CHAPTER II

COLUMBUS

Columbus was admittedly a visionary. It was to the benefit of his fellow

Europeans and to the detriment of the South American tribes that to his

dreams he joined the practical side of his nature. Certainly the value

of imagination in a human being has never been more strikingly proved

than by the triumph of Columbus.

The enthusiasm of the great Genoese was of the kind which has tided men

over obstacles and difficulties and troubles throughout the ages. He was

undoubtedly of the nervous and highly-wrought temperament common to one

of his genius. He loved the dramatic. There are few who have not heard

the story of the egg with the crushed end which stood upright. But there

are innumerable other instances of the demonstrative powers of Columbus.

For instance, when asked to describe the Island of Madeira, he troubled

not to utter a word in reply, but snatched up a piece of writing-paper

and, crumpling it by a single motion of his hand, held it aloft as a

triumphant exhibition of the island's peaks and valleys.

Fortunately for the adventurers of his period, his belief in his mission

was unshakable. It was, of course, a mere matter of chance that Columbus

should have found himself in the service of the Spaniards when he set

out upon his voyage which was to culminate in the discovery of the New

World. He himself had been far more concerned with the Portuguese than

with their eastern neighbours. Indeed, until the discovery of America,

the Spaniards, fully occupied with the expulsion of the Moors from

within their frontiers in Europe, could give but little attention to the

science of navigation.

The Portuguese, on the other hand, had for a considerable period been

specializing in seamanship. From his castle at Faro, on the southernmost

shores of Portugal, where Prince Henry the Navigator had founded his

maritime school, that royal scientist had watched with pride the

captains whom he had trained as they sailed their vessels over the gold

and blue horizon of the Far South, and had exultantly drunk in on their

return the tales of new shores and of oceans ploughed for the first

time; of spices, riches men, and beasts, all new and strange, and, all

appealing strongly to the imagination of the learned Prince, who only

restrained himself with difficulty from plunging into the unknown.

It was with men such as these of Prince Henry's with whom the Genoese

had been brought into contact on his first visit to Portugal. That he

had been received by this set as one of themselves is sufficiently

evidenced by the fact of his marriage with a daughter of Bartholomew

Perestrello. It was naturally, therefore, to the Portuguese Government

that Columbus first applied for the assistance in men and ships which

were to bear him to the land which he so fiercely promised.

As has been said, there is no doubt that Columbus was a visionary who

possessed a large amount of practical knowledge and experience, from

which the indulgence in these visions sprang. That his theories were the

result of something more than the merest speculation is certain.

Maritime legend and lore were rife in Genoa and the Mediterranean, and

certainly abounded in Portugal under the benevolent and strenuous

encouragement of Prince Henry the Navigator. That some vague echoes of

the feats performed by the Norsemen and others who had long before won

their way to the Western Continent had penetrated to these parts of

Europe there is no doubt. Columbus, moreover, had stayed for many months

at one of those half-way houses between Europe and the western mainland,

Porto Santo, and the neighbouring Island of Madeira.

His father-in-law was at the time Governor of the lesser island, that of

Porto Santo. In such a spot as this the requirements of Columbus were

naturally few, and he had gained a livelihood with ease by the making of

maps. His father was a carder of wool at Genoa, and young Christopher,

rebelling at the monotony of this trade, commenced his maritime life

before he was fifteen years old.

It was doubtless while at Porto Santo that Columbus had thought out his

theories, aided by not a little evidence of the material order, such as

floating logs and other objects, which had sailed, wind and current

borne, from the unknown lands across the Atlantic. Columbus, of course,

was not actually the first to feel convinced of the possibility of

gaining India by sailing to the West; the theory had been held by

Aristotle, Seneca, Strabo, and others. The sole mistake Columbus made in

his calculations was concerning the size of the world. He had

overestimated the extent of the Continent of Asia, and underestimated

the extent of the Atlantic Ocean; he seems to have been convinced that a

very few days' sailing to the west of Madeira would bring him to the

shores of India. It was this error in calculation that undoubtedly was

responsible for many long and agonizing hours spent on the actual

voyage.

[Illustration: JORGE CABRAL.

