CONSTRUCTIVISM.

It was found by the Financial Relations Commission that Ireland

contributed a revenue in excess of her relative capacity. Mr. Childers,

in his draft report, suggested that practical steps might possibly be

taken to give Ireland relief or afford her equitable compensation in

three different ways--[78]

(1) By so altering the general fiscal policy of the United Kingdom

as to make the incidence of taxation fall more lightly on Ireland.

It was suggested that the taxation upon tea, tobacco, and spirits,

which weigh more heavily on Ireland in proportion to her relative

capacity, because of the habits of the people, and the larger

proportion in Ireland of the poorer classes, might be reduced and a

part of the burden transferred to other commodities. It was,

however, felt, he said, that this would open up questions of such

magnitude--like Free Trade and the incidence of taxation as between

different classes--that it would be inexpedient to urge it, when

the object in view was the solution of a pressing difficulty with

regard to Ireland taken apart from the rest of the United Kingdom.

But that difficulty will be removed under Tariff Reform--one-sided

Free Trade is no longer a sacrosanct fetish--and the case of

Ireland must be taken not as apart from, but as part of, the United

Kingdom. Irish interests, Agricultural and Industrial, can be far

better promoted, furthered, and secured under a scientific tariff

system than under the so-called free trade system, which insists on

the fallacy that identity of imposts means equality of burden, and

concentrates its pressure on the great Irish industries of brewing,

distillery, and tobacco manufacturing; a system which taxes heavily

tea--the great article of consumption--and has brought peculiar

disaster on agriculture. Therefore, the remedy which Mr. Childers

thought impracticable in 1896 will become eminently practicable

with a Tariff Reform Ministry in power.

(2) The second suggestion then made was that there should be a

policy of distinct customs and excise for Ireland as apart from

Great Britain. This would involve a customs barrier between the two

islands. The inconvenience of such a course would be immeasurable

and disastrous under modern conditions. It would certainly come

sooner or later under Home Rule, but it would be a reversal of the

policy of the Union.

(3) The third method which most strongly recommended itself to Mr.

Childers was to give compensation to Ireland by making an

allocation of revenue in her favour, to be employed in promoting

the material prosperity and social welfare of the country.

This is the course which has been pursued by Unionist statesmen, and

finds practical expression in their Constructive policy. The results

cannot be better proved than by the fact that within the six years from

1904, during which the statistics of Irish Export and Import trade have

been kept, her commerce has increased in money value by more than

twenty-seven millions. At least four-fifths of that great increase

represents a corresponding increase in British trade with Ireland.

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