The attention of the sixty-first Congress was naturally given first to
the President’s annual document, which this year lost none of its usual
length. In its entirety it is a plea for centralization of governmental
authority in “the administration,” alleging that the nation cannot be
“in peril from any man who derives authority from the people and who
is from time to time compelled to give an account of its exercise to
the people.” Mr. Roosevelt should know, and does know, however, that
under our present manner of electing executives “the people” are as a
mass too indifferent, or too ignorant, to demand such an accounting
and until election by popular vote is incorporated as a principle of
proceeding, he is virtually suggesting a monarchy, upheld by a special
caste consisting of the holders of Federal office and the recipients of
Administrative favor.
For the control of the trusts, he offers nothing new—nothing that he
has not already woven into the fabric of “my policies.” He denounces
the Sherman law, and believes in regulation and control by strong
central authority.
On the question of the currency, he was pathetically weak and eagerly
willing to leave it to his monetary commission to “propose a thoroughly
good system which will do away with the existing defects,” and very
guardedly admits that there was a “monetary disturbance in the fall of
1907 which immensely increased the difficulty of ordinary relief.”
On the labor question—a matter upon which Hamiltonians may much more
safely grow expansive than those of finance—Mr. Roosevelt declared
against child labor, for diminution of work on the part of women, and
a general shortening of the hours of labor and for an inheritance tax
that would help to equalize the burden of taxation which now falls
so heavily upon those least able to bear it. He commended highly the
intelligence of the labor vote, which refused to be “swung” as a
unit for any candidate and took occasion to pay his respects to Mr.
Taft as an ideal Judge. On protection to workingmen, Mr. Roosevelt
displayed a sympathetic attitude which does him much credit. “When a
workman is injured, he needs not an expensive and dreadful lawsuit,
but the certainty of relief through immediate administrative action.
No academic theory about ‘freedom of contract’ should be permitted to
interfere with this movement.” He urged Congress to pass without delay
an Employers’ Liability Law, which should serve as a model, covering
the District of Columbia.
Among the old issues to which Mr. Roosevelt adverted were
recommendations pertaining to the preservation of forests and the
encouragement of industrial education. The Philippine policy is to
continue and independence is promised so indefinitely that it is
apparent that no voluntary, relinquishment is ever intended. Both the
Parcels Post and Postal Savings Banks were favored, the former being
strongly urged.
[Illustration: _Washington, D. C. Herald_]
Results—not the sinking of money for no adequate return—was stressed
as to inland waterways. Considerations in reference to public health
came in for a word, and the Pure Food Law was lauded in superlative
terms. The President advocated increased appropriations for educational
departments and for increasing the “now totally inadequate pay of our
judges.”
Mr. Roosevelt advises abandonment of the idea of combining New Mexico
and Arizona into one State, and suggests that they each be given
independent Statehood.
He averred that the nation’s foreign policy is “based on the theory
that right must be done between nations as between individuals.” This
is a specimen of “speaking softly.” The “Big Stick” follows almost
immediately in the almost frantic state of mind he seems to be in
concerning the needs for a great army and navy. Even the small boys
ought to be trained in rifle practice! If he had added the hope that
small girls would be taught to mould bullets and scrape lint, he would
have been patriotically sublime!
That portion of his message which demands that members of legislative
branch of the government be prosecuted as are those in the executive,
and his sneer at Congress as being afraid of the Secret Service has
created intense excitement in both houses and the language used in the
message may be totally expunged from the records. Both Democrats and
Republicans concur in the disposition to ignore matters of party and
act in this matter, casting a stigma upon them all, as a whole.
Mr. Roosevelt’s bold assertion that the Panama Canal is a model for all
work of that kind will meet many challengers. Philippe Bunau-Varilla,
formerly Panama minister to the United States, has just issued a
statement declaring that the Canal will cost $280,000,000 and that the
plan now being carried out, owing to the dangers from the Gatun Dam,
(which has already shown itself unreliable) “will result almost surely
in the greatest disaster in the history of public undertakings.”
The President’s message, altogether, is like the President himself:
commendable in some respects, partisan to a degree and strong in
language rather than logic.