt with garrisons and fortresses,

erected with such just contrivance and care, that no part of Britain

hitherto known escaped thenceforward from being annoyed by them.

The following winter was employed in measures extremely advantageous

and salutary. For, to the end that these people, thus wild and dispersed

over the country, and thence easily instigated to war, might by a taste

of pleasures be reconciled to inactivity and repose, he first privately

exhorted them, then publicly assisted them, to build temples, houses and

places of assembling. Upon such as were willing and assiduous in these

pursuits he heaped commendations, and reproofs upon the lifeless and

slow. So that a competition for this distinction and honour, had all the

force of necessity. He was already taking care to have the sons of

their chiefs taught the liberal sciences, already preferring the natural

capacity of the Britons to the studied acquirements of the Gauls; and

such was his success, that they who had so lately scorned to learn

the Roman language, were become fond of acquiring the Roman eloquence.

Thence they began to honour our apparel, and the use of the Roman gown

grew frequent amongst them. [Footnote: "Inde etiam habitus nostri honor,

et frequens toga."] By degrees they proceeded to the incitements and

charms of vice and dissoluteness, to magnificent galleries, sumptuous

bagnios, and all the stimulations and elegance of banqueting. Nay, all

this innovation was by the unexperienced styled politeness and humanity,

when it was indeed part of their bondage.

A.D. 80. During the third year of his command, in pursuit of his

conquests he discovered new people, by continuing his devastations

through the several nations quite to the mouth of the Tay: so the frith

is called. Whence such terror seized the foe, that they durst not attack

our army though sorely shaken and annoyed by terrible tempests: nay,

the Romans had even time to secure possession by erecting forts. It was

observed of Agricola by men of experience, that never had any captain

more sagely chosen his stations for commodiousness and situation; for

that no place of strength founded by him, was ever taken by violence,

or abandoned upon articles or despair. From these their strongholds

frequent excursions were made; for, against any long siege they were

supplied with provisions for a year. Thus they passed the winter there

without all apprehension: every single fort defended itself. So that

in all their attempts upon them the enemies were baffled, and thence

reduced to utter despair; for that they could not, as formerly they were

wont, repair their losses in the summer by their success in the winter;

since now whether it were winter or summer, they were equally defeated.

Neither did Agricola ever arrogate to himself the glory of exploits

performed by others: were he a Centurion or were he Commander of a

legion, in the General he was sure to find a sincere witness of

his achievements. By some he is said to have been over sharp in his

reproofs, since he was one who, as to them that were good he abounded in

courtesy, appeared withal stern and unpleasant to the bad. But from his

anger no spleen remained. In him you had no dark reserves, no boding

silence to fear. More honourable he thought it to give open offence than

to foster secret hate.

A.D. 81. The fourth summer was employed in settling and securing what

territories he had overrun: indeed would the bravery of the armies and

the glory of the Roman name, have suffered it, there had been then

found in Britain itself a boundary to our conquests there. For, into the

rivers Glota and Bodotria [Footnote: The Clyde and Forth.] the tide from

each opposite sea flows so vastly far up the country, that their heads

are parted only by a narrow neck of land, which was now secured with

garrisons. Thus of all on this side we were already masters; since the

enemy were driven as it were into another island.

A.D. 82. In the fifth year of the war, Agricola passing the Frith,

himself in the first ship that landed, in many and successful encounters

subdued nations till that time unknown, and placed forces in that part

of Britain which fronts Ireland, more from future views than from any

present fear. In truth Ireland, as it lies just between Britain and

Spain, and is capable of an easy communication with the coast of Gaul,

would have proved of infinite use in linking together these powerful

limbs of the Empire. In size it is inferior to Britain, but surpasses

the islands in our sea. In soil and climate, as also in the temper and

manners of the natives, it varies little from Britain. Its ports

and landings are better known, through the frequency of commerce and

merchants. A petty King of the country, expelled by domestic dissension,

was already received into protection by Agricola, and under the

appearance of friendship, reserved for a proper occasion. By him I have

often heard it declared, that with a single legion and a few auxiliaries

Ireland might be conquered and preserved; nay, that such an acquisition

were of moment for the securing of Britain, if, on all sides the Roman

arms were seen, and all national liberty banished as it were out of

sight.

A.D. 83. For the rest; on the summer which began the sixth year of his

administration, as it was apprehended, that the nations forward would

universally take arms, and that the ways were all infested with

the enemy's host, his first step was to coast and explore the large

communities beyond Bodotria [Footnote: The Forth.] by the means of

his fleet, which was from the beginning employed by him as part of his

forces, and in attending him at this time made a glorious appearance,

when thus by sea and land the war was urged. In truth, the same camp

often contained the foot and the horse and the marines, all intermixed,

and rejoicing in common, severally magnifying their own feats, their

own hazards and adventures: here were displayed the horrors of steep

mountains and dismal forests; there the outrages of waves and tempests.