_From a coloured drawing in a Spanish MS. in the Sloane Collection in

the British Museum._]

Columbus's proposals, it is true, were received with a certain interest

by the Portuguese; but for the jealousy of some officials it is very

probable that he would, in the first instance, have seen his cherished

plans carried into effect. As it was, a vessel was secretly fitted out,

and was sent in command of a rival navigator to test the theories of

Columbus. After a while the ship returned, battered and worn, having

discovered nothing beyond a series of exceptionally violent tempests.

This attempt was in any case destined to prove equally adverse to the

fortunes of Columbus. Had it succeeded, he would have undoubtedly been

deprived of the credit which should have been his by right; since it

failed, the venture was considered to have proved the fallacy of

Columbus's theories. When, disgusted with experiences such as these,

Columbus left Portugal and took up his residence near the Court of Spain

in company with this great idea of his, which followed him everywhere,

and was in a sense bigger than himself, he met with an equal lack of

success in the first instance. Queen Isabella was sympathetic, but her

cautious husband Ferdinand showed himself cold. Dreading the utter

destruction of his plans, Columbus determined to wash his hands of the

Iberian Peninsula and its over-cautious rulers and statesmen.

He was actually on his way to England, whither one of his brothers had

already preceded him, when a message from the Court of Spain caused him

to hasten back. It is possible that the Court had been in a haggling

mood, and had given the discoverer credit for a similar phase; at all

events, it was not until his person was almost out of reach that the now

complaisant authorities called him back.

Ferdinand himself had given his consent, although in a grudging fashion.

Isabella, however, proved herself enthusiastic, and it was she who

signed the bargain with the famous Genoese, which gave a continent to

the Royal Family of Spain. The signing of the bargain, however, did not

necessarily end the friction. The authorities were now fully prepared to

recognize Columbus as their messenger to the unknown world; but they

were reluctant in the extreme that the intrepid navigator should be

carried in too comfortable or costly a fashion. In the end Columbus,

conceding that half a fleet was better than no ships, gave way and took

what was offered him. He himself as Admiral was given charge of the

_Santa Maria_, the largest vessel, while two diminutive craft, the

_Pinta_ and the _Nina_, made up this very humble fleet. Nevertheless,

Columbus now had his desire; he had obtained in the main all that he had

asked, although some of it in a lesser degree.

The concessions granted to Columbus for his first voyage were that he

was to be made Admiral of the seas and countries to be discovered, a

dignity which was to descend to his heirs; that he was to become Viceroy

of all those islands and continents; to have the tenth part of the

profits of the total undertaking; to be made sole mercantile judge; to

have the right to contribute one-eighth part of the expenses of all the

maritime ventures, and in return to be given an eighth part of the

profits.

He carried with him a letter from Ferdinand and Isabella to any chance

sovereign whom he might meet, which ran to this effect:

"Ferdinand and Isabella to King ... The Sovereigns having heard

that he and his subjects entertain great love for them and for

Spain. They are, moreover, informed that he and his subjects very

much wish to hear news from Spain, and send therefore their

Admiral, Christopher Columbus, who will tell them that they are in

good health and perfect prosperity."

Prester John, who was still considered to be ruling in some mystical

fashion over an imaginary country, might have welcomed this species of

circular communication. It was certainly wasted on the inhabitants of

Hispaniola, who were considerably more concerned with their own health

and prosperity than with that of Ferdinand and Isabella, and who

certainly had more reason when the adventurers had once landed.

So to a certain extent armed and prepared against any chance that he

might encounter, Columbus set sail from Spain on August 3, 1492.

Much has been said concerning the character of the crews with which he

had been provided. It is true the American natives were destined in the

first instance, by some peculiarly hard stroke of fortune, to make their

acquaintance with Europeans largely through the intermediary of

criminals. It is often held to have been one of the greatest hardships

of Columbus that his ships should have been manned so largely by

desperadoes and malefactors pardoned especially in order to take part in

the expedition. In the peculiar circumstances of his first and

exceptionally daring adventure the nature of his crew became of great

and even of vital importance. It is certain, however, that Columbus

himself obviously suffered no permanent discouragement on account of the

men of his first crew, for he subsequently advocated the transportation

of criminals to the Indies, and, further, urged that any person having

committed a crime (with the exception of those of heresy, _lese

majeste_, and treason) should have the option of ordinary imprisonment,

or of going out at his own expense to Hispaniola to serve under the

orders of the Admiral.

