Danube with his provincial troops, and proceeded, in conformity
to imperial orders, to the ford of Aksú, the place at which the
mischievous cossacks in Moldavia were accustomed to cross, where he
was ordered to erect two fortresses, one on each side of that ford.
On arriving at the place of his destination he found that the persons
who had been appointed to provide materials for the proposed buildings
had, in fact, done nothing. The journey to Aksú was a pathless desert
of twenty days’ march, and presented nothing but brackish water and
barrenness the whole way. The páshá sent a report to the emperor of
the state of things, and was recalled; but as the infidels had been
threatening another irruption, the páshá repaired and strengthened all
the other fortresses in that quarter. About this same time, also, Karah
Kásh Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Kaniza, rebuilt or repaired about ten
of the fortresses which had formerly been wrested from the infidels,
and had lain waste or unoccupied ever since. Three new ones were added
to these, and whilst employed in erecting them the infidels became
alarmed, and sent friendly letters; because, in fact, they began to
anticipate, when they perceived the activity of the Osmánlís, that the
peace was at an end.
_Concerning Maán Oghlí._
Maán Oghlí Fekhr-ud-dín governed the whole of the country along the
shores of Syria as far as the confines of Sefd. He had stipulated,
as before observed, to send annually a certain portion of the
productions of that country to Constantinople, which stipulation
he generally fulfilled. It happened, however, that in consequence
of some misunderstanding which had taken place between him and the
grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, at some former period, in order to vex and
perplex the vezír, he absolutely declined granting the stipulated
tribute. The vezír on this account, and with the view of utterly
destroying him, ordered the válí of Syria, Vezír Háfiz Páshá, who had
been six years governor in that province, to march against him with
the troops of his own province, those of Anatolia, of Caramania, and
of Diárbeker. This hostile movement against Maán Oghlí commenced in
1022, and was repeated this year also. But Maán Oghlí’s castles were
all situate among rocks and mountains, and garrisoned by the heretics
of the country; he had besides a great armed body of many thousands of
the detestable Durzís,[26] whom he kept as his guards. His principal
fortresses were Shátuf, Paneiyas, Dair al kamar, and some others of a
similar description, all which were filled with armed men. Yet when
any of these places were threatened by the Osmánlís, and any of Maán
Oghlí’s segbáns showed themselves, their heads were made to roll on the
ground. Owing, however, to the inaccessible position of his castles,
and to their being well supplied with every warlike apparatus, the
Osmánlí general, Háfiz Páshá, found it imperative to use every exertion
to press Maán Oghlí, especially as the winter coming on, would make
it necessary for him and his army to retire into winter-quarters.
The result was, that these mountaineers began to feel the want of
provisions, and Maán Oghlí, perceiving the determined vigour with
which the Osmánlí general carried on his operations, to save his own
life became a French proselyte, or at least ingratiated himself into
the favour of the French, promising he would assist a French army in
acquiring a conquest in the environs of Jerusalem. He accordingly set
sail in a French vessel from the nearest port and arrived in Europe,
whence he wrote to his followers an account of the esteem and favour
he had met in Europe. Amongst other falsehoods, he told them, in order
to encourage them to continue their resistance and keep possession of
their strong-holds, that he was on the point of returning to them with
a victorious army in French ships provided by European princes: he also
promised his segbáns their wages.
