BOOK II

A.D. 16-19.

The commotions in the East happened not ungratefully to Tiberius, since

then he had a colour for separating Germanicus from his old and faithful

legions; for setting him over strange provinces, and exposing him at

once to casual perils and the efforts of fraud. But he, the more ardent

he found the affections of the soldiers, and the greater the hatred of

his uncle, so much the more intent upon a decisive victory, weighed

with himself all the methods of that war, with all the disasters and

successes which had befallen him in it to this his third year. He

remembered "that the Germans were ever routed in a fair battle, and upon

equal ground; that woods and bogs, short summers, and early winters,

were their chief resources; that his own men suffered not so much from

their wounds, as from tedious marches, and the loss of their arms. The

Gauls were weary of furnishing horses; long and cumbersome was his train

of baggage, easily surprised, and with difficulty defended; but, if we

entered the country by sea, the invasion would be easy, and the enemy

unapprised. Besides, the war would be earlier begun; the legions and

provisions would be carried together; and the cavalry brought with

safety, through the mouths and channels of the rivers, into the heart of

Germany."

On that method therefore he fixed: whilst Publius Vitellius and Publius

Cantius were sent to collect the tribute of the Gauls; Silius, Anteius,

and Caecina had the direction of building the fleet. A thousand vessels

were thought sufficient, and with despatch finished: some were short,

sharp at both ends, and wide in the middle, the easier to endure the

agitations of the waves; some had flat bottoms, that without damage

they might bear to run aground; several had helms at each end, that by

suddenly turning the oars only they might work either way. Many were

arched over, for carrying the engines of war. They were fitted for

holding horses and provisions, to fly with sails, to run with oars, and

the spirit and alacrity of the soldiers heightened the show and terror

of the fleet. They were to meet at the Isle of Batavia, which was chosen

for its easy landing, for its convenience to receive the forces, and

thence to transport them to the war. For the Rhine, flowing in one

continual channel, or only broken by small islands, is, at the extremity

of Batavia, divided as it were into two rivers; one running still

through Germany, and retaining the same name and violent current, till

it mixes with the ocean; the other, washing the Gallic shore, with a

broader and more gentle stream, is by the inhabitants called by another

name, the Wahal, which it soon after changes for that of the river

Meuse, by whose immense mouth it is discharged into the same ocean.

While the fleet sailed, Germanicus commanded Silius, his lieutenant,

with a flying band, to invade the Cattans; and he himself, upon hearing

that the fort upon the river Luppia [Footnote: Lippe.] was besieged, led

six legions thither: but the sudden rains prevented Silius from doing

more than taking some small plunder, with the wife and daughter of

Arpus, Prince of the Cattans; nor did the besiegers stay to fight

Germanicus, but upon the report of his approach stole off and dispersed.

As they had, however, thrown down the common tomb lately raised over

the Varian legions, and the old altar erected to Drusus, he restored the

altar; and performed in person with the legions the funeral ceremony of

running courses to the honour of his father. To replace the tomb was

not thought fit; but all the space between Fort Aliso and the Rhine, he

fortified with a new barrier.

The fleet was now arrived, the provisions were sent forward; ships were

assigned to the legions and the allies; and he entered the canal cut

by Drusus, and called by his name. Here he invoked his father "to be

propitious to his son attempting the same enterprises; to inspire him

with the same counsels, and animate him by his example." Hence he

sailed fortunately through the lakes and the ocean to the river Amisia,

[Footnote: Ems.] and at the town of Amisia the fleet was left upon the

left shore; and it was a fault that it sailed no higher, for he landed

the army on the right shore, so that in making bridges many days were

consumed. The horse and the legions passed over without danger, as it

was yet ebb; but the returning tide disordered the rear, especially the

Batavians, while they played with the waves, and showed their dexterity

in swimming; and some were drowned. Whilst Germanicus was encamping, he

was told of the revolt of the Angrivarians behind him, and thither he

despatched a body of horse and light foot, under Stertinius, who with

fire and slaughter took vengeance on the perfidious revolters.

Between the Romans and the Cheruscans flowed the river Visurgis,

[Footnote: Weser.] and on the banks of it stood Arminius, with the other

chiefs: he inquired whether Germanicus was come; and being answered that

he was there, he prayed leave to speak with his brother. This brother

of his was in the army, his name Flavius; one remarkable for his lasting

faith towards the Romans, and for the loss of an eye in the war under

Tiberius. This request was granted: Flavius stepped forward, and was

saluted by Arminius, who, having removed his own attendance, desired

that our archers ranged upon the opposite banks might retire. When

they were withdrawn, "How came you," says he to his brother, "by that

deformity in your face?" The brother having informed him where, and

in what fight, was next asked, "what reward he had received?" Flavius

answered, "Increase of pay, the chain, the crown, and other military

gifts;" all which Arminius treated with derision, as the vile wages of

servitude.

Here began a warm contest: Flavius pleaded "the grandeur of the Roman

Empire, the power of the Emperor, the Roman clemency to submitting

nations, the heavy yoke of the vanquished; and that neither the wife nor

son of Arminius was used like a captive." Arminius to all this opposed

"the natural rights of their country, their ancient liberty, the

domestic Gods of Germany; he urged the prayers of their common mother

joined to his own, that he would not prefer the character of a deserter,

that of a betrayer of his family, his countrymen, and kindred, to the

glory of being their commander." By degrees they fell into reproaches;

nor would the interposition of the river have restrained them from

blows, had not Stertinius hasted to lay hold on Flavius, full of rage,

and calling for his arms and his horse. On the opposite side was seen

Arminius, swelling with ferocity and threats, and denouncing battle.

For, of what he said, much was said in Latin, having as the General of

his countrymen served in the Roman armies.

Next day, the German army stood embattled beyond the Visurgis.

Germanicus, who thought it became not a General to endanger the legions,

till for their passage and security he had placed bridges and guards,

made the horse ford over. They were led by Stertinius, and Aemilius,

Lieutenant-Colonel of a legion; and these two officers crossed the

river in distant places, to divide the foe. Cariovalda, Captain of the

Batavians, passed it where most rapid, and was by the Cheruscans, who

feigned flight, drawn into a plain surrounded with woods, whence they

rushed out upon him and assaulted him on every side; overthrew those who

resisted, and pressed vehemently upon those who gave way. The distressed

Batavians formed themselves into a ring, but were again broken, partly

by a close assault, partly by distant showers of darts. Cariovalda,

having long sustained the fury of the enemy, exhorted his men to draw up

into platoons, and break through the prevailing host; he himself forced

his way into their centre, and fell with his horse under a shower of

darts, and many of the principal Batavians round him; the rest were

saved by their own bravery, or rescued by the cavalry under Stertinius

and Aemilius.

Germanicus, having passed the Visurgis, learned from a deserter, that

Arminius had marked out the place of battle; that more nations had also

joined him; that they rendezvoused in a wood sacred to Hercules, and

would attempt to storm our camp by night. The deserter was believed;

the enemy's fires were discerned; and the scouts having advanced towards

them, reported that they had heard the neighing of horses, and the

hollow murmur of a mighty and tumultuous host. In this important

conjuncture, upon the approach of a decisive battle, Germanicus thought

it behoved him to learn the inclinations and spirit of the soldiers

and deliberated with himself how to be informed without fraud: "for the

reports of the Tribunes and Centurions used to be oftener pleasing than

true; his Freedmen had still slavish souls, incapable of free speech;

friends were apt to flatter; there was the same uncertainty in an

assemble, where the counsel proposed by a few was wont to be echoed by

all; in truth, the minds of the soldiery were then best known, when

they were least watched; when free and over their meals, they frankly

disclosed their hopes and fears."

In the beginning of night, he went out at the augural gate, with a

single attendant; himself disguised with the skin of a wild beast

hanging over his shoulders; and choosing secret ways, he escaped the

notice of the watch, entered the lanes of the camp, listened from tent

to tent, and enjoyed the pleasing display of his own popularity and

fame; as one was magnifying the imperial birth of his general; another,

his graceful person; and all, his patience, condescension, and the

equality of his soul in every temper, pleasant or grave: they confessed

the gratitude due to so much merit, and that in battle they ought to

express it, and to sacrifice at the same time to glory and revenge these

perfidious Germans, who for ever violated stipulations and peace. In the

meantime one of the enemy who understood Latin rode up to the palisades,

and with a loud voice offered, in the name of Arminius, to every

deserter a wife and land, and as long as the war lasted an hundred

sesterces a day. [Footnote: 16s. 8d.] This contumely kindled the wrath

of the legions: "Let day come," they cried, "let battle be given: the

soldiers would seize and not accept the lands of the Germans; take and

not receive German wives; they, however, received the offer as an omen

of victory, and considered the money and women as their destined prey."

Near the third watch of the night, they approached and insulted the

camp; but without striking a blow, when they found the ramparts covered

thick with cohorts, and no advantage given.