These edicts were actually brought into force, and although Columbus

some years afterwards bitterly complained of the type of European whom

he found at Hispaniola, there is no doubt that he himself was largely

responsible for their presence. Nevertheless, speaking generally,

Columbus was not alone in being served by this species of retainer, for

the custom, borrowed from the Portuguese, was a general one, and where

volunteers failed, their places were supplied by the dregs of the

prisons. One of the principal charges brought against Columbus was that,

in addition to his alleged maltreatment of his own men, he had refrained

from baptizing Indians, and this because he had desired slaves rather

than Christians. He was accused, moreover, of having made many slaves in

order to send them to Castile. Of course, there is no doubt whatever as

to the truth of this latter charge; but Columbus was not alone in this

respect--indeed, at that time there was no single adventurer who had

penetrated to these new regions without making slaves whenever the

opportunity arose. And it may be said in common fairness to the

individual explorers that no other method was understood, and that this

procedure was considered entirely legitimate.

It is unnecessary to enter here into the troubles and tribulations of

Columbus's first voyage. The details of the men's discontent and of the

leader's courage, persistence, and strategy have been the subject of

thousands of works. The great contrition, moreover, of his mutinous

crew, when after five weeks' sailing they sighted land, and their sudden

admiration and almost worship of the great navigator, afford too

familiar a subject to be dealt with here. Suffice to say that Columbus

took possession of this first land--the island which he believed to form

part of a continent--in the name of the Crown of Castile and Leon,

christening this herald of a new world San Salvador.

For a while the shock of this triumph appears to have deadened all other

considerations, but only for a while. Columbus, like every other

navigator of the period, had gone out in search of glory, and of gilded

glory for preference. The very first thought, therefore, which took

possession of the minds of both the Admiral and his men, when the first

exultation had died away in favour of more practical affairs, was that

of gold. To this end they cruised about the new seas, visiting Cuba,

Haiti (or Hispaniola), and other islands.

After a while Columbus discovered some traces of the coveted metal, but

these to his heated imagination were mere chance fragments of the golden

mountains and valleys which lay somewhere beyond. It was time, he

determined, to seek for further assistance. Leaving a small company of

the Spaniards in the Island of Haiti, the inhabitants of which had

proved themselves friendlily disposed, he sailed for Europe, taking with

him such specimens of the New World as he thought would chiefly appeal

to the Spanish Court. Among this merchandise were samples of the

products of the Western Islands, small nuggets of gold, and human

merchandise in the way of captive Indians.

When his heavily-laden ships arrived in Spain the entire nation broke

out into thunders of acclamation. Queen Isabella received him with even

more than her accustomed amount of graciousness, while the coldness

which had characterized Ferdinand's attitude towards him had now become

altered to fervent enthusiasm.

The Court of Spain, convinced of the value of these new possessions,

lost no time in applying to Pope Alexander VI. for his sanction of their

dominion over the New World. This the Pope granted, drawing the famous

line from Pole to Pole, which was to serve as a dividing line between

the colonies of Spain and Portugal.

Columbus, in the meanwhile, was preparing for his second voyage.

Naturally enough, this was conducted under very different auspices from

the first. It was now a proud fleet which, favoured by the trade winds,

ploughed its way to the south-west, manned by a numerous, influential,

and in many cases aristocratic, company. The advent of this second fleet

to Haiti brought about the first of the innumerable collisions between

the Europeans and the natives of America. Of the garrison which Columbus

had left in the island none remained. There was scarcely a trace,

moreover, of the existence of the rough fort which had been constructed.

The manner of the natives had altered; they received the new-comers with

marked evidences of fear and distrust.

After a while the truth came out. Some members of the European garrison

had taken upon themselves to maltreat the natives, and these, resenting

this, had turned upon their aggressors and slaughtered them to a man,

after which they had burned the fort to the ground. In order to

inculcate the necessary terror into the unfortunate inhabitants a

fearful revenge was wreaked on them by Columbus's men, and the unhappy

people of Haiti paid for their act in floods of blood and tears. This

continued until the Indians became for the time being thoroughly cowed.