Vezír Háfiz Páshá, in the meantime, continued to press the strong-holds
of Maán Oghlí; and having been strengthened by an augmentation of
new forces, he was enabled to lay siege to them. He was, moreover,
supplied with artillery from Constantinople, which he applied so
effectually against the strong-holds of the enemy, that he succeeded in
reducing some of them, whilst others submitted of their own accord. He
sent an encouraging message to Maán Oghlí’s segbáns, and two thousand
of them joined the Osmánlí army. The castles which were in the most
elevated and inaccessible situations stood out for a while, but they
also offered to capitulate on terms which they deemed necessary for
their own safety. At this moment, however, five light ships, conveying
a number of troops and cannon for Maán Oghlí’s garrisons, arrived. The
infamous wretch, Maán Oghlí’s deputy, came out to receive these cannon,
and was in the act of having them conveyed into his strong-hold,
when Háfiz Páshá, who had received a hint of what was going on,
sent a pretty strong party with the view of seizing the cannon. The
mountaineers no sooner saw the Osmánlís advancing upon them than they
fled back into their fastnesses, and the French or Europeans ran to
their ships, leaving every thing behind them a prey to the royalists,
who were commanded by Hasan Páshá. These mountaineers still trusted,
however, that Maán Oghlí himself would, some time during the winter,
arrive to their aid with his auxiliary army from Europe. This story
gained ground. The Durzís, to the amount of ten thousand, fortified
the strong places in the mountains, and secured, moreover, some narrow
passes belonging to Shuf (in Syria). The Moslems, however, never
ceased to carry on their operations. These Durzís went in a body to a
place called Aien-rahela; and whilst Háfiz Páshá was engaged in laying
siege to some of their strong-holds, Hasan Páshá joined him with his
body of troops. A most tremendous battle now ensued between a body of
these Durzís and the Moslem or royal army, in which two hundred of the
former lost their heads; the rest fled to the mountains, and their
dwellings were all burned to the ground. Again, on the same day, those
of the same race who had assembled in the neighbourhood of Kufra-nahm
(Capernaum) were scattered, and at Ebn Maherin three hundred more
of them were deprived of their heads: one of their chiefs, called
Izz-ud-dín, was among the slain. A division of the Moslem troops was
also sent to Dair al kamar, where about three hundred more of these
Durzís perished. Násir-ud-dín, chief of this fortress, came to the
pavilion of the commanding-general, and implored him to spare his life,
which he granted him.
At the taking of Dair al kamar, the Osmánlís experienced great
difficulties, before they gained the victory which crowned their
arduous efforts; and which was chiefly owing to their having changed
their mode of assault for that of the springing of mines. One thousand
five hundred of the Segbáns that had joined the Moslems were sent
to meet Hasan Páshá son of Seif, governor of Tripoli, in Syria,
who was marching to reduce a place called Múrj Pásin, the chief of
which, a relative of Maán Oghlí, called Násir-ud-dín, with more than
a thousand of his followers advanced to meet the son of Seif, when
a most desperate encounter ensued; in which the rebel-chief was not
only made a prisoner, but several hundred of the Durzís lost their
lives. Múrj Pásin itself escaped at this time, but it was afterwards
visited when all the Durzís in it were scattered, and their chiefs
obliged to flee. Four thousand of these mercenaries, under the command
of one, Sheríf-ud-dín, were afterwards defeated in one of the defiles
in the mountains called Rúm, where they lost five hundred men. In a
short time, seven hundred more of these Durzís were numbered among
their slain. In the above-mentioned defile, called Rúm, Sheríf-ud-dín
himself, and above one thousand Durzís perished in a battle which was
fought there. The Osmánlís were every where victorious against these
detestable heretics, and burned their dwellings. Some short time
afterwards they learned that Emír Yúnus, the brother of Maán Oghlí,
had posted himself with four thousand armed men below the fortress of
Banias. They were, however, soon dispersed, and the Osmánlí army now
found time to carry on, with more leisure, the sieges of the various
other strong-holds which had hitherto stood out. Fekhr-ud-dín Maán
Oghlí’s first appearance of insubordination and rebellion took place in
1021, and he continued to manifest it more or less for a considerable
time: sometimes he broke out in acts of hostile rebellion; sometimes
again he sued for peace: and thus he continued till the reign of
Sultán Ahmed Khán, when he was overcome by Kúchuk Ahmed Páshá, and was
afterwards conducted to the At Maidán, in Constantinople, where he met
with the punishment due to his crimes, as we shall afterwards see.
