CHAPTER I.--FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND.

Produced by Al Haines.

ENGLISH TRAITS.

BY

RALPH WALDO EMERSON.

NEW AND REVISED EDITION.

BOSTON:

JAMES R. OSGOOD AND COMPANY,

Late Ticknor & Fields, and Fields, Osgood, & Co.

1876.

COPYRIGHT, 1856 AND 1876,

BY RALPH WALDO EMERSON.

UNIVERSITY PRESS: WELCH, BIGELOW, & Co., CAMBRIDGE.

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CONTENTS

CHAPTER I.--FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND.

CHAPTER II.--VOYAGE TO ENGLAND.

CHAPTER III.--LAND.

CHAPTER IV.--RACE.

CHAPTER V.--ABILITY.

CHAPTER VI.--MANNERS.

CHAPTER VII.--TRUTH.

CHAPTER VIII.--CHARACTER.

CHAPTER IX.--COCKAYNE.

CHAPTER X.--WEALTH.

CHAPTER XI.--ARISTOCRACY.

CHAPTER XII.--UNIVERSITIES.

CHAPTER XIII.--RELIGION.

CHAPTER XIV.--LITERATURE.

CHAPTER XV.--THE "TIMES."

CHAPTER XVI.--STONEHENGE.

CHAPTER XVII.--PERSONAL.

CHAPTER XVIII.--RESULT.

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ENGLISH TRAITS.

CHAPTER I.--FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND.

I have been twice in England. In 1833, on my return from a short tour

in Sicily, Italy, and France, I crossed from Boulogne, and landed in

London at the Tower stairs. It was a dark Sunday morning; there were

few people in the streets; and I remember the pleasure of that first

walk on English ground, with my companion, an American artist, from the

Tower up through Cheapside and the Strand, to a house in Russell Square,

whither we had been recommended to good chambers. For the first time

for many months we were forced to check the saucy habit of travellers'

criticism, as we could no longer speak aloud in the streets without

being understood. The shop-signs spoke our language; our country names

were on the door-plates; and the public and private buildings wore a

more native and wonted front.

Like most young men at that time, I was much indebted to the men of

Edinburgh, and of the Edinburgh Review,--to Jeffrey, Mackintosh, Hallam,

and to Scott, Playfair, and De Quincey; and my narrow and desultory

reading had inspired the wish to see the faces of three or four

writers,--Coleridge, Wordsworth, Landor, De Quincey, and the latest and

strongest contributor to the critical journals, Carlyle; and I suppose

if I had sifted the reasons that led me to Europe, when I was ill and

was advised to travel, it was mainly the attraction of these persons.

If Goethe had been still living, I might have wandered into Germany

also. Besides those I have named (for Scott was dead), there was not in

Britain the man living whom I cared to behold, unless it were the Duke

of Wellington, whom I afterwards saw at Westminster Abbey, at the

funeral of Wilberforce. The young scholar fancies it happiness enough

to live with people who can give an inside to the world; without

reflecting that they are prisoners, too, of their own thought, and

cannot apply themselves to yours. The conditions of literary success

are almost destructive of the best social power, as they do not leave

that frolic liberty which only can encounter a companion on the best

terms. It is probable you left some obscure comrade at a tavern, or in

the farms, with right mother-wit, and equality to life, when you crossed

sea and land to play bo-peep with celebrated scribes. I have, however,

found writers superior to their books, and I cling to my first belief,

that a strong head will dispose fast enough of these impediments, and

give one the satisfaction of reality, the sense of having been met, and

a larger horizon.

On looking over the diary of my journey in 1833, I find nothing to

publish in my memoranda of visits to places. But I have copied the few

notes I made of visits to persons, as they respect parties quite too

good and too transparent to the whole world to make it needful to affect

any prudery of suppression about a few hints of those bright

personalities.