These boasted their exploits by land and against the foe: those the

vanquished ocean; all vying together according to the usual vaunts and

ostentation of soldiers. Upon the Britons also, as from the captives was

learned, the sight of the fleet brought much consternation and dismay;

as if, now that their solitary ocean and recesses of the deep were

disclosed and invaded, the last refuge of the vanquished was cut off. To

action and arms, the several people inhabiting Caledonia had immediate

recourse, and advanced with great parade, made still greater by common

rumour (as usual in things that are unknown), for that they daringly

assailed our forts, and by thus insulting and defying us, created much

fear and alarm. Nay, there were some who covering real cowardice under

the guise of prudence and counsel, exhorted a return to the nether side

of Bodotria, [Footnote: To retreat south of the Forth.] for that it

were more eligible to retire back than to be driven. He was apprised the

while, that the enemy meant to attack him in divers bands: so that, as

they surpassed him in numbers and in the knowledge of the country, he

too divided his army into three parts, and thus marched, to prevent

their surrounding him.

As soon as this disposition of his was known to the enemy, they suddenly

changed theirs, and all in a body proceeded to fall upon the ninth

legion as the least sufficient and weakest of all; and, as the assault

was in the night they slew the guards and entered the trenches, aided

by the general sleep or general dismay there. They were already pursuing

the fight in the camp itself, when Agricola having from his spies learnt

what route the enemy had taken, and closely following their track,

commanded the lightest of his foot and cavalry to charge them, whilst

yet engaged, in the rear, and the whole army presently after to give a

mighty shout. Moreover at break of day, the Roman banners were beheld

refulgent. Thus were the Britons dismayed with double peril and

distress; and to the Romans their courage returned. Hence seeing their

lives secure, they now maintained the conflict for glory. They even

returned the attack upon the enemy: insomuch that in the very gates of

the camp a bloody encounter ensued, till the enemy were quite routed;

for both these our armies exerted their might, the one contending to

show that they had brought relief, the other to appear not to have

wanted assistance. Indeed, had not the woods and marshes served for

shelter to the fugitives, by this victory the war had been determined.

By this success, with such valour gained, and followed with such renown,

the army was become elated and resolute. With fierce din they cried,

"That to their bravery nothing could prove insurmountable. They must

penetrate into the heart of Caledonia, and advance in a continual

succession of battles, till they had at last found the utmost limits of

Britain." Thus it was that they, who a little before had been so wary

and so wise, were now, after the event was determined, grown full of

boasts and intrepidity. Such is the lot of warfare, very unequal and

unjust: in success all men assume part: the disasters are all imputed

to one. Now the Britons, conjecturing the victory to proceed not from

superior courage, but from circumstances improved and the address of

our General, lost nothing of their spirit and defiance, but armed their

young men, removed their wives and children into places of security, and

in general conventions of their several communities engaged them in a

league ratified by solemn sacrifices. And thus they mutually retired for

the winter, with minds on both sides abundantly irritated.

During the same summer, a cohort of Usipians levied in Germany and

thence transported to Britain, adventured upon a feat very desperate and

memorable. When they had slain the Centurion and soldiers placed amongst

them for training them in discipline, and to serve them for patterns

and directors, they embarked in three pinnaces, forcing the pilots to

conduct them; and since one of these forsook them and fled away, they

suspected and therefore killed the other two. As the attempt was not

yet divulged, their launching into the deep was beheld as a wonder. Anon

they were tossed hither and thither at the mercy of the waves: and, as

they often engaged for spoil with several of the Britons, obliging

them to defend their property thus invaded, in which conflicts they

frequently proved victorious, and were sometimes defeated, they were

at last reduced to want so pressing, as to feed upon one another, first

upon the weakest, then upon whomsoever the lot fell. In this manner were

they carried round about Britain, and having lost their vessels through

ignorance how to manage them, they were accounted robbers and pirates,

and fell into the hands first of the Suevians, afterwards of the

Frisians. Nay, as they were bought and sold for slaves, some of them,

through change of masters, were brought over to our side of the Rhine,

and grew famous from the discovery of an adventure so extraordinary.

A.D. 84. In the beginning of the summer, Agricola suffered a sore blow

in his family, by losing his son born about a year before. A misfortune

which he neither bore with an ostentation of firmness and unconcern,

like many other men of magnanimity, nor with lamentations and tears

worthy only of women. Besides that for this affliction, war proved one

of his remedies. When therefore he had sent forward the navy, which by

committing devastations in several places, would not fail to spread a

mighty and perplexing terror, he put himself at the head of his army

lightly equipped, and to it had added some of the bravest Britons, such

as had been well proved through a long course of peace. Thus he arrived

at the Grampian Hills, upon which the enemy were already encamped. For,

the Britons, nothing daunted by the issue of the former battle, and

boldly waiting either to take vengeance or to suffer bondage, taught

withal at last, that a general union was the best way to repel common

danger, had by embassies and confederacies drawn together the forces of

all their communities. Even then were to be seen thirty thousand men in

arms, and their youth from every quarter were still continuing to flock

in, as were also such of their elderly men as were yet vigorous and

hale, they who were signal in war, and now carried with them their

several ensigns of honour formerly gained in the field. And now

Galgacus, he who amongst their several leaders surpassed all in valour

and descent, is said to have spoke in this strain to the multitude all

very pressing for battle,

"Whenever I contemplate the causes of the war, and the necessity to

which we are reduced, great is my confidence that this day and this

union of yours will prove the beginning of universal liberty to Britain.

