CHAPTER XIV

THE LAST RESERVES

To-day I read in one of our newspapers an account of a religious

convention which is going on in our city. It said that one of the lady

delegates asked if, in view of the great scarcity of men to take the

various fields, and the increased number of vacancies, the theological

course in their colleges would be opened to women? And the report

said, "A ripple of amusement swept over the convention."

I know that ripple. I know it well! The Church has always been amused

when the advancement of women has been mentioned right out boldly like

that. There are two things which have never failed to bring a laugh--a

great, round, bold oath on the stage, and any mention of woman

suffrage in the pulpit. They have been sure laugh-producers. When we

pray for the elevation of the stage in this respect, we should not

forget the Church!

I have been trying to analyze that ripple of amusement. Here is the

situation: The men have gone out to fight. The college halls are empty

of boys, except very young ones. One of the speakers at the same

session said, "We do not expect to get in boys of more than eighteen

years of age." Churches are closed for lack of preachers. What is to

be done about it? No longer can Brother M. be sent to England to bring

over pink-cheeked boys to fill the ranks of Canada's preachers. The

pink-cheeked ones are also "over there." There is no one to call upon

but women. So why was the suggestion of the lady delegate received

with amusement? Why was it not acted upon? For although there were

many kind and flattering things said about women, their great services

to Church and State, yet the theological course was not opened.

The Church has been strangely blind in its attitude toward women, and

with many women it will be long remembered with a feeling of

bitterness that the Church has been so slow to move.

The Government of the Western Provinces of Canada gave full equality

to women before that right was given by the Church. The Church has not

given it yet. The Church has not meant to be either unjust or unkind,

and the indifference and apathy of its own women members have given

the unthinking a reason for their attitude. Why should the vote be

forced on women? they have asked. It is quite true that the women of

the Church have not said much, for the reason that many of the

brightest women, on account of the Church's narrowness, have withdrawn

and gone elsewhere, where more liberty could be found. This is

unfortunate, and I think a mistake on the part of the women. Better to

have stayed and fought it out than to go out slamming the door.

Many sermons have I listened to in the last quarter of a century of

fairly regular church attendance; once I heard an Englishman preaching

bitterly of the Suffragettes' militant methods, and he said they

should all "be condemned to motherhood to tame their wild spirits."

And I surely had the desire to slam the door that morning, for I

thought I never heard a more terrible insult to all womankind than to

speak of motherhood as a punishment. But I stayed through the service;

I stayed after the service! I interviewed the preacher. So did many

other women! He had a chastened spirit when we were through with him.

I have listened to many sermons that I did not like, but I possessed

my soul in patience. I knew my turn would come--it is a long lane that

has no tomato-cans! My turn did come--I was invited to address the

conference of the Church, and there with all the chief offenders lined

up in black-coated, white-collared rows, I said all that was in my

heart, and they were honestly surprised. One good old brother, who I

do not think had listened to a word that I said, arose at the back of

the church and said: "I have listened to all that this lady has had to

say, but I am not convinced. I have it on good authority that in

Colorado, where women vote, a woman once stuffed a ballot-box. How can

the lady explain that?" I said I could explain it, though, indeed, I

could not see that it needed any explanation. No one could expect

women to live all their lives with men without picking up some of

their little ways! That seemed to hold the brother for a season!

The Church's stiff attitude toward women has been a hard thing to

explain to the "world." Many a time I have been afraid that it would

be advanced as a reason for not considering woman suffrage in the

State. "If the Church," politicians might well have said, "with its

spiritual understanding of right and justice, cannot see its way clear

to give the vote to women, why should the State incur the risk?"

Whenever I have invited questions, at the close of an address, I have

feared that one. That cheerful air of confidence with which I urged

people to speak right up and ask any question they wished always

covered a trembling and fearful heart. You have heard of people

whistling as they passed a graveyard, and perhaps you thought that

they were frivolously light-hearted? Oh, no! That is not why they

whistled!

When the vote was given to the women in our province and all the

other Western provinces, I confess that I thought our worst troubles

were over. I see now that they were really beginning. A second

Hindenburg line has been set up, and seems harder to pierce than the

first. It is the line of bitter prejudice! Some of those who, at the

time the vote was given, made eloquent speeches of welcome, declaring

their long devotion to the cause of women, are now busily engaged in

trying to make it uncomfortably hot for the women who dare to enter

the political field. They are like the employers who furnish seats for

their clerks in the stores, yet make it clear that to use them may

cost their jobs.

The granting of the franchise to women in western Canada, was brought

about easily. It won, not by political pressure, but on its merits.

There is something about a new country which beats out prejudice, and

the pioneer age is not so far removed as to have passed out of memory.

The real men of the West remember gratefully how the women stood by

them in the old hard days, taking their full share of the hardships

and the sacrifice uncomplainingly. It was largely this spirit which

prompted the action of the legislators of the West. As Kipling says:--

Now and not hereafter, while the breath is in our nostrils,

Now and not hereafter, ere the meaner years go by,

Let us now remember many honorable women--

They who stretched their hands to us, when we were like to die!

There was not any great opposition here in western Canada. One member

did say that, if women ever entered Parliament, he would immediately

resign; but the women were not disturbed. They said that it was just

another proof of the purifying effect that the entrance of women into

politics would have! Sitting in Parliament does not seem like such a

hard job to those of us who have sat in the Ladies' Gallery and looked

over; there is such unanimity among members of Parliament, such

remarkable and unquestioning faith in the soundness of their party's

opinion. In one of the Parliaments of the West there sat for twelve

years an honored member who never once broke the silence of the back

benches except to say, "Aye," when he was told to say, "Aye." But on

toward the end of the thirteenth year he gave unmistakable signs of

life. A window had been left open behind him, and when the draft blew

over him--he sneezed! Shortly after, he got up and shut the window!