At Florence, chief among artists, I found Horatio Greenough, the

American sculptor. His face was so handsome, and his person so well

formed, that he might be pardoned, if, as was alleged, the face of his

Medora, and the figure of a colossal Achilles in clay, were

idealizations of his own. Greenough was a superior man, ardent and

eloquent, and all his opinions had elevation and magnanimity. He

believed that the Greeks had wrought in schools or fraternities,--the

genius of the master imparting his design to his friends, and inflaming

them with it, and when his strength was spent, a new hand, with equal

heat, continued the work; and so by relays, until it was finished in

every part with equal fire. This was necessary in so refractory a

material as stone; and he thought art would never prosper until we left

our shy jealous ways, and worked in society as they. All his thoughts

breathed the same generosity. He was an accurate and a deep man. He

was a votary of the Greeks, and impatient of Gothic art. His paper on

Architecture, published in 1843, announced in advance the leading

thoughts of Mr. Ruskin on the _morality_ in architecture,

notwithstanding the antagonism in their views of the history of art. I

have a private letter from him,--later, but respecting the same

period,--in which he roughly sketches his own theory. "Here is my

theory of structure: A scientific arrangement of spaces and forms to

functions and to site; an emphasis of features proportioned to their

_gradated_ importance in function; color and ornament to be decided and

arranged and varied by strictly organic laws, having a distinct reason

for each decision; the entire and immediate banishment of all makeshift

and make-believe."

Greenough brought me, through a common friend, an invitation from Mr.

Landor, who lived at San Domenica di Fiesole. On the 15th May I dined

with Mr. Landor. I found him noble and courteous, living in a cloud of

pictures at his Villa Gherardesca, a fine house commanding a beautiful

landscape. I had inferred from his books, or magnified from some

anecdotes, an impression of Achillean wrath,--an untamable petulance. I

do not know whether the imputation were just or not, but certainly on

this May day his courtesy veiled that haughty mind, and he was the most

patient and gentle of hosts. He praised the beautiful cyclamen which

grows all about Florence; he admired Washington; talked of Wordsworth,

Byron, Massinger, Beaumont and Fletcher. To be sure, he is decided in

his opinions, likes to surprise, and is well content to impress, if

possible, his English whim upon the immutable past. No great man ever

had a great son, if Philip and Alexander be not an exception; and Philip

he calls the greater man. In art, he loves the Greeks, and in

sculpture, them only. He prefers the Venus to everything else, and,

after that, the head of Alexander, in the gallery here. He prefers John

of Bologna to Michel Angelo; in painting, Raffaelle; and shares the

growing taste for Perugino and the early masters. The Greek histories

he thought the only good; and after them, Voltaire's. I could not make

him praise Mackintosh, nor my more recent friends; Montaigne very

cordially,--and Charron also, which seemed undiscriminating. He thought

Degerando indebted to "Lucas on Happiness" and "Lucas on Holiness"! He

pestered me with Southey; but who is Southey?

He invited me to breakfast on Friday. On Friday I did not fail to go,

and this time with Greenough. He entertained us at once with reciting

half a dozen hexameter lines of Julius Caesar's!--from Donatus, he said.

He glorified Lord Chesterfield more than was necessary, and undervalued

Burke, and undervalued Socrates; designated as three of the greatest of

men, Washington, Phocion, and Timoleon; much as our pomologists, in

their lists, select the three or the six best pears "for a small

orchard"; and did not even omit to remark the similar termination of

their names. "A great man," he said, "should make great sacrifices, and

kill his hundred oxen, without knowing whether they would be consumed by

gods and heroes, or whether the flies would eat them." I had visited

Professor Amici, who had shown me his microscopes, magnifying (it was

said) two thousand diameters; and I spoke of the uses to which they were

applied. Landor despised entomology, yet, in the same breath, said, "the

sublime was in a grain of dust." I suppose I teased him about recent

writers, but he professed never to have heard of Herschel, _not even by

name_. One room was full of pictures, which he likes to show,

especially one piece, standing before which, he said "he would give

fifty guineas to the man that would swear it was a Pomenichino." I was

more curious to see his library, but Mr. H----, one of the guests, told

me that Mr. Landor gives away his books, and has never more than a dozen

at a time in his house.