For, besides that bondage is what we have never borne, we are so beset

that beyond us there is no further land; nor in truth is there any

security left us from the sea whilst the Roman fleet is hovering upon

our coasts. Thus the same expedient which proves honourable to brave

men, is to cowards too become the safest of all others, even present

recourse to battle and arms. The other Britons, in their past conflicts

with the Romans, whence they found various success, had still a

remaining source of hope and succour in this our nation. For, of all the

people of Britain we are the noblest, and thence placed in its innermost

regions, and, as we behold not so much as the coasts of such as are

slaves, we thus preserve even our eyes free and unprofaned by the sight

of lawless and usurped rule. To us who are the utmost inhabitants of the

earth, to us the last who enjoy liberty, this extremity of the globe,

this remote tract unknown even to common fame, has to this day proved

the only protection and defence. At present the utmost boundary of

Britain is laid open; and to conquer parts unknown, is thought matter of

great pomp and boasting. Beyond us no more people are found, nor aught

save seas and rocks; and already the Romans have advanced into the heart

of our country. Against their pride and domineering you will find it

in vain to seek a remedy or refuge from any obsequiousness or humble

behaviour of yours. Plunderers of the earth these, who in their

universal devastations finding countries to fail them, investigate and

rob even the sea. If the enemy be wealthy, he inflames their avarice;

if poor, their ambition. They are general spoilers, such as neither the

eastern world nor the western can satiate. They only of all men thirst

after acquisitions both poor and rich, with equal avidity and passion.

To spoil, to butcher, and to commit every kind of violence, they style

by a lying name, _Government_; and when they have spread a general

desolation, they call it _Peace_. [Footnote: "Ubi solitudinem faciunt,

pacem appellant."]

"Dearest to every man are his children and kindred, by the contrivance

and designation of nature. These are snatched from us for recruits, and

doomed to bondage in other parts of the earth. Our wives and sisters,

however they escape rapes and violence as from open enemies, are

debauched under the appearance and privilege of friendship and

hospitality. Our fortunes and possessions they exhaust for tribute, our

grain for their provisions. Even our bodies and limbs are extenuated

and wasted, while we are doomed to the drudgery of making cuts through

woods, and drains in bogs, under continual blows and outrages. Such as

are born to be slaves are but once sold, and thenceforward nourished by

their lords. Britain is daily paying for its servitude, is daily feeding

it. Moreover, as in a tribe of household slaves, he who comes last

serves for sport to all his fellows; so in this ancient state of slavery

to which the world is reduced, we, as the freshest slaves and thence

held the most contemptible, are now designed to destruction. For, we

have no fields to cultivate, nor mines to dig, nor ports to make; works

for which they might be tempted to spare us alive: besides that ever

distasteful to rulers is magnanimity and a daring spirit in their

subjects. Indeed our very situation, so solitary and remote, the more

security it affords to us, does but raise the greater jealousy in them.

Seeing therefore you are thus bereft of all hopes of mercy, rouse now at

last all your courage, both you to whom life is dearest, and you to whom

glory. The Brigantes, even under the leading of a woman, burned

their colony, stormed their entrenchments, and, had not such success

degenerated into sloth, might have quite cast off the yoke of slavery.

Let us who still preserve our forces entire, us who are still unsubdued,

and want not to acquire liberty but only to secure it, manifest at once,

upon the first encounter, what kind of men they are that Caledonia has

reserved for her own vindication and defence.

"Do you indeed believe the Romans to be equally brave and vigorous in

war, as during peace they are vicious and dissolute? From our quarrels

and divisions it is that they have derived their renown, and thus

convert the faults of their enemies to the glory of their own army;

an army compounded of many nations so different, that as it is success

alone which holds them together, misfortunes and disasters will surely

dissolve them. Unless you suppose that the Germans there, that the

Gauls, and many of the Britons (whom with shame I mention), men who

however have been all much longer their enemies than their slaves,

are yet attached to them by any real fidelity and affection, whilst

presenting their blood to establish a domination altogether foreign

and unnatural to them all. What restrains them is no more than awe and

terror, frail bonds of endearment; and when these are removed, such who

cease to fear, will immediately begin to manifest their hate. Amongst us

is found whatever can stimulate men to victory. The Romans have no wives

to hearten and to urge them. They have here no fathers and mothers to

upbraid them for flying. Many of them have no country at all, or at

least their country is elsewhere. But a few in number they are, ignorant

of the region and thence struck with dread, whilst to their eyes,

whatever they behold around them, is all wild and strange, even the air

and sky, with the woods and the sea; so that the Gods have in some sort

delivered them enclosed and bound into our hands.