Germanicus had the same night a joyful dream: he thought he sacrificed,

and, in place of his own robe besmeared with the sacred blood, received

one fairer from the hands of his grandmother Augusta; so that elevated

by the omen, and by equal encouragement from the auspices, he called an

assembly, where he opened his deliberations concerning the approaching

battle with all the advantages contributing to victory: "That to the

Roman soldiers not only plains and dales, but, with due circumspection,

even woods and forests were commodious for an engagement. The huge

targets, the enormous spears, of the Barbarians could never be wielded

amongst thickets and trunks of trees like Roman swords and javelins,

and armour adjusted to the shape and size of their bodies, so that with

these tractable arms they might thicken their blows, and strike with

certainty at the naked faces of the enemy, since the Germans were

neither furnished with headpiece nor coat of mail, nor were their

bucklers bound with leather or fortified with iron, but all bare

basket-work or painted boards; and though their first ranks were armed

with pikes, the rest had only stakes burnt at the end, or short and

contemptible darts; for their persons, as they were terrible to sight

and violent in the onset, so they were utterly impatient of wounds,

unaffected with their own disgrace, unconcerned for the honour of their

general, whom they ever deserted and fled; in distress cowards, in

prosperity despisers of all divine, of all human laws. In fine, if the

army, after their fatigues at sea and their tedious marches by land,

longed for an utter end of their labour, by this battle they might gain

it. The Elbe was now nearer than the Rhine; and if they would make him

a conqueror in those countries where his father and his uncle had

conquered, the war was concluded." The ardour of the soldiers followed

the speech of the general, and the signal for the onset was given.

Neither did Arminius or the other chiefs neglect to declare to their

several bands that "these Romans were the cowardly fugitives of the

Varian army, who, because they could not endure to fight, had afterwards

chosen to rebel. That some with backs deformed by wounds, some with

limbs maimed by tempests, forsaken of hope, and the Gods against them,

were once more presenting their lives to their vengeful foes. Hitherto a

fleet, and unfrequented seas, had been the resources of their cowardice

against an assaulting or a pursuing enemy; but now that they were to

engage hand to hand, vain would be their relief from wind and oars after

a defeat. The Germans needed only remember their rapine, cruelty, and

pride; and that to themselves nothing remained but either to maintain

their native liberty, or by death to prevent bondage."

The enemy, thus inflamed and calling for battle, were led into a

plain called Idistavisus: [Footnote: Near Minden.] it lies between the

Visurgis and the hills, and winds unequally along, as it is straitened

by the swellings of the mountains or enlarged by the circuits of the

river. Behind rose a forest of high trees, thick of branches above but

clear of bushes below. The army of Barbarians kept the plain, and

the entrances of the forest. The Cheruscans alone sat down upon the

mountain, in order to pour down from thence upon the Romans as soon as

they became engaged in the fight. Our army marched thus: the auxiliary

Gauls and Germans in front, after them the foot archers, next four

legions, and then Germanicus with two Praetorian cohorts and the choice

of the cavalry; then four legions more, and the light foot with archers

on horseback and the other troops of the allies; the men all intent to

march in order of battle and ready to engage as they marched.

As the impatient bands of Cheruscans were now perceived descending

fiercely from the hills, Germanicus commanded a body of the best horse

to charge them in the flank, and Stertinius with the rest to wheel round

to attack them in the rear, and promised to be ready to assist them in

person. During this a joyful omen appeared: eight eagles were seen

to fly toward the wood, and to enter it; a presage of victory to the

General. "_Advance_," he cried, "_follow the Roman birds; follow the

tutelar Deities of the legions!_" Instantly the foot charged the enemy's

front, and instantly the detached cavalry attacked their flank and rear:

this double assault had a strange event; the two divisions of their

army fled opposite ways; that in the woods ran to the plain; that in the

plain rushed into the woods. The Cheruscans, between both, were driven

from the hills; amongst them Arminius, remarkably brave, who with his

hand, his voice, and distinguished wounds was still sustaining the

fight. He had assaulted the archers, and would have broken through them,

but the cohorts of the Retians, the Vindelicians, and the Gauls marched

to their relief; however, by his own vigour and the force of his horse,

he escaped, his face besmeared with his own blood to avoid being

known. Some have related that the Chaucians, who were amongst the

Roman auxiliaries, knew him, and let him go; the same bravery or deceit

procured Inguiomerus his escape; the rest were everywhere slain; and

great numbers attempting to swim the Visurgis were destroyed in it,

either pursued with darts, or swallowed by the current, or overwhelmed

with the weight of the crowd, or buried under the falling banks; some

seeking a base refuge on the tops of trees, and concealment amongst the

branches, were shot in sport by the archers, or squashed as the trees

were felled: a mighty victory this, and to us far from bloody!

This slaughter of the foe, from the fifth hour of the day till night,

filled the country for ten miles with carcasses and arms: amongst the

spoils, chains were found, which, sure of conquering, they had brought

to bind the Roman captives. The soldiers proclaimed Tiberius _Imperator_

upon the field of battle, and raising a mount, placed upon it as

trophies the German arms, with the names of all the vanquished nations

inscribed below.

This sight filled the Germans with more anguish and rage than all their

wounds, past afflictions, and slaughters. They, who were just prepared

to abandon their dwellings, and flit beyond the Elbe, meditate war and

grasp their arms: people, nobles, youth, aged, all rush suddenly upon

the Roman army in its march and disorder it. They next chose their

camp, a strait and moist plain shut in between a river and a forest, the

forest too surrounded with a deep marsh, except on one side, which was

closed with a barrier raised by the Angrivarians between them and the

Cheruscans. Here stood their foot; their horse were distributed and

concealed amongst the neighbouring groves, thence, by surprise, to beset

the legions in the rear as soon as they had entered the wood.

Nothing of all this was a secret to Germanicus: he knew their counsels,

their stations, what steps they pursued, what measures they concealed;

and, to the destruction of the enemy, turned their own subtilty and

devices. To Seius Tubero, his Lieutenant, he committed the horse and

the field; the infantry so disposed, that part might pass the level

approaches into the wood, and the rest force the ramparts; this was the

most arduous task, and to himself he reserved it; the rest he left to

his Lieutenants. Those who had the even ground to traverse, broke easily

in; but they who were to assail the rampart, were as grievously battered

from above, as if they had been storming a wall. The General perceived

the inequality of this close attack, and drawing off the legions a small

distance, ordered the slingers to throw, and the engineers to play, to

beat off the enemy: immediately showers of darts were poured from the

engines, and the defenders of the barrier, the more bold and exposed

they were, with the more wounds they were beaten down. Germanicus,

having taken the rampart, first forced his way, at the head of the

Praetorian cohorts, into the woods, and there it was fought foot to

foot; behind, the enemy were begirt with the morass, the Romans with the

mountains or the rivers; no room for either to retreat, no hope but in

valour, no safety but in victory.

The Germans had no inferior courage, but they were exceeded in the

fashion of arms and art of fighting. Their mighty multitude, hampered

in narrow places, could not push nor recover their long spears, nor

practise in a close combat their usual boundings and velocity of limbs.

On the contrary, our soldiers, with handy swords, and their breasts

closely guarded with a buckler, delved the large bodies and naked faces

of the Barbarians, and opened themselves a way with a havoc of the

enemy: besides, the activity of Arminius now failed him, either spent

through his continual efforts or slackened by a wound just received.

Inguiomerus was everywhere upon the spur, animating the battle, but

fortune rather than courage deserted him. Germanicus, to be the easier

known, pulled off his helmet, and exhorted his men "to prosecute the

slaughter; they wanted no captives," he said; "only the cutting off that

people root and branch would put an end to the war." It was now late

in the day, and he drew off a legion to make a camp; the rest glutted

themselves till night, with the blood of the foe; the horse fought with

doubtful success.

Germanicus, in a speech from the tribunal, praised his victorious army,

and raised a monument of arms with a proud inscription: "That the army

of Tiberius Caesar, having vanquished entirely the nations between the

Rhine and the Elbe, had consecrated that monument to Mars, to Jupiter,

and to Augustus." Of himself, he made no mention, either fearful of

provoking envy, or that he thought it sufficient praise to have deserved

it. He had next commanded Stertinius to carry the war amongst the

Angrivarians; but they instantly submitted; and these supplicants, by

yielding without articles, obtained pardon without reserve.

The summer now declining, some of the legions were sent back into winter

quarters by land; more were embarked with Germanicus upon the river

Amisia, to go from thence by the ocean. The sea at first was serene, no

sound or agitation but from the oars or sails of a thousand ships; but

suddenly a black host of clouds poured a storm of hail; furious winds

roared on every side, and the tempest darkened the deep, so that all

prospect was lost; and it was impossible to steer. The soldiers too,

unaccustomed to the terrors of the sea, in the hurry of fear disordered

the mariners, or interrupted the skilful by unskilful help. At last the

south wind, mastering all the rest, drove the ocean and the sky: the

tempest derived new force from the windy mountains and swelling rivers

of Germany, as well as from an immense train of clouds; and contracting

withal fresh vigour from the boisterous neighbourhood of the north, it

hurled the ships and tossed them into the open ocean, or against islands

shored with rocks or dangerously beset with covered shoals. The ships

by degrees, with great labour and the change of the tide, were relieved

from the rocks and sands, but remained at the mercy of the winds; their

anchors could not hold them; they were full of water, nor could all

their pumps discharge it: hence, to lighten and raise the vessels

swallowing at their decks the invading waves, the horses, beasts,

baggage, and even the arms were cast into the deep.