Mr. Landor carries to its height the love of freak which the English

delight to indulge, as if to signalize their commanding freedom. He has

a wonderful brain, despotic, violent, and inexhaustible, meant for a

soldier, by what chance converted to letters, in which there is not a

style nor a tint not known to him, yet with an English appetite for

action and heroes. The thing done avails, and not what is said about

it. An original sentence, a step forward, is worth more than all the

censures. Landor is strangely undervalued in England; usually ignored;

and sometimes savagely attacked in the Reviews. The criticism may be

right or wrong, and is quickly forgotten; but year after year the

scholar must still go back to Landor for a multitude of elegant

sentences,--for wisdom, wit, and indignation that are unforgetable.

From London, on the 5th August, I went to Highgate, and wrote a note to

Mr. Coleridge, requesting leave to pay my respects to him. It was near

noon. Mr. Coleridge sent a verbal message, that he was in bed, but if I

would call after one o'clock, he would see me. I returned at one, and

he appeared, a short, thick old man, with bright blue eyes and fine

clear complexion, leaning on his cane. He took snuff freely, which

presently soiled his cravat and neat black suit. He asked whether I

knew Allston, and spoke warmly of his merits and doings when he knew him

in Rome; what a master of the Titianesque he was, etc., etc. He spoke

of Dr. Channing. It was an unspeakable misfortune that he should have

turned out a Unitarian after all. On this, he burst into a declamation

on the folly and ignorance of Unitarianism,--its high unreasonableness;

and taking up Bishop Waterland's book, which lay on the table, he read

with vehemence two or three pages written by himself in the

fly-leaves,--passages, too, which, I believe, are printed in the "Aids

to Reflection." When he stopped to take breath, I interposed, that,

"whilst I highly valued all his explanations, I was bound to tell him

that I was born and bred a Unitarian." "Yes," he said, "I supposed so";

and continued as before. "It was a wonder, that after so many ages of

unquestioning acquiescence in the doctrine of St. Paul,--the doctrine of

the Trinity, which was also, according to Philo Judaeus, the doctrine of

the Jews before Christ,--this handful of Priestleians should take on

themselves to deny it, etc., etc. He was very sorry that Dr.

Channing,--a man to whom he looked up,--no, to say that he looked _up_

to him would be to speak falsely; but a man whom he looked _at_ with so

much interest,--should embrace such views. When he saw Dr. Channing, he

had hinted to him that he was afraid he loved Christianity for what was

lovely and excellent,--he loved the good in it, and not the true; and I

tell you, sir, that I have known ten persons who loved the good, for one

person who loved the true; but it is a far greater virtue to love the

true for itself alone, than to love the good for itself alone. He

(Coleridge) knew all about Unitarianism perfectly well, because he had

once been a Unitarian, and knew what quackery it was. He had been

called "the rising star of Unitarianism."' He went on defining, or

rather refining: 'The Trinitarian doctrine was realism; the idea of God

was not essential, but super-essential'; talked of _trinism_ and

_tetrakism_, and much more, of which I only caught this: 'that the will

was that by which a person is a person; because, if one should push me

in the street, and so I should force the man next me into the kennel, I

should at once exclaim, "I did not do it, sir," meaning it was not my

will.' And this also: 'that if you should insist on your faith here in

England, and I on mine, mine would be the hotter side of the fagot.'

I took advantage of a pause to say, that he had many readers of all

religious opinions in America, and I proceeded to inquire if the

"extract" from the Independent's pamphlet, in the third volume of the

Friend, were a veritable quotation. He replied that it was really taken

from a pamphlet in his possession, entitled "A Protest of one of the

Independents," or something to that effect. I told him how excellent I

thought it, and how much I wished to see the entire work. "Yes," he

said, "the man was a chaos of truths, but lacked the knowledge that God

was a god of order. Yet the passage would no doubt strike you more in

the quotation than in the original, for I have filtered it."