"Be not dismayed with things of mere show, and with a glare of gold and

of silver: this is what can neither wound, nor save. In the very host

of the enemy we shall find bands of our own. The Britons will own and

espouse their own genuine cause. The Gauls will recollect their former

liberty. What the Usipians have lately done, the other Germans will do,

and abandon the Romans. Thereafter nothing remains to be feared. Their

forts are ungarrisoned; their colonies replenished with the aged and

infirm; and between the people and their magistrates, whilst the

former are averse to obedience, and the latter rule with injustice, the

municipal cities are weakened and full of dissensions. Here you see a

general, here an army: there you may behold tributes and the mines, with

all the other train of calamities and curses ever pursuing men enslaved.

Whether all these are to be for ever imposed, or whether we forthwith

avenge ourselves for the attempt, this very field must determine. As

therefore you advance to battle, look back upon your ancestors, look

forward to your posterity."

They received his speech joyfully, with chantings, and terrible din, and

many dissonant shouts, after the manner of barbarians. Already too their

bands moved, and the glittering of their arms appeared, as all the most

resolute were running to the front: moreover the army was forming

in battle array; when Agricola; who indeed saw his soldiers full of

alacrity, and hardly to be restrained even by express cautions, yet

chose to discourse to them in the following strain. "It is now the

eighth year, my fellow-soldiers, since through the virtue and auspicious

fortune of the Roman Empire, and by your own services and fidelity you

have been pursuing the conquest of Britain. In so many expeditions that

you have undertaken, in so many battles as you have fought, you have

still had constant occasion either to be exerting your bravery against

the foe, or your patience and pains even against the obstacles of

nature. Neither, during all these struggles, have we found any cause

of mutual regret, I to have conducted such soldiers, or you to have

followed such a captain. We have both passed the limits which we found,

I those known to the ancient governors, you those of former armies; and

we possess the very extremity of Britain, not only in the bruitings of

fame and vulgar rumour, but possess it with our camps and arms. Britain

is entirely discovered, and entirely subdued. In truth, as the army has

been marching, whilst in passing morasses and mountains and rivers

you have been fatigued and distressed, I was wont to hear every man

remarkably brave ask, _When shall we see the enemy, when be led to

battle?_ Already they are come, roused from their fastnesses and lurking

holes. Here you see the end of all your wishes, here scope for all your

valour, and all things promising and propitious, if you conquer; but

all cross and disastrous, should you be vanquished. For, as to have

thus marched over a tract of country so immense, to have passed through

gloomy forests, to have crossed arms of the deep, is matter of glory and

applause whilst we advance against the enemy; so if we fly before them,

whatever is now most in our favour, will then prove most to our peril.

We know not the situation of the country so well as they know it; we

have not provisions so abundant as they have: but we have limbs and

arms; and in these, all things. For myself; it is a rule long since

settled by me, that safety there is none either to the army or to the

general, in turning their backs upon the foe. Hence it is not only more

eligible to lose life honourably than to save it basely, but security

and renown both arise from the same source. Neither would it be a fate

void of glory to fall in this the utmost verge of earth and of nature.

"Were the people now arrayed against you such as were new to you, were

you to engage with bands never before tried, I should animate you by the

examples of other armies. At present, only recollect and enumerate your

own signal exploits, only ask and consult your own eyes. These are they

whom but the last year you utterly discomfited, only by the terror of

your shouting, when, trusting to the darkness of the night, they by

stealth attacked a single legion. These are they who of all the Britons

are the most abandoned to fear and flight, and thence happen thus long

to survive all the rest. It is with us as with those who make inroads

into woods and forests. As beasts of the greatest strength there, are

driven thence by the superior force of such as pursue them, and as the

timorous and spiritless fly even at the cry of the pursuers: in like

manner, all the bravest Britons are long since fallen by the sword.

They that remain are only a crowd, fearful and effeminate: nor can you

consider them as men whom you have therefore reached, because they have

persisted to oppose you, but as such whom you have surprised as the last

and forlorn of all, who struck with dread and bereft of spirit, stand

benumbed in yonder field, whence you may gain over them a glorious and

memorable victory. Here complete all your expeditions and efforts: here

close a struggle of fifty years with one great and important day, so

that to the army may not be imputed either the procrastination of the

war, or any cause for reviving it."