_The grand vezír, Nesúh Páshá, murdered.—The seals are conferred on
Mohammed Páshá._
Nesúh Páshá was by birth a plebeian, and of one of the villages of
Gomlajena. On his being brought into the imperial palace, he was
attached to the hatchet-bearers in the old palace, and served under
Mahmúd Aghá, the emperor’s favourite. He left this situation with the
rank of chávush, and acted for some time as the voivoda of Zula. In
1007 he was advanced to the rank of ketkhodá of the household troops;
was afterwards made under-master of the horse, and after enjoying
this situation for some time, he was raised to the rank and dignity
of governor of Aleppo, where he continued till Jeghala Zádeh gave
the government of that city to Jánbúlát Oghlí. Once or twice he was
employed against the rebels, but was defeated. Having been created
válí of Baghdád, he waged war against the militia of that district. He
was for a considerable time válí of Diárbeker, and formed a permanent
friendship with the Kurds, by marrying the daughter of the mírsheríf
of Kúrdistán. During the time he held these situations, particularly
those of Aleppo and Diárbeker, he accumulated immense wealth. When the
celebrated Murád Páshá fell sick at Diárbeker, Nesúh became his deputy,
and after Murád’s death succeeded him in the premiership, as well
as in the chief command of the army of the east. After negotiations
had been entered into with the sháh of Persia, and when that prince
had agreed to the articles proposed by the Ottoman government, Nesúh
Páshá returned to Constantinople in 1021, and became son-in-law to the
emperor; but the princess was only three years old when the marriage
contract was made.
Although Nesúh was a man of unequalled strength and bravery, yet in
battle he was seldom successful. After the death of Murád Páshá it
was expected (especially when the splendid apparatus his predecessor
had provided against the Persians was considered) that he would have
employed his resources against that people and utterly ruin them; but
instead of this, he heedlessly agreed to make peace with them. By his
power of address, and the servility of manner which he was capable of
showing, he acquired such an ascendency over the emperor that he acted
with despotic sway. His pride and haughtiness knew no bounds; nor
would he allow any one, if he could prevent it, to share his master’s
favours. By his influence vezírs were turned out of their vezírships,
and others of them were exposed to the greatest insults. Some of the
most faithful servants around his majesty’s person he supplanted by
creatures of his own stamp. His being at enmity with the reverend
mufti, Mohammed Effendí, led him to manifest contempt for the whole
body of the ulemá, and caused him to make himself friends of worthless
and ignorant men. In every assembly he and his vile associates showed
the most marked disrespect for that august and venerable dignitary of
the mosque; and every person, whoever he was, if he only suspected
him of having any share in the emperor’s favour, was sure to meet
with reproach and persecution. His conduct at last, however, was seen
through by his majesty, and produced in the monarch’s mind a complete
change towards his vezír.
Sím Zádeh, a native of Bosnia, states that Nesúh united great
magnanimity of mind with a competent share of knowledge and science,
and possessed many other excellent qualities; but that he wanted
rectitude and was thoughtless. He says, moreover, that Nesúh Páshá
maintained no intercourse with persons who were of a wrathful and
furious disposition. His enmity against the reverend mufti wholly
arose from his pride, ambition, and haughtiness. One day when the
mufti was sitting in the Yalí gardens along with some of his friends,
the conversation happened to turn upon the evil conduct and bad
administration of the grand vezír. Suddenly, at this time, a six-oared
boat approached the Yalí gardens, when it was announced that the grand
vezír had arrived. The mufti hastened to meet him as he disembarked.
The vezír had on his head a small turban, appeared very much perplexed,
and his features became changed. On his meeting the reverend prelate,
he saluted him, and hardly giving him time to return the salutation, he
stepped into his boat again and sailed away. The reverend mufti, and
those about him, were very much surprised at the strange conduct and
appearance of the premier; but they did not know the mystery of the
case. They took an opportunity, however, to ask him whether he had been
at the emperor’s council, but he answered that he had not gone, though
he had been invited to attend; and added some other things which seemed
to intimate that matters were not right with him.