When I rose to go, he said, "I do not know whether you care about

poetry, but I will repeat some verses I lately made on my baptismal

anniversary"; and he recited with strong emphasis, standing, ten or

twelve lines, beginning,--

Born unto God in Christ--

He inquired where I had been travelling; and on learning that I had been

in Malta and Sicily, he compared one island with the other, 'repeating

what he had said to the Bishop of London when he returned from that

country, that Sicily was an excellent school of political economy; for,

in any town there, it only needed to ask what the government enacted,

and reverse _that_ to know what ought to be done; it was the most

felicitously opposite legislation to anything good and wise. There were

only three things which the government had brought into that garden of

delights, namely, itch, pox, and famine; whereas, in Malta, the force of

law and mind was seen, in making that barren rock of semi-Saracen

inhabitants the seat of population and plenty.' Going out, he showed me

in the next apartment a picture of Allston's, and told me 'that

Montague, a picture-dealer, once came to see him, and, glancing towards

this, said, "Well, you have got a picture!" thinking it the work of an

old master; afterwards, Montague, still talking with his back to the

canvas, put up his hand and touched it, and exclaimed, "By Heaven! this

picture is not ten years old":--so delicate and skilful was that man's

touch.'

I was in his company for about an hour, but find it impossible to recall

the largest part of his discourse, which was often like so many printed

paragraphs in his book,--perhaps the same,--so readily did he fall into

certain commonplaces. As I might have foreseen, the visit was rather a

spectacle than a conversation, of no use beyond the satisfaction of my

curiosity. He was old and preoccupied, and could not bend to a new

companion and think with him.

From Edinburgh I went to the Highlands. On my return, I came from

Glasgow to Dumfries, and being intent on delivering a letter which I had

brought from Rome, inquired for Cragenputtock. It was a farm in

Nithsdale, in the parish of Dunscore, sixteen miles distant. No public

coach passed near it, so I took a private carriage from the inn. I

found the house amid desolate heathery hills, where the lonely scholar

nourished his mighty heart. Carlyle was a man from his youth, an author

who did not need to hide from his readers, and as absolute a man of the

world, unknown and exiled on that hill-farm, as if holding on his own

terms what is best in London. He was tall and gaunt, with a cliff-like

brow, self-possessed, and holding his extraordinary powers of

conversation in easy command; clinging to his northern accent with

evident relish; full of lively anecdote, and with a streaming humor,

which floated everything he looked upon. His talk playfully exalting

the familiar objects, put the companion at once into an acquaintance

with his Lars and Lemurs, and it was very pleasant to learn what was

predestined to be a pretty mythology. Few were the objects and lonely

the man, "not a person to speak to within sixteen miles except the

minister of Dunscore"; so that books inevitably made his topics.

He had names of his own for all the matters familiar to his discourse.

"Blackwood's" was the "sand magazine"; "Fraser's" nearer approach to

possibility of life was the "mud magazine"; a piece of road near by that

marked some failed enterprise was the "grave of the last sixpence."

When too much praise of any genius annoyed him, he professed hugely to

admire the talent shown by his pig. He had spent much time and

contrivance in confining the poor beast to one enclosure in his pen, but

pig, by great strokes of judgment, had found out how to let a board

down, and had foiled him. For all that, he still thought man the most

plastic little fellow in the planet, and he liked Nero's death, "_Qualis

artifex pereo!_" better than most history. He worships a man that will

manifest any truth to him. At one time he had inquired and read a good

deal about America. Landor's principle was mere rebellion, and _that_

he feared was the American principle. The best thing he knew of that

country was, that in it a man can have meat for his labor. He had read

in Stewart's book, that when he inquired in a New York hotel for the

Boots, he had been shown across the street and had found Mungo in his

own house dining on roast turkey.

We talked of books. Plato he does not read, and he disparaged Socrates;

and, when pressed, persisted in making Mirabeau a hero. Gibbon he

called the splendid bridge from the old world to the new. His own

reading had been multifarious. Tristram Shandy was one of his first

books after Robinson Crusoe, and Robertson's America an early favorite.