Apparent, even whilst Agricola spoke, was the ardour of the soldiers,

mighty their transport and applause at the end of his speech, and

instantly they flew to their arms. Thus inflamed and urging to engage,

he formed them so that the strong band of auxiliary foot, who were eight

thousand men, composed the centre. The wings were environed with three

thousand horse. The legions without advancing stood embattled just

without the entrenchment; for that mighty would be the glory of the

victory, were it, by sparing them, gained without spilling any Roman

blood; and they were still a sure stay and succour, should the rest be

repulsed. The British host was ranged upon the rising grounds, at once

for show and terror, in such sort that the first band stood upon the

plain, and the rest rose successively upon the brows of the hills, one

rank close above another, as if they had been linked together. Their

cavalry and chariots of war filled the interjacent field with great

tumult and boundings to and fro. Agricola then, fearing from the

surpassing multitude of the enemy, that he might be beset at once in

the front and on each flank, opened and extended his host. Yet, though

thence his ranks must prove more relaxed, and many advised him to bring

on the legions, he, who rather entertained a spirit of hope, and in all

difficulties was ever firm, dismissed his horse and advanced on foot

before the banners.

In the beginning of the onset the conflict was maintained at a distance.

The Britons, they who were possessed at once of bravery and skill, armed

with their huge swords and small bucklers, quite eluded our missive

weapons, or beat them quite off, whilst of their own they poured a

torrent upon us, till Agricola encouraged three Batavian cohorts and

two of the Tungrians, to close with the enemy and bring them to an

engagement hand to hand; as what was with those veteran soldiers a

long practice, and become familiar, but to the enemy very uneasy and

embarrassing, as they were armed with very little targets and with

swords of enormous size. For, the swords of the Britons, which are blunt

at the end, are unfit for grapling and cannot support a close encounter.

Hence the Batavians thickened their blows, wounded them with the iron

bosses of their bucklers, mangled their faces, and, bearing down all who

withstood them upon the plain, were already carrying the attack up to

the hills: insomuch that the rest of the cohorts, incited by emulation

and sudden ardour, joined with those and made havoc of all whom they

encountered. Nay, such was the impetuosity and hurry of the victory,

that many were left behind but half dead, others not so much as wounded.

In the meantime their troops of cavalry took to flight: the chariots of

war mingled with the battalions of foot; and though they had so lately

struck terror, were now themselves beset and entangled with our thick

bands, as also with the unevenness and intricacy of the place. Of

a combat of cavalry this bore not the least appearance: since here,

standing obstinately foot to foot, they pressed to overthrow each other

by the weight and bodies of their horses. Moreover the war-chariots, now

abandoned and straggling, as also the horses destitute of managers and

thence wild and affrighted, were running hither and thither just as the

next fright drove them; insomuch that all of their own side, who met

them or crossed their way, were beaten down by them.

Now those of the Britons who were lodged upon the ridges of the hills

and had hitherto no share in the encounter, like men yet pressed by no

peril looked with scorn upon our forces as but few in number, and began

to descend softly and to surround them in the rear, whilst they were

urging their victory. But Agricola, who had apprehended this very

design, despatched to engage them four squadrons of horse, such as he

had reserved near him for the sudden exigencies of the field; and by

this providence of his, the more furiously they had advanced, the more

keenly were they repulsed and utterly routed. Thus against the Britons

themselves their own devices were turned; and by the order of the

General, the squadrons of cavalry which charged in front, wheeled about

and assailed the enemy behind. Then in truth, all over the open fields

was to be seen a spectacle prodigious and tragical, incessant pursuits,

wounds and captivity, and the present captives always slaughtered, as

often as others occurred to be taken. Now the enemy behaved just as they

happened to be prompted by their several humours. Sometimes they fled in

large troops with all their arms, before a smaller number that pursued

them: others, quite unarmed, rushed into peril, and desperately

presented themselves to instant death. On all sides lay scattered arms

and carcasses, and mangled limbs, and the ground was dyed with blood.

Nay, now and then even by the vanquished was exerted notable wrath and

bravery. When once they drew near the woods, they rejoined and rallied,

and thus circumvented the foremost pursuers, such as, without knowing

the country, had rashly ventured too far. Whence we must have suffered

some notable disaster, from such confidence void of caution, had

not Agricola who was assiduously visiting every quarter, ordered the

stoutest cohorts lightly equipped to range themselves in the form of

a toil [Footnote: A net or web, to encompass them; such as Herodotus

describes, for clearing out a vanquished enemy.] to invest them, also

some of the cavalry to dismount, and enter the strait passes, and the

rest of the horse, at the same time, to beat the more open and passable

parts of the woods. Now, as soon as they perceived our forces to

continue the pursuit with ranks regular and close, they betook

themselves to open flight, in no united bands as before, no one man

regarding or awaiting another; but quite scattered, and each shunning

any companion, they all made to places far remote and desert. What ended

the pursuit was night and a satiety of slaughter. Of the enemy were

slain ten thousand. There fell of our men three hundred and forty,

amongst these Aulus Atticus, commander of a cohort; one by his own

youthful heart, as also by a fiery horse, hurried into the midst of the

enemies.