It would be endless to recount the evils which Nesúh was guilty of,
both before and after he was made grand vezír. His cruelty and shedding
of innocent blood, his avarice, his tyranny and oppression, were
enormous. The emperor not unfrequently remonstrated with him, both in
the language of kindness and of threatening, but it had no good effect
upon him. Khezer Effendí, who had been raised to the chancellorship
for having told him the truth, he contrived to have sent to Anatolia
on business; and afterwards despatched a man after him to murder him,
which deed he perpetrated. When speaking to his friends of the fate of
the unfortunate Effendí, he used to say, he had helped him out of this
vain world to a crown of martyrdom in the next. He was destitute of
religion; and his exalted station was his ruin. Even his own domestics
united at last against him, and deemed him worthy of death. It seemed
as if every thing conspired to render it imperative that a judicial
sentence should go forth against him. The mufti, Mohammed Effendí, the
ághá of the palace, Mustafa Aghá, and those about the emperor’s person,
apprehensive of their own safety from the snares and stratagems of the
grand vezír, were incessant in preferring complaints against him for
his villany and shocking perversities, which at last had the effect of
rousing the emperor’s displeasure to such a degree, that he determined
on cutting him off. Nesúh saw the storm that was now rising, and
therefore fled from the emperor’s presence. This explains the mystery
of his going to the Yalí garden, as before observed. His death was
determined on: justice had lifted up her hand against him.
It was announced to the grandees of the state, that his majesty
intended to be present, on Friday the 13th of Ramazán, at the public
assembly in the mosque. The astrologers informed the grand vezír that
his horoscope had run its course; that his felicity was at an end;
that his stars had prognosticated evil and not good concerning him;
and that if he would escape the impending danger, he must avoid seeing
the face of the emperor. The grand vezír, fearing the danger to which
he was exposed, feigned himself sick, and determined on throwing
himself on the emperor’s compassion when he came forth to attend at
the mosque. The emperor, however, did not come forth on the day he had
announced; for he too was afraid of the grand vezír: but he issued
orders to take away his life. This was communicated to the ághá of the
janissaries, who was desired to proceed and do the work. This ághá and
his janissaries soon surrounded the palace of the grand vezír, when the
bostánjí báshí, Hasan Aghá, with a hundred bostánjís, rushed into the
premier’s inner chamber, where he was sitting, and instantly strangled
him. The seals of office they carried away with them, and delivered
them to the emperor.
The end of Nesúh Páshá was no less humbling than his previous fortune
had been auspicious. The whole object of his life was to amass wealth.
From his first appearance in public he advanced through all the various
gradations of military office, but never gained any victory worthy of
notice. The desire of accumulating wealth and property was this man’s
foible.
In the account of Nesúh Páshá which we have perused there are some
other things recorded which we must here insert. After the death of the
celebrated Murád Páshá, and when Nesúh was made premier in his stead,
he seized on Murád’s lieutenant, and threw him, and one Hasan Aghá, who
had offended him, into prison. The former he caused to be executed on
the battlements of the prison, and rooted out every individual of his
family: the latter met with the same fate shortly afterwards.
When Alí Páshá, the válí of Baghdád, and son-in-law of the lamented
Murád Páshá, was on the eve of retiring to his government, his
father-in-law strongly advised him against meeting Nesúh. Alí Páshá
neglected this advice, had an interview with him, and received several
tokens of apparent kindness from Nesúh. He not only conferred a
variety of presents upon him, but even sent some of his own domestics
along with him under the pretence of rendering him service, whilst,
in fact, Nesúh meant them only as spies. When the latter returned
to Constantinople he removed Alí Páshá from office, and three times
sent him word not to show his face in the metropolis. Alí Páshá, as
might have been expected, was very much astonished at this treatment,
and wondered what the crime might be for which he was thus treated.
Leaving, therefore, his heavy baggage at Eskí-sheher, he secretly
returned to Constantinople. The grand vezír made three several
attempts to get the emperor to agree to deprive Alí of his life, but
without success. On a fourth attempt of the same kind, the emperor,
instead of listening to the advice and importunity of his minister,
created Alí Páshá a vezír, and secured him against the machinations of
the vindictive premier. After the assassination of the latter Alí Páshá
was raised to the government of Buda.