Looking down upon such tranquil scenes as these there are women who

have said in their boastful way that they believe they could do just

as well--with a little practice!

Women who sit in Parliament will do so by sheer merit, for there is

still enough prejudice to keep them out if any reason for so doing can

be found. Their greatest contribution, in Parliament and out of it,

will be independence of thought.

Women have not the strong party affiliations which men have. They have

no political past, no political promises to keep, no political sins to

expiate. They start fair and with a clean sheet. Those who make the

mistake of falling into old party lines, and of accepting ready-made

opinions and prejudices, will make no difference in the political

life of the country except to enlarge the voters' list and increase

the expenses of elections.

Just now partyism is falling into disfavor, for there are too many

serious questions to be fought out. There are still a few people who

would rather lose the war than have their party defeated, but not

many. "When the Empire is in danger is no time to think of men,"

appeals to the average thinking man and woman. The independent man who

carefully thinks out issues for himself, and who is not led away by

election cries, is the factor who has held things steady in the past.

Now it seems that this independent body will be increased by the new

voters, and if so, they will hold in their hands the balance of power

in any province, and really become a terror to evil-doers as well as a

praise to those who do well!

Old things are passing away, and those who have eyes to see it know

that all things are becoming new. The political ideals of the far-off,

easy days of peace will not do for these new and searching times.

Political ideals have been different from any other. Men who would

not rob a bank or sandbag a traveler, and who are quite punctilious

about paying their butcher and their baker, have been known to rob the

country quite freely and even hilariously, doctoring an expense sheet,

overcharging for any service rendered. "Good old country," they have

seemed to say, "if I do not rob you, some one else will!"

This easy conscience regarding the treasury of the country is early

shown in the attitude toward road-work, those few days' labor which

the municipality requires men to do as part payment of their taxes.

Who has not noticed the languorous ease of the lotus-eating

road-workers as they sit on their plough-handles and watch the slow

afternoon roll by?

Politics too long has been a mystical word which has brought visions

of a dark but fascinating realm of romantic intrigue, sharp deals,

good-natured tricks, and lucky strikes. The greatest asset a

politician can have is the ability to "put it over" and "get something

for us." The attitude of the average voter has been that of

expectancy. If he renders a public service, he expects to be

remunerated. His relation to his country has not been, "What can I

do?" but, "What can I get?" His hand has been outstretched palm

upward! Citizenship to us has not meant much; it has come too easy,

like money to the rich man's son! All things have been ours by

inheritance--free speech, freedom of religion, responsible government.

Somebody fought for these things, but it was a long time ago, and only

in a vague way are we grateful! These things become valuable only when

threatened.

There hangs on the wall, in one of the missions in the city of

Winnipeg, a picture of a street in one of the Polish villages. In it

the people are huddled together, cowering with fear. The priest,

holding aloft the sacred crucifix, stands in front of them, while down

the street come the galloping Cossacks with rifles and bayonets.

Polish men and women have cried bitter tears before that picture. They

knew what happened. They knew that the sacred sign of the crucifix did

not stay the fury of the Cossacks! These are the people, these Polish

people, who have been seen to kiss the soil of Canada in an ecstasy of

gladness when they set foot upon it, for it is to them the land of

liberty. Liberty of speech and of action, safety of life and of

property mean something to them; but we have always enjoyed these

things, and esteem them lightly.

The first blow between the eyes that our complacency received was

Belgium!--that heroic little country to whose people citizenship was

so much dearer than life or riches, or even the safety of their loved

ones, that they flung all these things away, in a frenzy of devotion,

for the honor of their country and her good name among nations. This

has disturbed us: we cannot forget Belgium. It has upset our

comfortable Canadian conscience, for it has given us a glimpse of the

upper country, and life can never be the same again. It is not all of

life to live--that is, grow rich and quit work.

The heroism of the trenches is coming back to us. It is filtering

through. It is the need for heroism which is bringing it out. We are

playing a losing game, even though we are winning. There is only one

thing more disastrous than a victory, and that is a defeat. I do not

need to enumerate what we are losing--we know. What can we do to make

good the loss? Some of our people have always done all they could:

they have always stood in the front trench and "carried on"; others

have been in the "stand-to" trench, and have done well, too, in time

of stress. Many have not yet signed on, but they will: they are not

cowards, they are only indifferent. This has been true of the

protected woman in the home, who has not considered herself a citizen.

We have come to the place now when our full force must be called out.

The women are our last reserves. If they cannot heal the world, we are

lost, for they are the last we have--we cannot call the angels down.

The trumpets are calling now in every street of every town, in every

country lane, even in the trackless fastnesses of the North Country.

The call is for citizens,--woman citizens,--who, with deft and

skillful fingers, will lovingly, patiently undertake the task of

piecing together the torn mantle of civilization; who will make it so

strong, so beautiful, so glorified, that never again can it be torn or

soiled or stained with human blood. The trumpets are calling for

healers and binders who will not be appalled at the task of nursing

back to health a wounded world, shot to pieces by injustice, greed,

cruelty, and wrong thinking.

The sign of the Red Cross is a fitting emblem for the Order, worn not

only on the sleeve, but in the heart; red to remind its wearer that

God made all people of one blood, and is the Father of all; and the

Cross which speaks of the One whose mission on earth was to save; who

came not to be ministered unto, but to minister. Every one who signs

on does so for "duration," and must consider herself under orders

until the coming in of that glad day

"When men shall brothers be

And form one family

The wide world o'er!"

The Next of Kin: Those who Wait and Wonder · 第 14 / 16 章