By how much the German ocean is more outrageous than the rest of the

sea, and the German climate excels in rigour, by so much this ruin was

reckoned to exceed in greatness and novelty. They were engaged in a

tempestuous sea, believed deep without bottom, vast without bounds, or

no shores near but hostile shores: part of the fleet were swallowed up;

many were driven upon remote islands void of human culture, where the

men perished through famine, or were kept alive by the carcasses of

horses cast in by the flood. Only the galley of Germanicus landed upon

the coast of the Chaucians, where wandering sadly, day and night, upon

the rocks and prominent shore, and incessantly accusing himself as

the author of such mighty destruction, he was hardly restrained by his

friends from casting himself desperately into the same hostile floods.

At last, with the returning tide and an assisting gale, the ships began

to return, all maimed, almost destitute of oars, or with coats spread

for sails; and some, utterly disabled, were dragged by those that

were less. He repaired them hastily, and despatched them to search the

islands; and by this care many men were gleaned up; many were by the

Angrivarians, our new subjects, redeemed from their maritime neighbours

and restored; and some, driven into Great Britain, were sent back by the

little British kings. Those who had come from afar, recounted wonders

at their return, "the impetuosity of whirlwinds; wonderful birds; sea

monsters of ambiguous forms, between man and beasts." Strange sights

these! or the effects of imagination and fear.

The noise of this wreck, as it animated the Germans with hopes of

renewing the war, awakened Germanicus also to restrain them: he

commanded Caius Silius, with thirty thousand foot and three thousand

horse, to march against the Cattans: he himself, with a greater force,

invaded the Marsians, where he learnt from Malovendus, their general,

lately taken into our subjection, that the Eagle of one of Varus's

legions was hid underground in a neighbouring grove, and kept by a

slender guard. Instantly two parties were despatched; one to face the

enemy and provoke them from their post; the other to beset their rear

and dig up the Eagle; and success attended both. Hence Germanicus

advanced with great alacrity, laid waste the country, and smote the

foe, either not daring to engage, or, wherever they engaged, suddenly

defeated. Nor, as we learnt from the prisoners, were they ever seized

with greater dismay: "The Romans," they cried, "are invincible: no

calamities can subdue them: they have wrecked their fleet; their arms

are lost; our shores are covered with the bodies of their horses and

men; and yet they attack us with their usual ferocity, with the same

firmness, and with numbers as it were increased."

The army was from thence led back into winter quarters, full of joy to

have balanced, by this prosperous expedition, their late misfortune at

sea; and by the bounty of Germanicus, their joy was heightened, since to

each sufferer he caused to be paid as much as each declared he had

lost; neither was it doubted but the enemy were humbled, and concerting

measures for obtaining peace, and that the next summer would terminate

the war. But Tiberius by frequent letters urged him "to come home, there

to celebrate the triumph already decreed him; urged that he had already

tried enough of events, and tempted abundant hazards: he had indeed

fought great and successful battles; but he must likewise remember his

losses and calamities, which, however, owing to wind and waves, and no

fault of the general, were yet great and grievous. He himself had been

sent nine times into Germany by Augustus, and effected much more by

policy than arms: it was thus he had brought the Sigambrians into

subjection, thus drawn the Suevians and King Maroboduus under the bonds

of peace. The Cheruscans too, and the other hostile nations, now the

Roman vengeance was satiated, might be left to pursue their own national

feuds." Germanicus besought one year to accomplish his conquest; but

Tiberius assailed his modesty with a new bait and fresh opportunity, by

offering him another Consulship, for the administration of which he was

to attend in person at Rome. He added, "that if the war was still to

be prosecuted, Germanicus should leave a field of glory to his brother

Drusus, to whom there now remained no other; since the Empire had

nowhere a war to maintain but in Germany, and thence only Drusus

could acquire the title of Imperator, and merit the triumphal laurel."

Germanicus persisted no longer; though he knew that this was all feigned

and hollow, and saw himself invidiously torn away from a harvest of ripe

glory.

Decrees of the Senate were made for driving astrologers and magicians

out of Italy; and one of the herd, Lucius Pituanius, was precipitated

from the Tarpeian Rock: Publius Marcius, another, was, by the judgment

of the Consuls, at the sound of trumpet executed without the Esquiline

Gate, according to the ancient form.

Next time the Senate sat, long discourses against the luxury of the

city were made by Quintus Haterius, a consular, and by Octavius Fronto,

formerly Praetor; and a law was passed "against using table-plate

of solid gold, and against men debasing themselves with gorgeous and

effeminate silks." Fronto went further, and desired that "the quantities

of silver plate, the expense of furniture, and the number of domestics

might be limited;" for it was yet common for senators to depart from

the present debate and offer, as their advice, whatever they judged

conducing to the interest of the commonweal. Against him it was argued

by Asinius Callus, "That with the growth of the Empire private riches

were likewise grown, and it was no new thing for citizens to live

according to their conditions, but agreeable to the most primitive

usage: the ancient Fabricii and the later Scipios, having different

wealth, lived differently; but all suitably to the several stages of the

Commonwealth. Public property was accompanied with domestic; but when

the State rose to such a height of magnificence, the magnificence of

particulars rose too. As to plate, and train, and expense, there was no

standard of excess or frugality, but from the fortunes of men. The law,

indeed, had made a distinction between the fortunes of senators and

knights; not for any natural difference between them, but that they

who excelled in place, rank, and civil pre-eminence, might excel too in

other particulars, such as conduced to the health of the body or to the

peace and solacement of the soul; unless it were expected, that the most

illustrious citizens should sustain the sharpest cares, and undergo

the heaviest fatigues and dangers, but continue destitute of every

alleviation of fatigue and danger and care." Gallus easily prevailed,

whilst under worthy names he avowed and supported popular vices in an

assembly engaged in them. Tiberius too had said, "That it was not a

season for reformation; or, if there were any corruption of manners,

there would not be wanting one to correct them."

During these transactions, Lucius Piso, after he had declaimed bitterly

in the Senate against "the ambitious practices and intrigues of the

Forum, the corruption of the tribunals, and the inhumanity of the

pleaders breathing continual terror and impeachments," declared "he

would entirely relinquish Rome, and retire into a quiet corner of the

country, far distant and obscure." With these words he left the Senate;

Tiberius was provoked; and yet not only soothed him with gentle words,

but likewise obliged Piso's relations, by their authority or entreaties,

to retain him. The same Piso gave soon after an equal instance of the

indignation of the free spirit, by prosecuting a suit against Urgulania;

a lady whom the partial friendship of Livia had set at defiance with the

laws. Urgulania being carried, for protection, to the palace, despised

the efforts of Piso; so that neither did she submit; nor would he

desist, notwithstanding the complaints and resentments of Livia, that

in the prosecution "violence and indignity were done to her own person."

Tiberius promised to attend the trial, and assist Urgulania; but only

promised in civility to his mother, for so far he thought it became him;

and thus left the palace, ordering his guards to follow at a distance.

People the while crowded about him, and he walked with a slow and

composed air: as he lingered, and prolonged the time and way with

various discourse, the trial went on. Piso would not be mollified by the

importunity of his friends; and hence at last the Empress ordered the

payment of the money claimed by him. This was the issue of the affair:

by it, Piso lost no renown; and it signally increased the credit of

Tiberius. The power, however, of Urgulania was so exorbitant to the

State, that she disdained to appear a witness in a certain cause before

the Senate: and, when it had been always usual even for the Vestal

Virgins to attend the Forum and Courts of Justice, as oft as their

evidence was required; a Praetor was sent to examine Urgulania at her

own house.

The procrastination which happened this year in the public affairs, I

should not mention, but that the different opinions of Cneius Piso and

Asinius Gallus about it, are worth knowing. Their dispute was occasioned

by a declaration of Tiberius; "that he was about to be absent," and it

was the motion of Piso, "that for that very reason, the prosecution

of public business was the rather to be continued; since, as in the

Prince's absence, the Senate and equestrian order might administer

their several parts, the same would redound to the honour of the

Commonwealth." This was a declaration for liberty, and in it Piso had

prevented Gallus, who now in opposition said, "that nothing sufficiently

illustrious, nor suiting the dignity of the Roman People, could be

transacted but under the immediate eye of the Emperor, and therefore the

conflux of suitors and affairs from Italy and the provinces must by

all means be reserved for his presence." Tiberius heard and was silent,

while the debate was managed on both sides with mighty vehemence; but

the adjournment was carried.

A debate too arose between Gallus and the Emperor: for Gallus moved

"that the magistrates should be henceforth elected but once every five

years; that the legates of the legions, who had never exercised the

Praetorships, should be appointed Praetors; and that the Prince should

nominate twelve candidates every year." It was not doubted but this

motion had a deeper aim, and that by it the secret springs and

reserves of imperial power were invaded. But Tiberius, as if he rather

apprehended the augmentation of his power, argued "that it was a heavy

task upon his moderation, to choose so many magistrates, and to postpone

so many candidates. That disgusts from disappointments were hardly

avoided in yearly elections; though, for their solacement, fresh hopes

remained of approaching success in the next; now how great must be the

hatred, how lasting the resentment of such whose pretensions were to be

rejected beyond five years? and whence could it be foreseen that, in

so long a tract of time, the same men would continue to have the

same dispositions, the same alliances and fortunes? even an annual

designation to power made men imperious; how imperious would it make

them, if they bore the honour for five years! besides, it would multiply

every single magistrate into five, and utterly subvert the laws which

had prescribed a proper space for exercising the diligence of the

candidates, and for soliciting as well as enjoying preferments."