Subsequently they were set to work to dig for gold and other metals in

order to enrich the pioneers.

As time went on the natives were ground down more and more, and set to

tasks for which they were temperamentally quite unsuited. Death became

rife among their ranks, and the hardships endured drove them to open

rebellion. The armour and weapons of the Spaniards rendered any attempts

of the kind abortive, and massacres and torturing completed the

enslaving process of the wretched race.

Communication between the New and Old World was at that time, of course,

slow and precarious in the extreme. Nevertheless, tidings of what was

going on in the island of Hispaniola at length found their way to the

ears of Ferdinand and Isabella. To these were added a number of

reports, for the most part fabricated by Columbus's enemies, of the

tyranny of the Admiral and of his ill-treatment of Spaniards of good

birth. Columbus, leaving his brother Bartholomew in charge of the new

dominions, returned to Spain, confronted his enemies, and was able to

refute the accusations brought against him. As regards the allegations

of ill-treatment of the Spaniards this was easily enough disproved; as

regards the Indians the matter was not so simple, for, to do them

justice, Ferdinand and Isabella were keenly anxious to prevent any

tyranny or ill-treatment of their new and remote subjects.

Columbus, having regained the confidence of his Sovereigns, started on

his third voyage in the beginning of 1496. On this occasion he

discovered Trinidad, coasted along the borders of Guiana, and saw for

the first time the Islands of Cubagua and Margarita. In Haiti the

Admiral found a discontented community. His two brothers, Bartholomew

and Diego, had become unpopular with the Spaniards, who were chafing

beneath their authority. The arrival of Columbus caused a temporary lull

in the disputes, but after a while the power of the malcontents grew

steadily, and their accounts of what was to the fore in Haiti, although

wilfully garbled and exaggerated, began to bear weight with the Royal

Family of Spain.

Columbus, in the first instance, had stipulated for the sole command of

the fleets of the New World. This was well enough in theory, but in

practice the concession was almost immediately broken into. Other

expeditions started out from Spain to the New World. Alonso Ojeda, who

had accompanied Columbus on his second voyage, now came out in command

of an expedition of his own. In his company was Amerigo Vespucci, whose

graphic and fanciful account of his own particular doings resulted

eventually in the naming of the entire continent after him. In 1499

Alonso Nino led an expedition out from Spain, followed shortly after by

another commanded by Pinzon. In the meantime Brazil was being explored

by the great Portuguese, Pedro Alvarez Cabral.

To return to Columbus, the glory of the great navigator had now waned.

As the years intervened between the date of his great feat and his less

glorious present, his record became stale and forgotten, while the power

and influence of his enemies grew. In the year 1500 Columbus was sent to

Spain--in chains this time. On his arrival Ferdinand and Isabella,

shocked at this state of affairs, endeavoured to make some minor

reparation to the greatest man of his age. They were nevertheless firm

in refusing to allow him to continue as Governor of Hispaniola and the

new territories, and to this post was appointed Nicolas de Ovando.

This latter took out the first really imposing expedition which had set

sail for Hispaniola. The welfare of the Indians had been strictly

committed to his charge by Ferdinand and Isabella. Numerous humane laws

had been drawn up for the protection of the natives, and these, it was

intended, should be rigidly enforced. Nevertheless, the thousands of

miles of intervening ocean rapidly deprived these of any semblance of

authority, and the misery and mortality of the men of Hispaniola

continued unabated.

Although to a certain extent deserted and discredited, Columbus

determined to make one more desperate effort to draw himself clear of

the oblivion which was now enveloping him. With a fleet of four small

vessels he set sail from Cadiz on May 9, 1502. Perhaps on this occasion

his mortification was greater than ever before. Ovando, the Governor,

would have nothing to do with him. Having suffered shipwreck and

numerous other calamities besides, the great navigator, embittered and

downcast, turned the bows of his ships towards Spain. On landing he

learned of the death of Queen Isabella, the only person of influence who

had shown him a consistent friendship. Realizing now that his influence

and chances had finally departed, he retired into seclusion in the

neighbourhood of Vallodolid, where he died in his sixtieth year on May

20, 1506.

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