attempted a most daring crime against the Ottoman government, which
however had failed. As this story is not less wonderful in its
development than it was audacious in its contrivance, we shall here
relate it. Delí Hasan, it would appear, wrote letters to the Venetians
and to the pope, asking them to have a fleet in readiness opposite the
fortress of Rasna; promising, in these letters, that he would deliver
up that fortress to them, and that he would afterwards reduce several
other places of strength on the shores of the Archipelago, and deliver
them over to them also; but it was necessary, he added, that they
should pay him a hundred thousand pieces of gold in advance. It was
in this manner he proposed to stipulate with the enemy. No answer to
these proposals having reached him whilst he was in Bosnia, he, after
his translation to Temisvar, hired a fellow for a hundred pieces of
gold, and sent him off with a duplicate of his former communications
to the two parties above-mentioned. This hired peasant, or whatever he
was, instead of fulfilling his engagement, went and waited upon Murád
Páshá, the then commander-in-chief, told him all he knew, and showed
him Delí Hasan’s letters. The commander desired him to proceed without
delay and deliver them in the proper quarter, but to be sure to call
on him when he returned. The messenger set out as he had been desired,
and delivered his papers in the manner he had been directed: when the
king of Spain and the pope sent, each of them, an agent along with
Delí Hasan’s messenger, who was to communicate to him the views of
these personages. These two agents and the messenger reached Zimnún,
where the two former took up their lodgings in a certain house, whilst
the latter proceeded to inform the authorities of their arrival, and
the purport of their message: and which, among other things, went on
to say, that they, the bearers, were the accredited agents of the two
personages formerly mentioned, that the words of these men might be as
much relied on as if they had been heard proceeding from the lips of
their principals; that they had sworn fidelity to the trust reposed in
them, and that, therefore, every apprehension of fraud being practised
ought to be banished. Such, in fact, was the story these agents
themselves delivered before Abdí Alí, Murád Páshá’s deputy, whom they
actually supposed was Delí Hasan himself. These messengers, or agents,
were moreover commissioned to say, that as soon as they returned with
an answer to the pope and the king of Spain, a draft on the Franks
residing in Belgrade for one hundred thousand pieces of gold would be
instantly sent to Delí Hasan. Such is the version of this story: and
it is hardly necessary to say that these two accredited infidels were
immediately put to death.
Tobacco, which had been introduced in Turkey from Frangistan, had been
made the subject of much discussion, and seems, this year, through the
bitter contention which the use of it had occasioned, to have become
more in vogue that at any former period since its introduction; though
it had been productive of certain evil to those who received it, or who
had any thing to do with it.
_Concerning the grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá.—His death.—Dervísh
Páshá raised to the vezírship._
Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, the reader
will remember, returned to Constantinople: and though the affairs
between Austria and the Sublime Porte had not been finally settled,
yet such was the necessity of restoring the peace and tranquility of
Anatolia, that every other consideration was made subservient to this.
It was maintained, in a council held in the imperial presence, to be of
paramount importance that two chief commanders should be appointed: the
one to proceed to the frontiers of Hungary, the other to the east; that
the grand vezír, in order to have it in his power to send efficient
supplies to both quarters, should remain at the seat of government, and
there discharge the duties of his high office.
In this council reference was made to the inefficiency, ill-management,
and ill-success of former commanders in the east, and therefore the
members of the council proposed Nesúh Páshá as the person who was by
far the most competent to perform the duties of commander-in-chief in
the east. It was moreover alleged in his favour, that he was son-in-law
to the emperor; a circumstance which could not fail, it was said, to
secure the affections of the Kurds. Nesúh was, accordingly, made third
vezír and commander-in-chief of the forces in the eastern provinces;
and Murád Páshá was appointed to the command and management of the
affairs on the frontiers of Hungary. After these deliberations had
been fully attended to, the emperor expressed his approbation of the
resolutions which had been adopted, and issued orders for drawing out
a commission for each of the two newly-elected commanders, defining
the power and authority they were to exercise. The government of
Baghdád was annexed to the vezírship and dominion already possessed
by Nesúh, and he was, moreover, made commander-in-chief against the
Persians. The válí of Romeili, and the princes of the borders, with
their respective armies, were ordered to march towards Hungary. The
government of Aleppo was conferred on Hasan, ághá of the janissaries,
who was expected to repress the disturbances which afflicted that
portion of the Ottoman dominions. The káímakám, Khezer Páshá, was
appointed to the guardianship of the fortresses on the Danube.