By this speech, in appearance popular, he still retained the spirit

and force of the sovereignty. He likewise sustained by gratuities, the

dignity of some necessitous Senators: hence it was the more wondered,

that he received with haughtiness and repulse the petition of Marcus

Hortalus, a young man of signal quality and manifestly poor. He was

the grandson of Hortensius the Orator; and had been encouraged by

the deified Augustus, with a bounty of a thousand great sestertia,

[Footnote: £8333.] to marry for posterity; purely to prevent the

extinction of a family most illustrious and renowned. The Senate were

sitting in the palace, and Hortalus having set his four children before

the door, fixed his eyes, now upon the statue of Hortensius, placed

amongst the orators; then upon that of Augustus; and instead of speaking

to the question, began on this wise: "Conscript Fathers, you see there

the number and infancy of my children; not mine by my own choice, but in

compliance with the advice of the Prince: such too was the splendour of

my ancestors, that it merited to be perpetuated in their race; but for

my own particular, who, marred by the revolution of the times, could not

raise wealth, nor engage popular favour, nor cultivate the hereditary

fortune of our house, the fortune of Eloquence: I deemed it sufficient

if, in my slender circumstances, I lived no disgrace to myself, no

burden to others. Commanded by the Emperor, I took a wife; behold

the offspring of so many Consuls; behold the descendants of so many

Dictators! nor is this remembrance invidiously made, but made to move

mercy. In the progress of your reign, Caesar, these children may arrive

at the honours in your gift; defend them in the meantime from want:

they are the great-grandsons of Hortensius; they are the foster sons of

Augustus."

The inclination of the Senate was favourable; an incitement this to

Tiberius the more eagerly to thwart Hortalus. These were in effect his

words: "If all that are poor recur hither for a provision of money to

their children, the public will certainly fail, and yet particulars

never be satiated. Our ancestors, when they permitted a departure from

the question, to propose somewhat more important to the State, did not

therefore permit it, that we might here transact domestic matters, and

augment our private rents: an employment invidious both in the Senate

and the Prince; since, whether they grant or deny the petitioned

bounties, either the people or the petitioners will ever be offended.

But these, in truth, are not petitions; they are demands made against

order, and made by surprise: while you are assembled upon other affairs,

he stands up and urges your pity, by the number and infancy of his

children; with the same violence, he charges the attack to me, and as

it were bursts open the exchequer; but if by popular bounties we exhaust

it, by rapine and oppression we must supply it. The deified Augustus

gave you money, Hortalus; but without solicitation he gave it, and on

no condition that it should always be given: otherwise diligence will

languish; sloth will prevail; and men having no hopes in resources

of their own, no anxiety for themselves, but all securely relying on

foreign relief, will become private sluggards and public burdens." These

and the like reasonings of Tiberius were differently received; with

approbation by those whose way it is to extol, without distinction,

all the doings of Princes, worthy and unworthy; by most, however, with

silence, or low and discontented murmurs. Tiberius perceived it, and

having paused a little, said "his answer was particularly to Hortalus;

but if the Senate thought fit, he would give his sons two hundred great

sestertia each." [Footnote: £1666.] For this all the Senators presented

their thanks; only Hortalus said nothing; perhaps through present awe,

or perhaps possessed, even in poverty, with the grandeur of his ancient

nobility. Nor did Tiberius ever show further pity, though the house of

Hortensius was fallen into shameful distress.

At the end of the year, a triumphal arch was raised near the Temple of

Saturn; a monument this for the recovery of the Varian Eagles, under

the conduct of Germanicus, under the auspices of Tiberius. A temple was

dedicated to Happy Fortune near the Tiber, in the gardens bequeathed to

the Roman People by Caesar, the Dictator. A chapel was consecrated to

the Julian family, and statues to the deified Augustus, in the suburbs

called Bovillae. In the consulship of Caius Celius and Lucius Pomponius,

the six-and-twentieth of May, Germanicus Caesar triumphed over the

Cheruscans, the Cattans, the Angrivarians, and the other nations as far

as the Elbe. In the triumph were carried all the spoils and captives,

with the representations of mountains, of rivers, and of battles; so

that his conquests, because he was restrained from completing them, were

taken for complete. His own graceful person, and his chariot filled with

his five children, heightened the show and the delight of the beholders;

yet they were checked with secret fears, as they remembered "that

popular favour had proved malignant to his father Drusus; that his uncle

Marcellus was snatched, in his youth, from the burning affections of the

populace; and that ever short-lived and unfortunate were the favourites

of the Roman People."

Tiberius distributed to the people, in the name of Germanicus, three

hundred sesterces a man, [Footnote: £2, 10s.] and named himself his

colleague in the Consulship. Nor even thus did he gain the opinion of

tenderness and sincerity: in effect, on pretence of investing the young

Prince with fresh preferment and honours, he resolved to alienate

him from Rome; and, to accomplish it, craftily framed an occasion, or

snatched such an one as chance presented. Archelaus had enjoyed

the kingdom of Cappadocia now fifty years; a Prince under the deep

displeasure of Tiberius, because, in his retirement at Rhodes, the King

had paid him no sort of court or distinction: an omission this which

proceeded from no disdain, but from the warnings given him by the

confidents of Augustus; for that the young Caius Caesar, the presumptive

heir to the sovereignty, then lived, and was sent to compose and

administer the affairs of the East; hence the friendship of Tiberius was

reckoned then dangerous. But when, by the utter fall of the family of

the Caesars, he had gained the Empire, he enticed Archelaus to Rome,

by means of letters from his mother, who, without dissembling her son's

resentment, offered the King his mercy, provided he came and in person

implored it. He, who was either ignorant of the snare, or dreaded

violence if he appeared to perceive it, hastened to the city, where he

was received by Tiberius with great sternness and wrath, and soon after

accused as a criminal in the Senate. The crimes alleged against him were

mere fictions; yet, as equal treatment is unusual to kings, and to be

treated like malefactors intolerable; Archelaus, who was broken with

grief as well as age, by choice or fate ended his life; his kingdom was

reduced into a province, and by its revenues Tiberius declared the tax

of a hundredth penny would be abated, and reduced it for the future to

the two hundredth. At the same time died Antiochus, king of Comagena,

as also Philopator, king of Cilicia; and great combustions shook these

nations; whilst of the people many desired Roman government, and many

were addicted to domestic monarchy. The provinces, too, of Syria and

Judea, as they were oppressed with impositions, prayed an abatement of

tribute.

These affairs, and such as I have above related concerning Armenia,

Tiberius represented to the Fathers, and "that the commotions of the

East could only be settled by the wisdom and abilities of Germanicus;

for himself, his age now declined, and that of Drusus was not yet

sufficiently ripe." The provinces beyond the sea were thence decreed to

Germanicus, with authority superior to all those who obtained provinces

by lot, or the nomination of the Prince; but Tiberius had already taken

care to remove from the government of Syria Creticus Silanus, one united

to Germanicus in domestic alliance, by having to Nero, the eldest son of

Germanicus, betrothed his daughter. In his room he had preferred Cneius

Piso, a man of violent temper, incapable of subjection, and heir to all

the ferocity and haughtiness of his father Piso; the same who, in the

civil war, assisted the reviving party against Caesar in Africa with

vehement efforts; and then followed Brutus and Cassius, but had at last

leave to come home, yet disdained to sue for any public offices; nay,

was even courted by Augustus to accept the Consulship. His son, besides

his hereditary pride and impetuosity, was elevated with the nobility and

wealth of Plancina his wife; scarce yielded he to Tiberius, and, as men

far beneath him, despised the sons of Tiberius; neither did he doubt but

he was set over Syria on purpose to thwart the measures and defeat all

the views of Germanicus. Some even believed that he had to this purpose

secret orders from Tiberius, as it was certain that Livia directed

Plancina to exert the spirit of the sex, and by constant emulation and

indignities persecute Agrippina. For the whole court was rent, and their

affections secretly divided between Drusus and Germanicus. Tiberius

was partial to Drusus, as his own son by generation; others loved

Germanicus; the more for the aversion of his uncle, and for being by his

mother of more illustrious descent; as Marc Anthony was his grandfather,

and Augustus his great-uncle. On the other side, Pomponius Atticus, a

Roman knight, by being the great-grandfather of Drusus, seemed thence

to have derived a stain upon the images of the Claudian house; besides,

Agrippina, the wife of Germanicus, did in the fruitfulness of her body

and the reputation of her virtue far excel Livia, the wife of Drusus.

Yet the two brothers lived in amiable dearness and concord, no wise

shaken or estranged by the reigning contention amongst their separate

friends and adherents.

Drusus was soon after sent into Illyricum in order to inure him to war,

and gain him the affections of the army; besides, Tiberius thought

that the youth, who loved wantoning in the luxuries of Rome, would be

reformed in the camp, and that his own security would be enlarged when

both his sons were at the head of the legions. But the pretence of

sending him was the protection of the Suevians, who were then imploring

assistance against the powers of the Cheruscans. For these nations, who

since the departure of the Romans saw themselves no longer threatened

with terrors from abroad, and were then particularly engaged in a

national competition for glory, had relapsed, as usual, into their old

intestine feuds, and turned their arms upon each other. The two

people were equally powerful, and their two leaders equally brave; but

differently esteemed, as the title of king upon Maroboduus had drawn

the hate and aversion of his countrymen; whilst Arminius, as a champion

warring for the defence of liberty, was the universal object of popular

affection.