It was indeed a night of great joy to the conquerors, both from victory

and spoil. The Britons, who wandered in despair, men and women uttering

in concert their dismal wailings, dragged along their wounded, called to

such as were unhurt, deserted their houses, nay, in rage even set them

on fire; made choice of lurking holes, then instantly forsook them; then

met to consult, and from their counsels gathered some hope: sometimes,

upon beholding their dearest pledges of nature, their spirits became

utterly sunk and dejected; sometimes, by the same sight, they were

roused into resolution and fury. Nay, 'tis very certain, that some

murdered their children and wives, as an act of compassion and

tenderness. The next day produced a more ample display of the victory;

on all sides a profound silence, solitary hills, thick smoke rising from

the houses on fire, and not a living soul to be found by the scouts.

When from these, who had been despatched out every way, it was learnt,

that whither the enemy had fled no certain traces could be discovered,

and that they had nowhere rallied in bodies; when the summer was

likewise passed and thence an impossibility of extending the operations

of war, he conducted his army into the borders of the Horestians. After

he had there received hostages, he ordered the Admiral of the Fleet to

sail round Britain. For this expedition he was furnished with proper

forces, and before him was already gone forth the terror of the Roman

power: he himself the while led on his foot and horse with a slow pace,

that thus the minds of these new nations might be awed and dismayed

even by prolonging his march through them: he then lodged his army in

garrisons for the winter. The fleet too having found a favourable sea,

entered with great fame, into the harbour of Rhutupium: [Footnote:

Supposed to be Sandwich Haven.] for, from thence it had sailed, and

coasting along the nethermost shore of Britain, thither returned.

With this course and situation of things Agricola by letters acquainted

the Emperor; tidings which, however modestly recounted, without all

ostentation, or any pomp of words, Domitian received as with joy in his

countenance, so with anguish in his soul: such was his custom. His heart

indeed smote him for his late mock triumph over the Germans, which he

knew to be held in public derision; as to adorn it he had purchased a

number of slaves, who were so decked in their habits and hair, as to

resemble captives in war. But here a victory mighty and certain, gained

by the slaughter of so many thousands of the enemy, was universally

sounded by the voice of fame, and received with vast applause. Terrible

above all things it was to him, that the name of a private man should be

exalted above that of the Prince. In vain had he driven from the public

tribunals all pursuits of popular evidence and fame, in vain smothered

the lustre of every civil accomplishment, if any other than himself

possessed the glory of excelling in war: nay, however he might dissemble

every other distaste, yet to the person of the Emperor properly

appertained the virtue and praise of being a great General. Tortured

with these anxious thoughts, and indulging his humour of being shut up

in secret, a certain indication that he was fostering some sanguinary

purpose, he at last judged it the best course, upon this occasion, to

hide and reserve his rancour till the first flights of fame were

passed, and the affection of the army cooled. For, Agricola held yet the

administration of Britain.

To him therefore he caused to be decreed in Senate the triumphal

ornaments, a statue crowned with laurel, with whatever else is bestowed

instead of a real triumph, and heightened this his compliment with many

expressions full of esteem and honour. He directed moreover a general

expectation to be raised, that to Agricola was destined the Province of

Syria, a Government then vacant by the death of Atilius Rufus, a man

of Consular quality, since the same was reserved only for men of

illustrious rank. Many there were who believed, that an Imperial

freedman, one much trusted with the secret designs of his master, was by

him despatched to carry the instrument appointing Agricola Governor of

Syria, with orders to deliver it to him, were he still in Britain;

that the freedman met Agricola crossing the Channel, and without once

speaking to him, returned directly to Domitian. It is uncertain whether

this account be true, or only a fiction framed in conformity to the

character and genius of the Prince. To his successor, in the meantime,

Agricola had surrendered the Province now settled in perfect peace and

security. Moreover, to prevent all remarks upon the manner of his entry

into Rome, from any popular distinction paid him, and any concourse of

people to meet him, he utterly declined this observance of his friends,

and came into the city by night; and by night, as he was directed,

went to the palace. He was there received by the Emperor, with a short

embrace, but without a word said; then passed, undistinguished, amongst

the crowd of servile courtiers. Now in order to soften with other

and different virtues the reputation of a military man, a name ever

distasteful to those who live themselves in idleness, he resigned

himself entirely to indolence and repose. In his dress he was modest;

in his conversation courteous and free, and never found accompanied with

more than one or two of his friends. Insomuch that many, such especially

as are wont to judge of great men by their retinue and parade, all

calculated to gain popular admiration, when they had beheld and observed

Agricola, sought to know whence proceeded his mighty fame: there were

indeed but few who could account for the motives of his conduct.