The grand vezír, the heroic Lálá Mohammed Páshá who most scrupulously
attended to all these new arrangements was, notwithstanding, thwarted
in some of his purposes by Dervísh Páshá, who had succeeded to the
admiralship in the room of Jeghala Zádeh. By his intrigues the brother
of Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá was deprived of his ágháship, and ordered to
proceed to the government of Aleppo, although the grand vezír intended
to confer on him the province of Romeili as a reward for his heroism
at the taking of Osterghún, of which he was the principal cause.
Dervísh was obstinate, and conferred, or was the means of conferring,
the ágháship of the janissaries on Maryol Hasan Aghá. Poor Hasan Páshá
was obliged to set out for Aleppo, and had scarcely got to Adrianople,
which was about half-way, when he was attacked by a monstrous rebel of
the name of Jemshíd, who murdered him.
Dervísh Páshá, still bent on evil purposes, expressed his
disapprobation of the appointments conferred on Nesúh Páshá; and,
in short, wrought so effectually on the mind of the emperor by his
representations, that he succeeded in procuring him to issue an order
for the grand vezír himself to repair to the east and take the chief
command in that quarter. When Mohammed Páshá entered the council, the
emperor addressed him by saying that it was found necessary that he
(the grand vezír) should be the person who should take the command
of the forces employed against Persia, and ordered him to commence
preparations for the journey. He concluded this speech by saying
farther: that it was expected that this year a peace with Austria would
be concluded. The grand vezír, when he heard the emperor’s sentiments,
was speechless and confounded. The emperor repeated his commands, and
the vezír, without making any reply, returned to his own house, where
he in vain endeavoured to collect his thoughts and calm the agitation
of his mind.
On the following morning Nesúh Páshá waited on him to congratulate him
on his appointment, and spoke to him in as consolatary and soothing a
manner as he was able. “Let us,” said he, “go together: let us render
all the services we can for the welfare of our country: God willing,
you will find in Asia so many things to comfort and delight you as will
cause you to forget your northern campaigns.” Nesúh, by this mode of
address, succeeded in bringing the mind of the afflicted grand vezír to
some degree of peace and tranquillity.
In the council above alluded to, Dervísh Páshá preferred several
accusations against the grand vezír, but which he, the grand vezír,
rebutted by giving a circumstantial relation of all the services
in which he had been engaged, and concluded by saying he had some
reason to fear that the negociations with Austria might still prove
abortive—“and thus,” said he, weeping, “our last twelve years of war
will end in nothing.” He again requested the emperor to permit him
to proceed to the frontiers of Hungary and conclude the peace, the
preliminaries of which had been entered into during his own active
service in the north. Nesúh, he said, was the emperor’s son-in-law,
was every way competent for accomplishing the emperor’s wishes in the
east, and therefore earnestly besought the grand Sultán to stand by
his first appointment. All, however, was in vain. The emperor remained
inflexible, and forced Lálá Mohammed Páshá, whether he would or not,
to erect his tent at Scutari. In consequence of these circumstances,
so repugnant to the mind of the grand vezír, as well as others which
carried along with them their vexations, his health became very much
impaired, and yet notwithstanding, he was forced that very week,
by repeated orders, to repair to Scutari. It so happened, in the
providence of God, however, that whilst he was presiding in his own
diván he was struck by a paralytic stroke. His ághás carried him to
his tent, and immediately his physicians were called in to administer
what aid they were able. An account of this circumstance reached the
metropolis, when the wicked Dervísh Páshá had the audacity to represent
to his majesty that the grand vezír’s disease was wholly feigned;
and instigated him to send a violent and threatening letter to Lálá
Mohammed Páshá, the very next day, accusing him of feigning himself
unwell, and ordering him, in the most peremptory manner, to begin his
march without delay.