Hence not only the Cheruscans and their confederates, they who had been

the ancient soldiery of Arminius, took arms; but to him too revolted

the Semnones and Langobards, both Suevian nations, and even subjects of

Maroboduus; and by their accession he would have exceeded in puissance,

but Inguiomerus with his band of followers deserted to Maroboduus; for

no other cause than disdain, that an old man and an uncle like himself

should obey Arminius, a young man, his nephew. Both armies were drawn

out, with equal hopes; nor disjointed, like the old German battles, into

scattered parties for loose and random attacks; for by long war with us

they had learnt to follow their ensigns, to strengthen their main body

with parties of reserves, and to observe the orders of their generals.

Arminius was now on horseback viewing all the ranks: as he rode through

them he magnified their past feats; "their liberty recovered; the

slaughtered legions; the spoils of arms wrested from the Romans;

monuments of victory still retained in some of their hands." Upon

Maroboduus he fell with contumelious names, as "a fugitive, one of

no abilities in war; a coward who had sought defence from the gloomy

coverts of the Hercynian woods, and then by gifts and solicitations

courted the alliance of Rome; a betrayer of his country, and a

lifeguard-man of Caesar's, worthy to be exterminated with no less

hostile vengeance than in the slaughter of Quinctilius Varus they had

shown. Let them only remember so many battles bravely fought; the

events of which, particularly the utter expulsion of the Romans, were

sufficient proofs with whom remained the glory of the war."

Neither did Maroboduus fail to boast himself and depreciate the foe. "In

the person of Inguiomerus," he said (holding him by the hand), "rested

the whole renown of the Cheruscans; and from his counsels began all

their exploits that ended in success. Arminius, a man of a frantic

spirit, and a novice in affairs, assumed to himself the glory of

another, for having by treachery surprised three legions, which expected

no foe, and their leader, who feared no fraud; a base surprise, revenged

since on Germany with heavy slaughters, and on Arminius himself with

domestic infamy, while his wife and his son still bore the bonds of

captivity. For himself, when attacked formerly by Tiberius at the head

of twelve legions, he had preserved unstained the glory of Germany, and

on equal terms ended the war. Nor did he repent of the treaty, since it

was still in their hands to wage anew equal war with the Romans, or

save blood and maintain peace." The armies, besides the incitements from

these speeches, were animated by national stimulations of their own.

The Cheruscans fought for their ancient renown; the Langobards for their

recent liberty; and the Suevians and their king, on the contrary, were

struggling for the augmentation of their monarchy. Never did armies make

a fiercer onset; never had onset a more ambiguous event; for both the

right wings were routed, and hence a fresh encounter was certainly

expected, till Maroboduus drew off his army and encamped upon the

hills; a manifest sign this that he was humbled. Frequent desertions too

leaving him at last naked of forces, he retired to the Marcomannians,

and thence sent ambassadors to Tiberius to implore succours. They were

answered, "That he had no right to invoke aid of the Roman arms against

the Cheruscans, since to the Romans, while they were warring with

the same foe, he had never administered any assistance." Drusus was,

however, sent away, as I have said, with the character of a negotiator

of peace.

The same year twelve noble cities of Asia were overturned by an

earthquake: the ruin happened in the night, and the more dreadful as its

warnings were unobserved; neither availed the usual sanctuary against

such calamities, namely, a flight to the fields, since those who

fled, the gaping earth devoured. It is reported "that mighty mountains

subsided, plains were heaved into high hills: and that with flashes and

eruptions of fire, the mighty devastation was everywhere accompanied."

The Sardians felt most heavily the rage of the concussion, and therefore

most compassion: Tiberius promised them an hundred thousand great

sesterces, [Footnote: £83,000.] and remitted their taxes for five years.

The inhabitants of Magnesia, under Mount Sipylus, were held the next in

sufferings, and had proportionable relief. The Temnians, Philadelphians,

the Aegeatans, Apollonians, with those called the Mostenians or

Macedonians of Hyrcania, the cities too of Hierocaesarea, Cyme, and

Tmolus, were all for the same term eased of tribute. It was likewise

resolved to send one of the Senate to view the desolations and

administer proper remedies: Marcus Aletus was therefore chosen, one of

Praetorian rank; because, a Consular Senator then governing Asia, had

another of the like quality been sent, an emulation between equals was

apprehended, and consequently opposition and delays.

The credit of this noble bounty to the public, he increased by private

liberalities, which proved equally popular: the estate of the wealthy

Aemilia Musa, claimed by the exchequer, as she died intestate, he

surrendered to Aemilius Lepidus, to whose family she seemed to belong;

as also to Marcus Servilius the inheritance of Patuleius, a rich Roman

knight, though part of it had been bequeathed to himself; but he found

Servilius named sole heir in a former and well-attested will. He said

such was "the nobility of both, that they deserved to be supported." Nor

did he ever to himself accept any man's inheritance, but where former

friendship gave him a title. The wills of such as were strangers to him,

and of such as, from hate and prejudice to others, had appointed the

Prince their heir, he utterly rejected. But, as he relieved the honest

poverty of the virtuous, so he degraded from the Senate (or suffered

to quit it of their own accord) Vibidius Varro, Marius Nepos, Appius

Appianus, Cornelius Sylla, and Quintus Vitellius, all prodigals, and

only through debauchery indigent.

About this time Tiberius finished and consecrated what Augustus began,

the Temples of the Gods consumed by age or fire: that near the great

Circus, vowed by Aulus Posthumius the Dictator, to Bacchus, Proserpina,

and Ceres. In the same place the Temple of Flora, founded by Lucius

Publicius and Marcus Publicius while they were Aediles. The Temple of

Janus, built in the Herb Market by Caius Duillius, who first

signalised the Roman power at sea, and merited a naval triumph over the

Carthaginians. That of Hope was dedicated by Germanicus: this temple

Atilius had vowed in the same war.

The Consuls for the following year were, Tiberius the third time,

Germanicus the second. This dignity overtook Germanicus at Nicopolis,

a city of Achaia, whither he arrived by the coast of Illyricum, from

visiting his brother Drusus, then abiding in Dalmatia; and had suffered

a tempestuous passage, both in the Adriatic and Ionian Sea: he therefore

spent a few days to repair his fleet, and viewed the while the Bay

of Actium renowned for the naval victory there; as also the spoils

consecrated by Augustus, and the Camp of Anthony, with an affecting

remembrance of these his ancestors; for Anthony, as I have said, was

his great uncle, Augustus his grandfather; hence this scene proved to

Germanicus a mighty source of images pleasing and sad. Next he proceeded

to Athens, where in concession to that ancient city, allied to Rome,

he would use but one Lictor. The Greeks received him with the most

elaborate honours, and to dignify their personal flattery, carried

before him tablatures of the signal deeds and sayings of his ancestors.

Hence he sailed to Eubea, thence to Lesbos, where Agrippina was

delivered of Julia, who proved her last birth; then he kept the coast of

Asia and visited Perinthus and Byzantium, cities of Thrace, and entered

the straits of Propontis, and the mouth of the Euxine; fond of beholding

ancient places long celebrated by fame: he relieved at the same time,

the provinces wherever distracted with intestine factions, or aggrieved

with the oppressions of their magistrates. In his return he strove to

see the religious rites of the Samothracians, but by the violence of the

north wind was repulsed from the shore. As he passed, he saw Troy and

her remains, venerable for the vicissitude of her fate, and for the

birth of Rome: regaining the coast of Asia, he put in at Colophon, to

consult there the oracle of the Clarian Apollo: it is no Pythoness that

represents the God here, as at Delphos, but a Priest, one chosen from

certain families, chiefly of Miletus; neither requires he more than just

to hear the names and numbers of the querists, and then descends into

the oracular cave; where, after a draught of water from a secret spring,

though ignorant for the most part of letters and poetry, he yet utters

his answers in verse, which has for its subject the conceptions and

wishes of each consultant. He was even said to have sung to Germanicus

his hastening fate, but as oracles are wont, in terms dark and doubtful.

But Cneius Piso, hurrying to the execution of his purposes, terrified

the city of Athens by a tempestuous entry, and reproached them in a

severe speech, with oblique censure of Germanicus, "that debasing the

dignity of the Roman name, he had paid excessive court, not to the

Athenians by so many slaughters long since extinct, but to the then

mixed scum of nations there; for that these were they who had leagued

with Mithridates against Sylla, and with Anthony against Augustus." He

even charged them with the errors and misfortunes of ancient Athens; her

impotent attempts against the Macedonians; her violence and ingratitude

to her own citizens. He was also an enemy to their city from personal

anger; because they would not pardon at his request one Theophilus

condemned by the Areopagus for forgery. From thence sailing hastily

through the Cyclades, and taking the shortest course, he overtook

Germanicus at Rhodes, but was there driven by a sudden tempest upon

the rocks: and Germanicus, who was not ignorant with what malignity and

invectives he was pursued, yet acted with so much humanity, that when

he might have left him to perish, and to casualty have referred the

destruction of his enemy; he despatched galleys to rescue him from the

wreck. This generous kindness however assuaged not the animosity of

Piso; and scarce could he brook a day's delay with Germanicus, but left

him in haste to arrive in Syria before him: nor was he sooner there, and

found himself amongst the legions, than he began to court the common

men by bounties and caresses, to assist them with his countenance and

credit, to form factions, to remove all the ancient centurions and every

tribune of remarkable discipline and severity, and, in their places, to

put dependents of his own, or men recommended only by their crimes; he

permitted sloth in the camp, licentiousness in the towns, a rambling

and disorderly soldiery, and carried the corruption so high, that in the

discourses of the herd, he was styled _Father of the Legions_. Nor did

Plancina restrain herself to a conduct seemly in her sex, but frequented

the exercises of the cavalry, and attended the decursions of the

cohorts; everywhere inveighing against Agrippina, everywhere against

Germanicus; and some even of the most deserving soldiers became prompt

to base obedience, from a rumour whispered abroad, "that all this was

not unacceptable to Tiberius."