Rousseau's Confessions had discovered to him that he was not a dunce;

and it was now ten years since he had learned German, by the advice of a

man who told him he would find in that language what he wanted.

He took despairing or satirical views of literature at this moment;

recounted the incredible sums paid in one year by the great booksellers

for puffing. Hence it comes that no newspaper is trusted now, no books

are bought, and the booksellers are on the eve of bankruptcy.

He still returned to English pauperism, the crowded country, the selfish

abdication by public men of all that public persons should perform.

'Government should direct poor men what to do. Poor Irish folk come

wandering over these moors. My dame makes it a rule to give to every

son of Adam bread to eat, and supplies his wants to the next house. But

here are thousands of acres which might give them all meat, and nobody

to bid these poor Irish go to the moor and till it. They burned the

stacks, and so found a way to force the rich people to attend to them.'

We went out to walk over long hills, and looked at Criffel, then without

his cap, and down into Wordsworth's country. There we sat down, and

talked of the immortality of the soul. It was not Carlyle's fault that

we talked on that topic, for he had the natural disinclination of every

nimble spirit to bruise itself against walls, and did not like to place

himself where no step can be taken. But he was honest and true, and

cognizant of the subtile links that bind ages together, and saw how

every event affects all the future. 'Christ died on the tree: that

built Dunscore kirk yonder: that brought you and me together. Time has

only a relative existence.'

He was already turning his eyes towards London with a scholar's

appreciation. London is the heart of the world, he said, wonderful only

from the mass of human beings. He liked the huge machine. Each keeps

its own round. The baker's boy brings muffins to the window at a fixed

hour every day, and that is all the Londoner knows or wishes to know on

the subject. But it turned out good men. He named certain individuals,

especially one man of letters, his friend, the best mind he knew, whom

London had well served.

On the 23th August, I went to Rydal Mount, to pay my respects to Mr.

Wordsworth. His daughters called in their father, a plain, elderly,

white-haired man, not prepossessing, and disfigured by green goggles.

He sat down, and talked with great simplicity. He had just returned

from a journey. His health was good, but he had broken a tooth by a

fall, when walking with two lawyers, and had said, that he was glad it

did not happen forty years ago; whereupon they had praised his

philosophy.

He had much to say of America, the more that it gave occasion for his

favorite topic,--that society is being enlightened by a superficial

tuition, out of all proportion to its being restrained by moral culture.

Schools do no good. Tuition is not education. He thinks more of the

education of circumstances than of tuition. 'T is not a question

whether there are offences of which the law takes cognizance, but

whether there are offences of which the law does not take cognizance.

Sin is what he fears, and how society is to escape without gravest

mischiefs from this source--? He has even said, what seemed a paradox,

that they needed a civil war in America, to teach the necessity of

knitting the social ties stronger. 'There may be,' he said, 'in America

some vulgarity in manner, but that 's not important. That comes of the

pioneer state of things. But I fear they are too much given to the

making of money; and secondly, to politics; that they make political

distinction the end, and not the means. And I fear they lack a class of

men of leisure,--in short, of gentlemen,--to give a tone of honor to the

community. I am told that things are boasted of in the second class of

society there, which, in England,--God knows, are done in England every

day,--but would never be spoken of. In America I wish to know not how

many churches or schools, but what newspapers? My friend, Colonel

Hamilton, at the foot of the hill, who was a year in America, assures me

that the newspapers are atrocious, and accuse members of Congress of

stealing spoons!' He was against taking off the tax on newspapers in

England, which the reformers represent as a tax upon knowledge, for this

reason, that they would be inundated with base prints. He said, he

talked on political aspects, for he wished to impress on me and all good

Americans to cultivate the moral, the conservative, etc., etc., and

never to call into action the physical strength of the people, as had

just now been done in England in the Reform Bill,--a thing prophesied by

Delolme. He alluded once or twice to his conversation with Dr.

Channing, who had recently visited him (laying his hand on a particular

chair in which the Doctor had sat).

