CHAPTER XI.

ARGUMENTS ON SECESSION IN OUTLINE.

In the platform of secession there was barely one plank on which all

parties could stand in agreement, and we give it in the following

words, to wit:

"_Resolved_, That the rights of the South are seriously threatened, and

in imminent danger of actual invasion by the North."

This was the solemn affirmation of the whole South. But on the

question, What shall be done, what measures adopted, what course

pursued, to make the most and the best out of the situation? the people

were not a little divided. We will recite a few of the arguments in

outline used by the different factions.

The original secessionist argued from the Constitution itself, that the

States out of which the Union was formed were independent sovereignties

antecedent to the Union, and all State elements and powers were

reserved to the sovereignties that were not _expressly_ surrendered to

the General Government; that the Constitution was the instrument and

servant of the Union, and was not intended to reflect its power back

upon the reserved rights of the States. That the Constitution did not

_forbid_ secession in express terms, _ergo_, the right of secession

was _negatively implied_ by the Constitution; that its silence on the

subject was, and could be, no bar to the right; that it could not take

notice of the subject at all, as it is not in the nature of such an

instrument _per se_ to anticipate its own repeal or dissolution.

The suggestion to "wait for an overt act," was answered by saying that

the Union was like a business copartnership for certain purposes, and

when one member of the firm declares his purpose to swindle the other

whenever opportunity serves, it is the privilege, the right, the duty,

of the partner thus placed in jeopardy not to wait for the "overt

act" of swindling to transpire, but to forestall and prevent it by

breaking up the compact at once; that the Union was substantially such

a copartnership, or compact, for purposes of mutual aid, and for mutual

protection against foreign invasion.

This sort of argument appeared plausible, and generally had the

effect to silence dissenting parties. The reply to it was considered

insufficient, that, though the Republican party had succeeded in

placing Mr. Lincoln in the presidential chair, yet he could do nothing

inimical to the rights of the South. His oath of office would deter

him, even if personally inclined to damage the South, and though he

had said in his series of discussions with Stephen A. Douglas, in

Illinois--"This government and country can not remain half free and

half slave." No, secession, unconditional, immediate, bore down all

opposition, and Texas with her ship of state and canvass spread, her

sails flying, and the "Lone Star" floating at top-mast, and all on

board except a few stanch Union men, stood out for the deep sea of

secession and rebellion. She foundered, and with the Confederate armada

of States went to the bottom; and now the Union wreckers are trying to

fish her up, and back into place again.

Five Years in Texas Or, What you did not hear during the war from January 1861 to January 1866. A narrative of his travels, experiences, and observation · 第 11 / 21 章