These doings were all known to Germanicus; but his more instant care

was to visit Armenia, an inconstant and restless nation this from the

beginning; inconstant from the genius of the people, as well as from the

situation of their country, which bordering with a large frontier on our

provinces, and stretching thence quite to Media, is enclosed between

the two great Empires, and often at variance with them; with the Romans

through antipathy and hatred, with the Parthians through competition and

envy. At this time and ever since the removal of Vonones, they had no

king; but the affections of the nations leaned to Zeno, son of Polemon,

king of Pontus, because by an attachment, from his infancy, to the

fashions and customs of the Armenians, by hunting, feasting, and other

usages practised and renowned amongst the barbarians, he had equally won

the nobles and people. Upon his head therefore, at the city of Artaxata,

with the approbation of the nobles, in a great assembly, Germanicus put

the regal diadem; and the Armenians doing homage to their king, saluted

him, _Artaxias_, a name which from that of their city, they gave him.

The Cappadocians, at this time reduced into the form of a province,

received for their governor Quintus Veranius; and to raise their

hopes of the gentler dominion of Rome, several of the royal taxes were

lessened. Quintus Servaeus was set over the Comagenians, then first

subjected to the jurisdiction of a Praetor.

From the affairs of the allies, thus all successfully settled,

Germanicus reaped no pleasure, through the perverseness and pride of

Piso, who was ordered to lead by himself or his son, part of the legions

into Armenia, but contemptuously neglected to do either. They at last

met at Cyrrum, the winter quarters of the tenth legion, whither each

came with a prepared countenance; Piso to betray no fear, and Germanicus

would not be thought to threaten. He was indeed, as I have observed,

of a humane and reconcilable spirit: but, officious friends expert at

inflaming animosities, aggravated real offences, added fictitious, and

with manifold imputations charged Piso, Plancina, and their sons.

To this interview Germanicus admitted a few intimates, and began his

complaints in words such as dissembled resentment dictates. Piso replied

with disdainful submissions; and they parted in open enmity. Piso

hereafter came rarely to the tribunal of Germanicus; or, if he did, sate

sternly there, and in manifest opposition: he likewise published his

spite at a feast of the Nabathean King's, where golden crowns of great

weight were presented to Germanicus and Agrippina; but to Piso and the

rest, such as were light: "This banquet," he said, "was made for the son

of a Roman prince, not of a Parthian monarch:" with these words, he

cast away his crown, and uttered many invectives against luxury: sharp

insults and provocations these to Germanicus; yet he bore them.

In the consulship of Marcus Silanus and Lucius Norbanus, Germanicus

travelled to Egypt, to view the famous antiquities of the country;

though for the motives of the journey, the care and inspection of the

province were publicly alleged: and, indeed, by opening the granaries,

he mitigated the price of corn, and practised many things grateful to

the people; walking without guards, his feet bare, and his habit the

same with that of the Greeks; after the example of Publius Scipio, who,

we are told, was constant in the same practices in Sicily, even during

the rage of the Punic War there. For these his assumed manners and

foreign habit, Tiberius blamed him in a gentle style, but censured him

with great asperity for violating an establishment of Augustus, and

entering Alexandria without consent of the Prince. For Augustus, amongst

other secrets of power, had appropriated Egypt, and restrained the

senators, and dignified Roman knights from going thither without

licence; as he apprehended that Italy might be distressed with famine by

any who seized that province, the key to the Empire by sea and land, and

defensible by a light band of men against potent armies.

Germanicus, not yet informed that his journey was censured, sailed up

the Nile, beginning at Canopus, [Footnote: Near Aboukir.] one of its

mouths: it was built by the Spartans, as a monument to Canopus, a pilot

buried there, at the time when Menelaus returning to Greece was driven

to different seas and the Lybian continent. Hence he visited the next

mouth of the river sacred to Hercules: him the nations aver to have been

born amongst them; that he was the most ancient of the name, and that

all the rest, who with equal virtue followed his example, were, in

honour, called after him. Next he visited the mighty antiquities of

ancient Thebes; [Footnote: Karnak and Luxor.] where upon huge obelisks

yet remained Egyptian characters, describing its former opulency: one of

the oldest priests was ordered to interpret them; he said they related

"that it once contained seven hundred thousand fighting men; that with

that army King Rhamses had conquered Lybia, Ethiopia, the Medes and

Persians, the Bactrians and Scythians; and to his Empire had added

the territories of the Syrians, Armenians, and their neighbours the

Cappadocians; a tract of countries reaching from the sea of Bithynia to

that of Lycia:" here also was read the assessment of tribute laid on the

several nations; what weight of silver and gold; what number of horses

and arms; what ivory and perfumes, as gifts to the temples; what

measures of grain; what quantities of all necessaries, were by

each people paid; revenues equally grand with those exacted by the

denomination of the Parthians, or by the power of the Romans.

Germanicus was intent upon seeing other wonders: the chief were; the

effigies of Memnon, a colossus of stone, yielding when struck by the

solar rays, a vocal sound; the Pyramids rising, like mountains, amongst

rolling and almost impassable waves of sand; monuments these of the

emulation and opulency of Egyptian kings; the artificial lake, a

receptacle of the overflowing Nile; and elsewhere abysses of such

immense depth, that those, who tried, could never fathom. Thence he

proceeded to Elephantina and Syene, two islands, formerly frontiers of

the Roman empire, which is now widened to the Red Sea.

Whilst Germanicus spent this summer in several provinces, Drusus was

sowing feuds amongst the Germans, and thence reaped no light renown;

and, as the power of Maroboduus was already broken, he engaged them to

persist and complete his ruin. Amongst the Gotones was a young man of

quality, his name Catualda, a fugitive long since from the violence of

Maroboduus, but now in his distress, resolved on revenge: hence with a

stout band, he entered the borders of the Marcomannians, and corrupting

their chiefs into his alliance, stormed the regal palace, and the castle

situate near it. In the pillage were found the ancient stores of prey

accumulated by the Suevians; as also many victuallers and traders from

our provinces; men who were drawn hither from their several homes, first

by privilege of traffic, then retained by a passion to multiply gain,

and at last, through utter oblivion of their own country, fixed, like

natives, in a hostile soil.

To Maroboduus on every side forsaken, no other refuge remained but the

mercy of Caesar: he therefore passed the Danube where it washes the

province of Norica, and wrote to Tiberius; not however in the language

of a fugitive or supplicant, but with a spirit suitable to his late

grandeur, "that many nations invited him to them, as a king once so

glorious; but he preferred to all the friendship of Rome." The Emperor

answered, "that in Italy he should have a safe and honourable retreat,

and, when his affairs required his presence, the same security to

return." But to the Senate he declared, "that never had Philip of

Macedon been so terrible to the Athenians; nor Pyrrhus, nor Antiochus

to the Roman people." The speech is extant: in it he magnifies "the

greatness of the man, the fierceness and bravery of the nations his

subjects; the alarming nearness of such an enemy to Italy, and his own

artful measures to destroy him." Maroboduus was kept at Ravenna, for

a check and terror to the Suevians; as if, when at any time they grew

turbulent, he were there in readiness to recover their subjection: yet

in eighteen years he left not Italy, but grew old in exile there; his

renown too became eminently diminished; such was the price he paid for

an over-passionate love of life. The same fate had Catualda, and

no other sanctuary; he was soon after expulsed by the forces of the

Hermundurans led by Vibilius, and being received under the Roman

protection, was conveyed to Forum Julium, a colony in Narbon Gaul.

The barbarians their followers, lest, had they been mixed with the

provinces, they might have disturbed their present quiet, were placed

beyond the Danube, between the rivers Marus and Cusus, and for their

king had assigned them Vannius, by nation a Quadian.

As soon as it was known at Rome, that Artaxias was by Germanicus given

to the Armenians for their king, the fathers decreed to him and Drusus

the lesser triumph: triumphal arches were likewise erected, on each side

of the Temple of Mars the Avenger, supporting the statues of these two

Caesars; and for Tiberius, he was more joyful to have established peace

by policy, than if by battles and victories he had ended the war.