Frequently, during the course of that time, was he accused in his

absence before Domitian, and in his absence also acquitted. What

threatened his life was no crime of his, nor complaint of any particular

for injuries received, nor aught else save the glorious character of

the man, and the spirit of the Emperor hating all excellence and every

virtue. With these causes there concurred the most mischievous sort of

all enemies, they who extolled him in order to destroy him. Moreover in

the Commonwealth there ensued such times as would not permit the name

of Agricola to remain unmentioned: so many were the armies which we had

lost in Moesia, in Dacia, in Germany, in Pannonia; all by the wretched

conduct of our Generals, either altogether impotent or foolhardy:

so many withal were the brave officers, with so many bands of men

overthrown and taken. Neither was the question and contest now about

maintaining the limits of the Empire and guarding the rivers which

served for its boundaries, but about defending the standing encampments

of the legions and preserving our own territories. Thus, when public

misfortunes were following one another in a continual train, when every

year was become signal for calamities and slaughters, Agricola was by

the common voice of the populace required for the command of our armies.

For, all men were comparing his vigour, his firmness, and his mind

trained in war, with the sloth and timidity of the others. With

discourses of this strain, it is certain that even the ears of Domitian

himself were teased; whilst all the best of his freedmen advised and

pressed him to this choice, out of pure affection and duty, as did the

worst out of virulence and envy; and to whatever appeared most malignant

that Prince was ever prone. In this manner was Agricola, as well through

his own virtues as through the base management of others, pushed upon a

precipice even of glory.

A.D. 90. The year was now arrived when to the lot of Agricola was to

fall the Proconsulship of Asia or of Africa: and, as Civica had been

lately murdered (even whilst Proconsul of the former Province), Agricola

was neither unprepared what course to pursue, nor Domitian unfurnished

with an example to follow. It happened too, that certain persons, men

apprised of the secret purposes of the Prince, made it their business

to accost Agricola and ask him, whether he meant in earnest to take

possession of his Province. Nay, they began, at first indeed with some

reserve, to extol a life of tranquillity and repose; anon they proffered

their good offices to procure his demission and excuse: at last,

throwing off all disguise, and proceeding at once to dissuade and to

intimidate him, they prevailed with him to be carried, with this as his

suit, to Domitian. He, already prepared to dissemble his sentiments,

and assuming a mien of haughtiness, not only received the petition of

Agricola to be excused, but when he had granted it, suffered himself

to be presented with formal thanks, Nor was he ashamed of conferring

a grace so unpopular and odious. To Agricola however he gave not the

salary which was wont to be paid to Proconsuls, and which he himself had

continued to some. Whether he were affronted that it was not asked, or

whether restrained by his own guilty mind, lest he might seem to have

purchased with money what he had hindered by his interposition and

power. It is the nature of men, that whomsoever they injure they hate.

Now Domitian was in his temper apt to be suddenly transported into

rage, and, in proportion as he smothered his vengeance, the more

irreconcilable he always certainly proved. Yet by the prudence and

moderation of Agricola, he was softened. For, by no contumacy of his,

nor by any vain ostentation of a spirit of liberty ill-timed, did he

court fame or urge his fate. Let such who are wont to admire things

daring and forbidden, know, that even under evil Princes great men may

be produced, and that by the means of modesty and observance, provided

these be accompanied with application and vigour, they may rise to an

equal measure of public estimation and praise with that of many, who

through a conduct very stubborn and precipitate, but of no advantage to

the Commonweal, have distinguished themselves by dying only to gain a

great name.

A.D. 93. Afflicting to us his family proved the end of his life,

sorrowful to his friends; and even to foreigners and such as knew him

not, matter of trouble and condolence. The commonalty likewise, and

such people as were void of employment, [Footnote: Or it may be thus

translated: "The body of the people though chiefly intent upon such

affairs as concerned not the State."--GORDON. Burnouf is better: "Ce

peuple, qu'occupent d'autres intérêts."] were not only frequent in

their visits to his house, but in all public places, in all particular

companies made him the subject of their conversation. Nor, when his

death was divulged, was there a soul found who either rejoiced at it,

or presently forgot it. What heightened the public commiseration and

concern, was a prevailing rumour that he was despatched by poison.

That there was any proof of this, I dare not aver. Yet it is true, that

during the whole course of his illness, Domitian caused frequent visits

to be made him, indeed much more frequent than Princes are wont to

make, both by his favourite freedmen and most trusty physicians;

whether through real concern for his health, or solicitude to learn the

probability of his death. It is well known that on the day in which he

expired, continual accounts were, by messengers purposely placed, every

instant transmitted to the Emperor, how fast his end was approaching;

and no one believed, that he would thus quicken such tidings, had he

been to feel any sorrow from hearing them. In his face however and even

in his spirit, he affected to show some guise of grief; for, he was now

secure against the object of his hate, and could more easily dissemble

his present joy, than lately his fear. It was abundantly notorious how

much it rejoiced him, upon reading the last will of Agricola, to find

himself left joint heir with his excellent wife and tender daughter.

This he took to have been done out of judgment and choice, and in

pure honour to himself. So blind and corrupt was his mind rendered by

continual flattery, as not to know, that to no Prince but a bad one will

any good father bequeath his fortune.

Agricola was born on the 13th of June, during the third Consulship

of the Emperor Caligula. He died on the 24th of August, during the

Consulship of Collega and Priscus, in the fifty-sixth year of his age.