The afflicted Lálá Mohammed Páshá caused a humble petition to be
written out and laid before his majesty; in which he stated that he
required above all things, if his majesty entertained any doubts as
to the ill state of his health, that he would send any one of his
most confidential servants to see him, and report accordingly. It was
utterly impossible for him, in his weak state of health, he said, to
leave Scutari unless he was carried in a couch. The emperor was induced
by this to send the ághá of the palace to the prime minister, who, when
he returned, informed his majesty that the minister was so very weak
as to be under the necessity of keeping his bed; in short, that he was
seriously and dangerously ill. When his majesty received this report of
his minister’s state of health he ceased pressing him any farther.
When the official messenger above referred to first waited on the prime
minister, he, the minister, became so much affected that he could not
restrain his tears. “Are my services,” said he, in the bitterness of
his spirit, “are my services to my country so little thought of that
doubts of my veracity should be entertained? Kiss the border of my
emperor’s robe when you return, and tell him the weak state in which
I am. When I die I leave behind me six orphans, and I hope God will
reward the emperor for whatever kindness and favour he may show to
them.” The officer, on hearing the grand vezír express himself thus,
and having had besides the evidence of his senses to convince him of
the dangerous state of his health, he, too, was so overcome with sorrow
that he returned to his master, the grand Sultán, and declared to him,
weeping, that the worth of this minister was unknown, and therefore not
appreciated. “Why is it,” continued the ághá of the palace, “that your
majesty has hearkened to the calumny of his enemies? The consequence
is, you see, that he is likely to be prematurely cut off.” The answer
to all this was, that if he died another would be found to fill his
place.
On the third day of this grand vezír’s illness—an illness, there
is every reason to believe, wholly occasioned by the treatment of
the emperor—his troubles terminated with his life: he gave up the
ghost. The rest of the vezírs, the great men of the state, and ulemá,
assembled together and attended his remains to the temple of Sultán
Mohammed Ghází, where the funeral service was performed; and he was
afterwards interred in his own burial ground in the neighbourhood of
Abí-eyúb. Among the procession which accompanied the bier of Lálá
Mohammed Páshá to the place of interment, was Dervísh Páshá, the lord
high admiral of the Turkish fleet, the bitter and relentless enemy of
the deceased, but who had his eye on the premiership. He returned to
his own house, joyfully anticipating that the seals of office would be
conferred on himself. This was what he wished and what he strived for,
but at the expense of every honest virtue and upright feeling.
Muftí Siná-allah Effendí relates, that a Portuguese physician who
attended Lálá Mohammed Páshá in his illness, had, through the
instrumentality of Dervísh Páshá, administered to him, in the form of
medicine, what proved mortal to the patient.
When the testament of the late grand vezír was presented to the
emperor, he ordered the sums of money that were mentioned in it to be
applied to the defraying of the war, but the rest of his effects he
permitted to be given to the afflicted children of the deceased. Out of
one hundred and fifty thousand ducats and one hundred yúks of dollars,
which had belonged to Lálá Mohammed Páshá, and which had been seized
at the instigation of Dervísh Páshá for the purpose above explained,
only a small portion of his extensive wealth fell to the share of his
helpless orphans.
The wicked Dervísh Páshá now arrived at the summit of his wishes.
The seals were no sooner conferred on him than he recommended Ja’fer
Páshá, the European, who had been three times beglerbeg of Cyprus, to
succeed to his vacant situation in the admiralty, and spoke of him as
being very skilful in naval affairs. Ja’fer Páshá was, in consequence,
appointed lord high admiral of the Ottoman fleet in the room of Dervísh
Páshá, who had succeeded to the grand vezírship.
When the new prime minister first took his seat in the diván after his
elevation to the premiership, he intimated to the chávush báshí that
the members of the diván were not to view him in the light of former
ministers, “Whoever puts off a poor man’s case till tomorrow, when it
ought to be attended to to-day,” said this fierce minister, “shall
have his head cut off: _that_,” continued he solemnly opening a book,
“shall be his fate, and from which he shall in nowise escape.”
EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1015, H.
On the afternoon of the same day the son of an aged man who had retired
from his beglerbegship was beheaded, and his property seized by the
avaricious Dervísh; but though all who witnessed this cruel transaction
hesitated not to speak of it as an act of foul murder, yet it had not
the effect of preventing a concourse of nobles and grandees coming to
congratulate the new grand vezír on his elevation to the premiership.
On the third day after Dervísh Páshá’s exaltation, the emperor’s
chaplain waited on him to pay his respects; and the mufti effendí, the
Moslem high priest, after having performed the public service at the
mosque, waited on the prime minister and kindly joined with him in his
afternoon devotions. When the reverend mufti was about to retire, the
grand vezír informed him that there would be no public diván on the
following day, but that a council would be held in the royal presence,
and at which he invited him to be present. The reverend high priest
bowed and promised to attend.
Next morning the whole of the ministers and the reverend effendís
met in council in the imperial presence, and after listening to the
opening speech of the emperor, they were informed that it was then
too far in the season to prosecute any farther, that year, the object
which he had in view in ordering preparations in behalf of Anatolia
and the east; and then added, that it would be far more advisable to
let things remain as they then were until the following year, when
the preparations alluded to would be again resumed. The council, on
hearing these sentiments uttered, were struck dumb with surprise. At
length the mufti effendí spoke. “With indecent impatience, certainly,”
said the reverend prelate, “your slave (Lálá Mohammed Páshá) was
hurried in the work of preparation for the war in the east, and
contrary to the views of almost all here present, his tent was ordered
to be erected at Scutari. Is it prudent, think you, sire, to call
back to Constantinople the camp there established? Rather let the
commander-in-chief (probably Nesúh) go on to Aleppo; there winter,
and make preparations for commencing, in the spring, hostilities
against the Persians.” His majesty to this replied, by asking him
what advantage he thought would accrue from following that advice. “
Why,” rejoined the reverend prelate, “the advantage which will accrue
is this: the royal camp will not have gone forth for no purpose: the
royal pavilion (the serdár’s tent) will not have been erected in the
sight of friend and foe in vain. When Sultán Soleimán Khán went to the
Nakhcheván war he wintered at Aleppo, and when the following spring
arrived, he marched to the east. Such is the method which ought now
to be pursued.” The emperor again enquired what good he supposed or
imagined would result from following the course he had pointed out. The
reverend mufti hastily replied: “was it creditable that a Moslem army,
encamped at Scutari, and ready for entering into the scene of action,
should be recalled before that army had accomplished the purpose for
which it had been assembled? At least, should not that army, I ask,
even though it should accomplish nothing more, be sent to protect our
possessions in the east?” The emperor, pressed by the reasoning of
the high priest, answered, that Ferhád Páshá might proceed with a few
troops, and take the camp at Scutari along with him. “Well, then,”
asked Siná-allah Effendí, “shall not a sum of money be allowed for
the purpose of purchasing provisions for them?” The emperor briefly
answered, “that there was no money in the treasury; and whence,” said
he, “can I furnish money for that purpose?” The reverend prelate,
still persevering in pressing the emperor, asked if the treasury of
Egypt might not afford a supply. “That,” rejoined the emperor, “is
for our private expenses; we cannot part with the funds supplied from
that quarter.” “Why, then,” continued the high priest, and without
being in the least awed or terrified, “how did your ancestor, Sultán
Soleimán Khán, do when he went to the war at Sigetwar at a time when
his treasury was drained? Thus: he took all the gold and silver vessels
which were in the royal house, sent them to the mint, caused them to be
melted down into specie, and thus provided himself with the means of
paying the expense of the war. Doubtless,” added the bold and fearless
priest, “doubtless, the treasury of Egypt can well afford to advance
the sum requisite for the object now proposed.” The emperor knit his
brow and thus addressed the mufti: “Thou dost not comprehend my
meaning, effendí; thou understandest not my words. Times are not always
alike. The circumstance you refer to was requisite for that time. Why
is it that you assume the present exigency to be similar to that which
existed at the period you have mentioned?” The menla, perceiving his
oratory had made no impression on the mind of the emperor, rose up with
the rest of the counsellors and departed.