Germanicus returning from Egypt, learned that all his orders left with

the legions, and the eastern cities, were either entirely abolished,

or contrary regulations established: a ground this for his severe

reproaches and insults upon Piso. Nor less keen were the efforts and

machinations of Piso against Germanicus; yet Piso afterwards determined

to leave Syria, but was detained by the following illness of Germanicus:

again when he heard of his recovery, and perceived that vows were paid

for his restoration; the Lictors, by his command, broke the solemnity,

drove away the victims already at the altars; overturned the apparatus

of the sacrifice; and scattered the people of Antioch employed in

celebrating the festival. He then departed to Seleucia, waiting the

event of the malady which had again assaulted Germanicus. His own

persuasion too, that poison was given him by Piso, heightened the cruel

vehemence of the disease: indeed, upon the floors and walls were found

fragments of human bodies, the spoils of the grave; with charms and

incantations; and the name of Germanicus graved on sheets of lead;

carcasses half burnt, besmeared with gore; and other witchcrafts, by

which souls are thought doomed to the infernal gods: besides there

were certain persons, charged as creatures of Piso, purposely sent and

employed to watch the progress and efforts of the disease.

These things filled Germanicus with apprehensions great as his

resentment: "If his doors," he said, "were besieged, if under the eyes

of his enemies he must render up his spirit, what was to be expected to

his unhappy wife, what to his infant children?" The progress of poison

was thought too slow; Piso was impatient, and urging with eagerness to

command alone the legions, to possess alone the province: but Germanicus

was not sunk to such lowness and impotence, that the price of his murder

should remain with the murderer: and by a letter to Piso, he renounced

his friendship: some add, that he commanded him to depart the province.

Nor did Piso tarry longer, but took ship; yet checked her sailing in

order to return with the more quickness, should the death of Germanicus

the while leave the government of Syria vacant.

Germanicus, after a small revival, drooping again; when his end

approached, spoke on this wise to his attending friends: "Were I to

yield to the destiny of nature; just, even then, were my complaints

against the Gods, for hurrying me from my parents, my children, and my

country, by a hasty death, in the prime of life: now shortened in my

course by the malignity of Piso, and his wife, to your breasts I commit

my last prayers: tell my father, tell my brother, with what violent

persecutions afflicted, with what mortal snares circumvented, I end a

most miserable life by death of all others the worst. All they whose

hopes in my fortune, all they whose kindred blood, and even they whose

envy, possessed them with impressions about me whilst living, shall

bewail me dead; that once great in glory, and surviving so many wars, I

fell at last by the dark devices of a woman. To you will be place left

to complain in the Senate, and place to invoke the aid and vengeance

of the laws. To commemorate the dead with slothful wailings, is not the

principal office of friends: they are to remember his dying wishes, to

fulfil his last desires. Even strangers will lament Germanicus: you are

my friends: if you loved me rather than my fortune, you will vindicate

your friendship: show the people of Rome my wife, her who is the

grand-daughter of Augustus, and enumerate to them our six children.

Their compassion will surely attend you who accuse; and the accused, if

they pretend clandestine warrants of iniquity, will not be believed;

if believed, not pardoned." His friends, as a pledge of their fidelity,

touching the hand of the dying prince, swore that they would forego

their lives sooner than their revenge. Then turning to his wife, he

besought her "that in tenderness to his memory, in tenderness to their

common children, she would banish her haughty spirit, yield to

her hostile fortune, nor, upon her return to Rome, by an impotent

competition for ruling, irritate those who were masters of rule." So

much openly, and more in secret; whence he was believed to have warned

her of guile and danger from Tiberius. Soon after he expired, to the

heavy sorrow of the province, and of all the neighbouring countries;

insomuch that remote nations and foreign kings were mourners: such

had been his complacency to our confederates; such his humanity to his

enemies! Alike venerable he was, whether you saw him or heard him; and

without ever departing from the grave port and dignity of his sublime

rank, he yet lived destitute of arrogance and untouched by envy.

The funeral, which was performed without exterior pomp or a procession

of images, drew its solemnity from the loud praises and amiable memory

of his virtues. There were those who from his loveliness, his age,

his manner of dying, and even from the proximity of places where both

departed, compared him in the circumstances of his fate, to Great

Alexander: "Each of a graceful person, each of illustrious descent;

in years neither much exceeding thirty; both victims to the malice and

machinations of their own people, in the midst of foreign nations: but

Germanicus gentle towards his friends; his pleasures moderate; confined

to one wife; all his children by one bed; nor less a warrior, though not

so rash, and however hindered from a final reduction of Germany, broken

by him in so many victories, and ready for the yoke: so that had he been

sole arbiter of things, had he acted with the sovereignty and title of

royalty, he had easier overtaken him in the glory of conquests, as he

surpassed him in clemency, in moderation, and in other virtues." His

body, before its commitment to the pile, was exhibited naked in the

Forum of Antioch, the place where the pile was erected: whether it

bore the marks of poison, remained undecided: for, people as they were

divided in their affections, as they pitied Germanicus, and presumed the

guilt of Piso, or were partial to him, gave opposite accounts.

It was next debated amongst the legates of the legions and the other

senators there, to whom should be committed the administration of Syria:

and after the faint effort of others, it was long disputed between

Vibius Marsus and Cneius Sentius: Marsus at last yielded to Sentius, the

older man and the more vehement competitor. By him one Martina, infamous

in that province for practices in poisoning, and a close confidant of

Plancina, was sent to Rome, at the suit of Vitellius, Veranius, and

others, who were preparing criminal articles against Piso and Plancina,

as against persons evidently guilty.

Agrippina, though overwhelmed with sorrow, and her body indisposed,

yet impatient of all delays to her revenge, embarked with the ashes of

Germanicus, and her children; attended with universal commiseration,

"that a lady, in quality a princess, wont to be beheld in her late

splendid wedlock with applauses and adorations, was now seen bearing in

her bosom her husband's funeral urn, uncertain of vengeance for him and

fearful for herself; unfortunate in her fruitfulness, and from so many

children obnoxious to so many blows of fortune." Piso the while was

overtaken at the Isle of Coös by a message, "that Germanicus was

deceased," and received it intemperately, slew victims and repaired with

thanksgiving to the temples: and yet, however immoderate and undisguised

was his joy, more arrogant and insulting proved that of Plancina, who

immediately threw off her mourning, which for the death of a sister she

wore, and assumed a dress adapted to gaiety and gladness.

About him flocked the Centurions with officious representations, "that

upon him particularly were bent the affections and zeal of the legions,

and he should proceed to resume the province, at first injuriously taken

from him and now destitute of a governor." As he therefore consulted

what he had best pursue, his son Marcus Piso advised "a speedy journey

to Rome: hitherto," he said, "nothing past expiation was committed; nor

were impotent suspicions to be dreaded; nor the idle blazonings of fame:

his variance and contention with Germanicus was perhaps subject to hate

and aversion, but to no prosecution or penalty; and, by bereaving him of

the province, his enemies were gratified: but if he returned thither, as

Sentius would certainly oppose him with arms, a civil war would thence

be actually begun: neither would the Centurions and soldiers persist in

his party; men with whom the recent memory of their late commander, and

an inveterate love to the Caesarian general, were still prevalent."

Domitius Celer, one in intimate credit with Piso, argued on the

contrary, "that the present event must by all means be improved; it was

Piso and not Sentius who had commission to govern Syria; upon him, were

conferred the jurisdiction of Praetor, and the badges of magistracy, and

with him the legions were instructed: so that if acts of hostility were

by his opponents attempted, with how much better warrant could he avow

assuming arms in his own right and defence, who was thus vested with the

authority of general, and acted under special orders from the Emperor.

Rumours too were to be neglected, and left to perish with time: in

truth to the sallies and violence of recent hate the innocent were often

unequal: but were he once possessed of the army, and had well augmented

his forces, many things, not to be foreseen, would from fortune derive

success. Are we then preposterously hastening to arrive at Rome with the

ashes of Germanicus, that you may there fall, unheard and undefended, a

victim to the wailings of Agrippina, a prey to the passionate populace

governed by the first impressions of rumour? Livia, it is true, is your

confederate; Tiberius is your friend; but both secretly: and indeed none

will more pompously bewail the violent fate of Germanicus, than such as

for it do most sincerely rejoice."

Piso of himself prompt to violent pursuits, was with no great labour

persuaded into this opinion, and, in a letter transmitted to Tiberius,

accused Germanicus "of luxury and pride: that for himself, he had been

expulsed, to leave room for dangerous designs against the State, and now

resumed, with his former faith and loyalty, the care of the army." In

the meantime he put Domitius on board a galley, and ordered him to avoid

appearing upon the coasts or amongst the isles, but, through the

main sea, to sail to Syria. The deserters, who from all quarters were

flocking to him in crowds, he formed into companies, and armed all the

retainers to the camp; then sailing over to the continent, intercepted

a regiment of recruits, upon their march into Syria; and wrote to the

small kings of Cilicia to assist him with present succours: nor was

the younger Piso slow in prosecuting all the measures of war, though to

adventure a war had been against his sentiments and advice.

As they coasted Lycia and Pamphilia, they encountered the ships which

carried Agrippina, with hostile spirit on each side, and each at first

prepared for combat; but as equal dread of one another possessed

both, proceeded not further than mutual contumelies. Vibius Marsus

particularly summoned Piso, as a criminal, to Rome, there to make his

defence: he answered with derision "that when the Praetor, who was to

sit upon poisonings, had assigned a day to the accusers and the accused,

he would attend." Domitius, the while, landing at Laodicea, a city of

Syria, would have proceeded to the winter quarters of the sixth legion,

which he believed to be the most prone to engage in novel attempts, but

was prevented by Pacuvius, its commander. Sentius represented this by

letter to Piso, and warned him, "at his peril to infect the camp by

ministers of corruption; or to assail the province of war;" and drew

into a body such as he knew loved Germanicus, or such as were averse to

his foes: upon them he inculcated with much ardour, that Piso was with

open arms attacking the majesty of the Prince, and invading the Roman

State; and then marched at the head of a puissant body, equipped for

battle and resolute to engage.