The writer, whose sentiments we have introduced into the preceding
paragraph, says, moreover, that when Nesúh Páshá accompanied the
emperor to Adrianople, he wrote to Mohammed Gheráí, who, along with
Sháhín Gheráí, had been the cause of a tumult among the Tátárs,
desiring him to come to Adrianople, where he would introduce him to
the emperor, and get him made khán. Mohammed Gheráí took the hint, and
immediately set out for Adrianople. The emperor having gone out one
day to follow the chase, chanced to spy a troop of armed Circassian
horsemen, and Mohammed Gheráí at their head. The emperor, who did not
seem to know the reason of their appearance in such circumstances,
enquired why they had come. The result was, even though the vezír fully
explained to the emperor the reason of Mohammed Gheráí’s arrival, that
he was instantly seized and carried off to the Seven Towers, and there
incarcerated. Persons were also sent to Kili to seize Sháhín Gheráí,
but he made his escape before they arrived there.
_Chief reasons for accomplishing the death of Nesúh Páshá._
At the time Nesúh Páshá accompanied the emperor to the city of
Adrianople, one of his friends, called Jebráil Aghá, happened to lodge
at the house of a Seyed, where he made some attempt on the virtue of
the wife of his landlord. The enraged Seyed appeared on Friday in
the mosque, where the emperor and all the Muselmans were assembled
for worship, and stepping into the middle of the court, took off his
turban, and thus addressed his majesty: “Please your majesty, you
are emperor of the Osmánlís. Who then is this wicked wretch (meaning
Nesúh), who, with his Kurds, Turks, and similar tyrants, dares to offer
violence in this city? They affix to their own names those of angels,
who live near to God, and yet are not ashamed to commit crime and be
guilty of corruption. By the great God,” said he, flinging away the
muslin cloth that was round his turban, in a rage, “I do not know of
whom I should first complain.” The emperor was very much grieved at
hearing this story.
On the emperor’s return to Constantinople, the grand vezír formed the
design of assassinating the reverend mufti, Mohammed Effendí, and
the ághá of the palace, but was afraid of the emperor. He employed,
however, one Behrám Khetkhodá to go as far as the country of Albania,
and secure for himself, at every stage, a certain number of horses to
be in readiness. His object in this was, that as soon as Behrám had
assassinated the two reverend prelates above-mentioned, he might make
his escape. Behrám, however, was a man of prudence and good sense, and
would not agree to perform the task which the grand vezír had imposed
upon him. Information of this, and of other things which this wicked
premier had been guilty of, coming to the emperor’s ears, he determined
on cutting him off, and made arrangements for that purpose. The grand
vezír having at last come to perceive that the emperor was for some
reason or other displeased with him, came one day into his presence,
in order to sound him. “How is it,” said the vezír, “that you pay no
attention to any thing I say? If I am not worthy of holding the office
of first minister, and you give the seals to another of your servants,
I shall certainly destroy myself by taking poison.” The emperor,
at hearing this mode of address from his minister, was roused into
indignation, and said, “You treacherous villain, the report of your
having caused poison to be administered to my faithful servant, Murád
Páshá, is but too true.” Nesúh was forthwith despatched; and the offer
of the premiership was made to the second vezír, Mohammed Páshá, and
son-in-law to the emperor.
After the world was rid of Nesúh Páshá, things began to wear a new and
more favourable aspect. The evils of which he had been guilty were
incalculable, and most injurious; and never did any man depart more
from the spirit of his office than did this man. His sons after him,
though they had acquired some grandeur and dignity in the state, were,
like himself, unfortunate. Two of them met with a fate similar to
that of their father, and another of them was allowed to pine away in
solitude and neglect.
After the death of Nesúh, several persons who had been deposed during
his administration were restored to their offices or to others still
more important. Among these was Alí Páshá formerly mentioned, whose
services in the late war with Austria, and his wise administration at
Baghdád, had become known to the emperor. Mahmúd Páshá, the son of
Jeghala Zádeh, was another who was confirmed in his dignity of vezír.
On the 21st of Ramazán, Hasan Páshá, who had been at one time beglerbeg
of Diárbeker, was again appointed to that government; and, at the same
time, protector of the frontiers. Some other appointments took place on
this occasion.
_Concerning Betlan Gabor._