"rise superior to the philosophy, as fallacious in fact as it is
base and cowardly in purpose, which sets the safety of a great
nation above the happiness and prosperity of a small one,"[30]
but to less lofty souls it appears that the safety of the nation is
paramount, and that upon it depends the prosperity of each of its
component parts.
In the next place, in considering whether complete "colonial"
self-government can be conceded to Ireland, it must not be forgotten
that the island is bi-racial, that the two races differ widely in
character, in politics, and in religion, and that the differences are
apt to find vent in violent conflict or secret attacks. Further, Ireland
has for generations been the scene of a revolt against one particular
species of property, the ownership of land; and although under the
operation of the Land Purchase Acts this cause of conflict tends to
abate, it still breaks out from time to time in the form of cattle
drives and attacks on "land grabbers."[31] Hitherto we have, broadly
speaking, kept the peace. That we should now forsake this duty, and,
washing our hands of Ireland, leave the Protestant and the landowner, at
or small, to his fate is unthinkable.
In connection with the question last-mentioned it may be necessary at
some time to consider how far it is the constitutional right of this
country to impose upon the minority in Ireland the new obligations
implied in a grant to the whole island of colonial Home Rule. It may be
that the Imperial Parliament can disallow the claim of a section of the
population of Ireland to remain subject to its own control. But it is
one thing to reject the allegiance of a community, it is quite another
thing forcibly to transfer that allegiance to a practically independent
legislature; and this is especially the case when the transfer may
involve the use against a loyal population of coercion in its extreme
form.