Neither failed Piso, though his enterprises had thus far miscarried, to

apply the securest remedies to his present perplexities; and therefore

seized a castle of Cilicia strongly fortified, its name Celendris: for,

to the auxiliary Cilicians, sent him by the petty kings, he had joined

his body of deserters, as also the recruits lately intercepted, with all

his own and Plancina's slaves; and thus in number and bulk had of

the whole composed a legion. To them he thus harangued: "I who am the

lieutenant of Caesar, am yet violently excluded from the province which

to me Caesar has committed: not excluded by the legions (for by their

invitation I am arrived), but by Sentius, who thus disguises under

feigned crimes against me, his own animosity and personal hate: but with

confidence you may stand in battle, where the opposite army, upon the

sight of Piso, a commander lately by themselves styled their _Father_,

will certainly refuse to fight; they know too, that were right to decide

it, I am the stronger; and of no mean puissance in a trial at arms."

He then arrayed his men without the fortifications, on a hill steep and

craggy, for all the rest was begirt by the sea: against them stood the

veterans regularly embattled, and supported with a body of reserve;

so that here appeared the force of men, there only the terror and

stubbornness of situation. On Piso's side was no spirit, nor hope,

nor even weapons save those of rustics, for instant necessity hastily

acquired. As soon as they came to blows, the issue was no longer

doubtful than while the Roman cohorts struggled up the steep: the

Cilicians then fled, and shut themselves up in the castle.

Piso having the while attempted in vain to storm the fleet, which rode

at a small distance, as soon as he returned, presented himself upon the

walls; where, by a succession of passionate complaints and entreaties,

now bemoaning in agonies the bitterness of his lot, then calling and

cajolling every particular soldier by his name, and by rewards tempting

all, he laboured to excite a sedition; and thus much had already

effected, that the Eagle-bearer of the sixth legion revolted to him with

his Eagle. This alarmed Sentius, and instantly he commanded the cornets

and trumpets to sound, a mound to be raised, the ladders placed, and

the bravest men to mount, and others to pour from the engines volleys of

darts and stones, and flaming torches. The obstinacy of Piso was at

last vanquished; and he desired "that upon delivering his arms he might

remain in the castle till the Emperor's pleasure, to whom he would

commit the government of Syria, were known;" conditions which were not

accepted; nor was aught granted him save ships and a passport to Rome.

After the illness of Germanicus grew current there, and all its

circumstances, like rumours magnified by distance, were related

with many aggravations; sadness seized the people; they burned with

indignation, and even poured out in plaints the anguish of their souls.

"For this," they said, "he had been banished to the extremities of the

Empire, for this the province of Syria was committed to Piso, and these

the fruits of Livia's mysterious conferences with Plancina: truly had

our fathers spoken concerning his father Drusus; that the possessors of

rule beheld with an evil eye the popular spirit of their sons; nor for

aught else were they sacrificed, but for their equal treatment of

the Roman People, and studying to restore the popular state." These

lamentations of the populace were, upon the tidings of his death, so

inflamed, that, without staying for an edict from the magistrates,

without a decree of Senate, they by general consent assumed a vacation;

the public courts were deserted, private houses shut up, prevalent

everywhere were the symptoms of woe, heavy groans, dismal silence; the

whole a scene of real sorrow, and nothing devised for form or show; and,

though they forbore not to bear the exterior marks and habiliments of

mourning; in their souls they mourned still deeper. Accidentally some

merchants from Syria, who had left Germanicus still alive, brought

more joyful news of his condition: these were instantly believed, and

instantly proclaimed: each, as fast as they met, informed others,

who forthwith conveyed their light information with improvements and

accumulated joy to more, and all flew with exultation through the city;

and, to pay their thanks and vows, burst open the temple doors: the

night too heightened their credulity, and affirmation was bolder in the

dark. Nor did Tiberius restrain the course of these fictions, but left

them to vanish with time: hence with more bitterness they afterwards

grieved for him, as if anew snatched from them.

Honours were invented and decreed to Germanicus, various as the

affections and genius of the particular Senators who proposed them:

"that his name should be sung in the Salian hymns; curule chairs placed

for him amongst the priests of Augustus, and over these chairs oaken

crowns hung; his statue in ivory precede in the Cercensian games; none

but one of the Julian race be, in the room of Germanicus, created flamen

or augur:" triumphal arches were added; one at Rome; one upon the banks

of the Rhine; one upon Mount Amanus, in Syria; with inscriptions of

his exploits, and a testimony subjoined, "that he died for the

Commonwealth:" a sepulchre at Antioch, where his corpse was burnt; a

tribunal at Epidaphne, the place where he ended his life. The multitude

of statues, the many places where divine honours were appointed to be

paid him, would not be easily recounted. They would have also decreed

him, as to one of the masters of eloquence, a golden shield, signal in

bulk as in metal; but Tiberius offered to dedicate one himself, such

as was usual and of a like size with others; for that eloquence was not

measured by fortune; and it was sufficient glory, if he were ranked with

ancient writers. The battalion called after the name of the Junii was

now, by the equestrian order, entitled the battalion of Germanicus,

and a rule made that, on every fifteenth of July, these troops should

follow, as their standard, the effigies of Germanicus: of these honours

many continue; some were instantly omitted, or by time are utterly

obliterated.

In the height of this public sorrow, Livia, sister to Germanicus,

and married to Drusus, was delivered of male twins: an event even in

middling families, rare and acceptable, and to Tiberius such mighty

matter of joy, that he could not refrain boasting to the fathers, "that

to no Roman of the same eminence, before him, were never two children

born at a birth:" for to his own glory he turned all things, even things

fortuitous. But to the people, at such a sad conjuncture, it brought

fresh anguish; as they feared that the family of Drusus thus increased,

would press heavy upon that of Germanicus.

The same year the lubricity of women was by the Senate restrained with

severe laws; and it was provided, "that no woman should become venal, if

her father, grandfather or husband, were Roman knights." For Vistilia,

a lady born of a Praetorian family, had before the Aediles published

herself a prostitute; upon a custom allowed by our ancestors, who

thought that prostitutes were by thus avowing their infamy, sufficiently

punished. Titidius Labeo too was questioned, that in the manifest guilt

of his wife, he had neglected the punishment prescribed by the law;

but he alleged that the sixty days allowed for consultation were not

elapsed; and it was deemed sufficient to proceed against Vistilia,

who was banished to the Isle of Seriphos. Measures were also taken for

exterminating the solemnities of the Jews and Egyptians; and by decree

of Senate four thousand descendants of franchised slaves, all defiled

with that superstition, but of proper strength and age, were to be

transported to Sardinia; to restrain the Sardinian robbers; and if,

through the malignity of the climate, they perished, despicable would be

the loss: the rest were doomed to depart Italy, unless by a stated day

they renounced their profane rites.

After this Tiberius represented that, to supply the place of Occia, who

had presided seven and fifty years with the highest sanctimony over the

Vestals, another virgin was to be chosen; and thanked Fonteius Agrippa

and Asinius Pollio, that by offering their daughters, they contended in

good offices towards the Commonwealth. Pollio's daughter was preferred;

for nothing else but that her mother had ever continued in the same

wedlock: for Agrippa, by a divorce, had impaired the credit of his

house: upon her who was postponed, Tiberius, in consolation, bestowed

for her fortune a thousand great sestertia. [Footnote: £8300.]

As the people murmured at the severe dearth of corn, he settled grain

at a price certain to the buyer, and undertook to pay fourteenpence a

measure to the seller: neither yet would he accept the name of _Father

of his Country_, a title offered him before, and for these bounties, now

again; nay, he sharply rebuked such as styled these provisions of his,

_divine occupations_, and him, _Lord_: hence freedom of speech became

cramped and insecure, under such a Prince; one who dreaded liberty, and

abhorred flattery.

I find in the writers of those times, some of them Senators, that in

the Senate were read letters from Adgandestrius, prince of the Cattans,

undertaking to despatch Arminius, if in order to it poison were sent

him; and an answer returned, "that not by frauds and blows in the dark,

but armed and in the face of the sun, the Roman People took vengeance

on their foes." In this Tiberius gained equal glory with our ancient

captains, who rejected and disclosed a plot to poison King Pyrrhus.

Arminius however, who upon the departure of the Romans and expulsion

of Maroboduus, aimed at royalty, became thence engaged in a struggle

against the liberty of his country; and, in defence of their liberty,

his countrymen took arms against him: so that, while with various

fortune he contended with them, he fell by the treachery of his own

kindred: the deliverer of Germany without doubt he was; one who

assailed the Roman power, not like other kings and leaders, in its first

elements, but in its highest pride and elevation; one sometimes beaten

in battle, but never conquered in war: thirty-seven years he lived;

twelve he commanded; and, amongst these barbarous nations, his memory is

still celebrated in their songs; but his name unknown in the annals of

the Greeks, who only admire their own national exploits and renown; nor

even amongst the Romans does this great captain bear much distinction,

while, overlooking instances of modern prowess and glory, we only

delight to magnify men and feats of old.