Kátib Chelebí says, in his Fezliké, that Hasan Beg Zádeh has
recorded this story in his history as a well authenticated fact.
The circumstance referred to in the reign of Soleimán and that now
related, can admit, we think, of no comparison, and it would be an
error in judgment to suppose them similar. The opinion of the emperor,
as expressed in the conversation we have related, seems to have been
incontestably correct.
Dervísh Páshá was very much offended at the bold and fearless way in
which the reverend mufti expressed himself in the above council; he
perceived, or thought he perceived, the mufti had laboured hard to
get him sent off to the eastern provinces. So much, indeed, did this
evil-minded vezír feel himself aggrieved by the sentiments expressed
by the mufti, that he determined on getting him deprived of his
theological prerogative of issuing fetwas; a difficulty, however,
presented itself, to get rid of which he was much puzzled. “If,”
thought he, “I make Khoaja Zádeh mufti (the emperor’s chaplain), his
two brothers, already in power, will form a union with him, and then
they will deny me the liberty of speech.” This thought had the effect
of making him change his mind with regard to Khoaja Zádeh, and he at
last raised Abulmeymín Mustafa Effendí, a second time, to the sacred
office of mufti.
Although Dervísh Páshá had used every method he could contrive, however
unworthy, of getting the late grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, sent
to the eastern provinces, yet he himself, now that he was made grand
vezír, manifested the utmost unwillingness to undertake the task he
wished so earnestly to impose upon his predecessor. Being, as he
thought, secure in the premiership, and courted by all ranks of men,
he became lavish in his promises, and exposed himself to the art and
cunning of sycophants who crowded round him. One of the thousand
flatterers who sounded his praises, and who was anxious to be put in
possession of a good situation, when talking with him one day, went the
length, in his fulsome adulations, thus to address him: “My lord, thou
art the sun that illuminates the world, which scatters a reviving light
throughout all regions, and which removes the darkness from the world.”
This contemptible, mean fellow, who ascribed to him epithets which only
belong to God, he promoted to a situation of honour and emolument;
demonstrations that this sort of flattery and adulation was pleasing to
his heart and suitable to the state of his mind.
To escape the fatigues incident to a military life, he found or
invented means to prevent his being sent to take command of the Ottoman
armies, and got the emperor to favour his remaining at home. What he
himself declined he transferred to another. Ferhád Páshá was fixed on
to take the command of the troops destined for the east, which were
still encamped at Scutari. Ferhád’s inexperience and unfitness for the
important office assigned him was but too evident to every one; but to
promote his own views and purposes Dervísh Páshá got this man appointed
commander-in-chief, notwithstanding his utter unfitness for so great
an undertaking as that of commanding the army of the east against the
enemies of the Ottoman empire.
Ferhád passed over to Scutari on the 4th of the month Sefer. Osmán
Aghá, ketkhodá of the janissaries, with 10,000 troops, six companies of
artillery, and the provincial troops of Caramania and Sivás, were all
to act under his command.
This expedition, however, as might have been anticipated, failed. Want
of generalship in the commander, added to the absence of common feeling
between him and his various troops; his ignorance, rashness, and
scurrility of tongue, all contributed to estrange the troops from him.
A violent contention having taken place between him and the spáhís,
they raised a commotion about their pay, and attacked his tent with
stones, and soon demolished it. With the exception of these disgraceful
scenes to which we have here adverted, this expedition achieved nothing
worthy of remark. A certain writer, Mahmúd Chelebí, relates, that when
this mad Ferhád went to Brúsa, he collected about him a number of
necessitous adventurers, and, when remonstrated with respecting this,
he was accustomed to reply in the most harsh and profane language. In
other respects his conduct was also similar: his troops dispersed; some
of them having received no pay, were obliged to proceed to Turkey to
receive it; and he himself, after being degraded, took up his residence
at Iconium, where he died of grief.
_Dervísh Páshá is murdered.—Murád Páshá is made grand vezír._