The conversation turned on books. Lucretius he esteems a far higher

poet than Virgil: not in his system, which is nothing, but in his power

of illustration. Faith is necessary to explain anything, and to

reconcile the foreknowledge of God with human evil. Of Cousin (whose

lectures we had all been reading in Boston) he knew only the name.

I inquired if he had read Carlyle's critical articles and translations.

He said he thought him sometimes insane. He proceeded to abuse Goethe's

Wilhelm Meister heartily. It was full of all manner of fornication. It

was like the crossing of flies in the air. He had never gone further

than the first part; so disgusted was he that he threw the book across

the room. I deprecated this wrath, and said what I could for the better

parts of the book; and he courteously promised to look at it again.

Carlyle, he said, wrote most obscurely. He was clever and deep, but he

defied the sympathies of everybody. Even Mr. Coleridge wrote more

clearly, though he had always wished Coleridge would write more to be

understood. He led me out into his garden, and showed me the

gravel-walk in which thousands of his lines were composed. His eyes are

much inflamed. This is no loss, except for reading, because he never

writes prose, and of poetry he carries even hundreds of lines in his

head before writing them. He had just returned from a visit to Staffa,

and within three days had made three sonnets on Fingal's Cave, and was

composing a fourth, when he was called in to see me. He said, "If you

are interested in my verses, perhaps you will like to hear these lines."

I gladly assented; and he recollected himself for a few moments, and

then stood forth and repeated, one after the other, the three entire

sonnets with great animation. I fancied the second and third more

beautiful than his poems are wont to be. The third is addressed to the

flowers, which, he said, especially the ox-eye daisy, are very abundant

on the top of the rock. The second alludes to the name of the cave,

which is "Cave of Music"; the first to the circumstance of its being

visited by the promiscuous company of the steamboat.

This recitation was so unlooked for and surprising,--he, the old

Wordsworth, standing apart, and reciting to me in a garden-walk, like a

school-boy declaiming,--that I at first was near to laugh; but

recollecting myself, that I had come thus far to see a poet, and he was

chanting poems to me, I saw that he was right and I was wrong, and

gladly gave myself up to hear. I told him how much the few printed

extracts had quickened the desire to possess his unpublished poems. He

replied, he never was in haste to publish; partly, because he corrected

a good deal, and every alteration is ungraciously received after

printing; but what he had written would be printed, whether he lived or

died. I said, "Tintern Abbey" appeared to be the favorite poem with the

public, but more contemplative readers preferred the first books of the

"Excursion," and the Sonnets. He said, "Yes, they are better." He

preferred such of his poems as touched the affections, to any others;

for whatever is didactic--what theories of society, and so on--might

perish quickly; but whatever combined a truth with an affection was

[Greek: _chtema es aei_], good to-day and good forever. He cited the

sonnet "On the feelings of a high-minded Spaniard," which he preferred

to any other (I so understood him), and the "Two Voices"; and quoted,

with evident pleasure, the verses addressed "To the Skylark." In this

connection, he said of the Newtonian theory, that it might yet be

superseded and forgotten; and Dalton's atomic theory.

When I prepared to depart, he said he wished to show me what a common

person in England could do, and he led me into the enclosure of his

clerk, a young man, to whom he had given this slip of ground, which was

laid out, or its natural capabilities shown, with much taste. He then

said he would show me a better way towards the inn; and he walked a good

part of a mile, talking, and ever and anon stopping short to impress the

word or the verse, and finally parted from me with great kindness, and

returned across the fields.

Wordsworth honored himself by his simple adherence to truth, and was

very willing not to shine; but he surprised by the hard limits of his

thought. To judge from a single conversation, he made the impression of

a narrow and very English mind; of one who paid for his rare elevation

by general tameness and conformity. Off his own beat, his opinions were

of no value. It is not very rare to find persons loving sympathy and

ease, who expiate their departure from the common in one direction, by

their conformity in every other.

English Traits · 第 1 / 18 章