If posterity be desirous to know his make and stature; in his person

he was rather genteel and regular than tall. [Footnote: Decentior quam

sublimior fuit.] In his aspect there was nothing terrible. His looks

were extremely graceful and pleasing. A good man you would have readily

believed him, and been glad to have found that he was a great man. Nay,

though he was snatched away whilst his age was yet in full vigour,

if however his life be measured by his glory, he attained to a mighty

length of days. For, every true felicity and acquisition, namely, all

such as arise from virtue, he had already enjoyed to the full. As he had

been likewise dignified with the Consular and triumphal honours, what

more could fortune add to his lustre and renown? After enormous wealth

he sought not: an honourable share he possessed. As behind him he left

surviving his daughter and his wife, he may be even accounted happy;

since by dying whilst his credit was nowise impaired, his fame in its

full splendour, his relations and friends yet in a state of security, he

escaped the evils to come. For, as before us he was wont to express his

wishes, that he might survive to see this truly blessed Age, and Trajan

swaying the sovereignty, wishes which he uttered with presages as of

what would surely ensue; so it was a wondrous consolation attending the

quickness of his death, that thence he evaded the misery of the latter

times, when Domitian, who had ceased to exert his tyranny by starts only

and intermissions, was come now to rend the Commonwealth by cruelties

without all respite, and to overthrow it as it were by one great and

deadly stroke.

For, Agricola saw not the Court of the Senate besieged, nor the Senate

enclosed by armed men, nor the butchery of so many men of Consular

dignity, nor the flight and exile of so many ladies of the prime

nobility, all effected in one continued havoc. Till then Carus Metius,

the accuser, was only considerable for having been victorious in one

bloody process; till then the cruel motions of Messallinus rang only

within the palace at Alba; [Footnote: A country palace of Domitian.] and

in those days Massa Bebius (afterwards so exercised in arraigning the

innocent) was himself arraigned as a criminal. Presently after we, with

our own hands, dragged Helvidius to prison and execution: we beheld the

melancholy doom of Mauricus and Rusticus: we found ourselves besprinkled

with the innocent blood of Senecio. Even Nero withheld his eyes from

scenes of cruelty, he indeed ordered murders to be perpetrated, but saw

not the perpetration. The principal part of our miseries under Domitian,

was to be obliged to see him and be seen by him, at a time when all our

sighs and sorrows were watched and marked down for condemnation; when

that cruel countenance of his, always covered with a settled red, whence

he hardened himself against all shame and blushing, served him to mark

and recount all the pale horrors at once possessing so many men. Thou

therefore, Agricola, art happy, not only as thy life was glorious, but

as thy death was seasonable. According to the account of such who heard

thy last words, thou didst accept thy fate cheerfully and with firmness,

as if thou thus didst thy part to show the Emperor to be guiltless. But

to myself and thy daughter, besides the anguish of having our father

snatched from us, it proves a fresh accession of sorrow, that we had

not an opportunity to attend thee in thy sickness, to solace thy sinking

spirits, to please ourselves with seeing thee, please ourselves

with embracing thee. Doubtless, we should have greedily received thy

instructions and sayings, and engraved them for ever upon our hearts.

This is our woe, this a wound to our spirit, that by the lot of long

absence from thee thou wast already lost to us for four years before thy

death. There is no question, excellent father, but that with whatever

thy condition required thou wast honourably supplied, as thou wast

attended by thy wife, one so full of tenderness for her husband: yet

fewer tears accompanied thy course, and during thy last moments somewhat

was wanting to satisfy thine eyes.

If for the _Manes_ of the just any place be found; if, as philosophers

hold, great spirits perish not with the body, pleasing be thy repose.

Moreover, recall us thy family from this our weakness in regretting

thee, and from these our effeminate wailings, to the contemplation of

thy virtues, for which it were unjust to lament or to mourn. Let us

rather adorn thy memory with deathless praises and (as far as our

infirmities will allow) by pursuing and adopting thy excellencies.

This is true honour, this the natural duty incumbent upon every near

relation. This is also what I would recommend to thy daughter and thy

wife, so to reverence the memory of a father, and a husband, as to be

ever ruminating upon all his doings, upon all his sayings, and rather to

adore his immortal name, rather the image of his mind than that of

his person. Not that I mean to condemn the use of statues, such as

are framed of marble or brass. But as the persons of men are frail and

perishing, so are likewise the portraitures of men. The form of the soul

is eternal, such as you cannot represent and preserve by the craft of

hands or by materials foreign to its nature, nor otherwise than by a

similitude and conformity of manners. Whatever we loved in Agricola,

whatever we admired, remains, and will for ever remain implanted in the

hearts of men, through an eternity of ages, and conveyed down in the

voice of fame, in the record of things. For, many of the great ancients,

by being buried in oblivion, have thence reaped the fate of men

altogether mean and inglorious: but Agricola shall ever survive in his

history here composed and transmitted to posterity.