Detection of Arnold's Treason.--AndrÈ removed to West Point and thence
to Tappan.--His Examination by a Board of Officers.
While the party were on their way from the river to the house, Hamilton
was seen walking towards them with a quick step and anxious countenance.
He came directly to Washington, and spoke to him in a low voice, and
they retired together into the house.
During the absence of Washington at West Point, the express had arrived
with the letter and papers from Jameson, and also with AndrÈ's letter
written the day before at Salem. This express had followed the route
towards Hartford, till he ascertained that General Washington was
returning by the upper road. He then turned back, and took the shortest
way to West Point, which passed through Lower Salem; and he thus became
the bearer of Andre's letter. When the despatches came to Robinson's
House, as they were represented to be of the utmost importance, Hamilton
opened them and discovered their contents. These papers he now laid
before Washington, without hinting the facts they contained to any other
person.
The mystery was here solved, and the whole extent of the plot was made
manifest. No uncertainty now existed as to the course Arnold had taken.
It was clear that he had gone to the enemy. Hamilton was immediately
ordered to mount a horse and ride to Verplanck's Point, that preparation
might be made for stopping him, should he not already have passed that
post. Washington called Lafayette and Knox, to whom he told what had
happened, and showed the papers. He was perfectly calm, and only said
to Lafayette, "Whom can we trust now?" For a considerable time no other
persons were acquainted with the secret, nor did Washington betray in
his actions or countenance any symptoms of anxiety or excitement. When
dinner was announced, he said to those around him, "Come, Gentlemen;
since Mrs. Arnold is unwell, and the General is absent, let us sit
down without ceremony." The same self-possession and apparent unconcern
continued through the dinner.
In the mean time his feelings had been severely tried by the afflicting
situation of Mrs. Arnold. She was frantic with distress, and seemed on
the verge of distraction. The scene was vividly described by Hamilton,
in a letter written the next day. "She, for a considerable time,
entirely lost herself. The General went up to see her, and she upbraided
him with being in a plot to murder her child. One moment she raved,
another she melted into tears. Sometimes she pressed her infant to her
bosom and lamented its fate, occasioned by the imprudence of its father,
in a manner that would have pierced insensibility itself. All the
sweetness of beauty, all the loveliness of innocence, all the tenderness
of a wife, and all the fondness of a mother, showed themselves in her
appearance and conduct. We have every reason to believe, that she was
entirely unacquainted with the plan, and that the first knowledge of it
was when Arnold went to tell her he must banish himself from his country
and from her for ever. She instantly fell into convulsions and he left
her in that situation." It may here be added, that Mrs. Arnold had been
only the last ten days at West Point, during her husband's command at
the post, and that nothing was afterwards brought to light, from which
it could be inferred that she had any knowledge of his traitorous
designs.
Colonel Hamilton's mission to Verplanck's Point proved much too late.
It could hardly have been otherwise, for Arnold had got the start by
six hours. He left his house about ten o'clock in the morning, and his
treachery was not known to Washington till nearly four o'clock in the
afternoon. When Hamilton arrived at Verplanck's Point, a flag of truce
was coming or had come from the Vulture to that post with a letter from
Arnold to Washington. This was immediately forwarded, with a note from
Hamilton, stating that his pursuit had not been successful, and that he
should write to General Greene advising him to be in readiness to march,
and make some other arrangements as precautionary measures, although he
did not believe the project would go on. Nor in truth did it; for the
capture of AndrÈ had kept the enemy in ignorance and suspense, till
Arnold himself carried the news on board the Vulture. Sir Henry Clinton
probably knew nothing of the matter before the next morning, when the
Vulture arrived in New York. Hence the plan of an attack was totally
frustrated, although every thing was prepared for carrying it instantly
into effect.
The principal object of Arnold's letter to Washington, written on board
the Vulture, was to solicit protection for his wife, who he said was
"as good and as innocent as an angel, and incapable of doing wrong."
He desired that she might be permitted to go to her friends in
Philadelphia, or to join him, as she should choose. For himself he asked
no favor, having "too often experienced the ingratitude of his country
to attempt it;" and moreover he averred, that "the heart conscious of
its own rectitude" could not descend to palliate an act, which the world
might think wrong. He talked of his love to his country, and of being
actuated by that principle in his present conduct. In short, the
malignant spirit, impudence, and blunted moral feeling, shown in this
letter, were consistent with his character. Attachment to his wife was
the only redeeming quality, which seemed not to be extinguished. *
* In a postscript to this letter, he said he "thought himself bound in
honor to declare," that his two aids-de-camp, Major Varick and Major
Franks, were ignorant of any transactions of his, which they had reason
to believe were injurious to the public. He included Joshua H. Smith in
the same exculpatory declaration. Varick and Franks requested a court of
inquiry to sit for the investigation of their conduct. This was granted
by the Commander-in-chief, and the result was in every respect most
honorable to them both.
Enclosed in the same letter was one for Mrs. Arnold, who appeared
relieved and more tranquil after knowing her husband was safe.
There came, also, a letter from Beverly Robinson to Washington, dated
on board the Vulture. This related to AndrÈ. It was, in fact, a sort of
demand for his release. According to Colonel Robinson's conception of
the affair, AndrÈ went on shore with a flag of truce, at the request of
General Arnold, on public business, and had his permit to return to
New York. "Under these circumstances," said he, "Major AndrÈ cannot be
detained by you without the greatest violation of flags, and contrary
to the custom and usages of all nations." Upon the strength of this
argument he requested that AndrÈ might be forthwith set at liberty, and
allowed to return. He fortified his request by reminding Washington
of their "former acquaintance"; and, he might have added, an early
friendship, for in their younger days a close intimacy subsisted between
them, which, indeed, was severed only by the harsh and uncompromising
decrees of war. But however faithful in his friendships, Washington
never suffered them for a moment to influence his stern sense of public
duty, to stifle the voice of truth, or avert the awards of justice.
Being wholly ignorant of the extent of Arnold's plans, and not knowing
the degree of maturity to which they had been brought, or what persons
might be involved with him, Washington's first steps were to provide for
the security of the garrison and its dependencies. He wrote immediately
to the principal officer at West Point, and to others commanding
detachments in the neighborhood, giving them explicit orders, and making
the best arrangements for resistance in case of an attack. He sent an
express to General Greene, who commanded the army near Tappan in the
absence of the Commander-in-chief, and directed him to put the left wing
in motion as soon as possible, and march towards King's Ferry, where,
or on the way, he would be met with further orders. The express reached
General Greene's quarters at midnight. The left division was instantly
called to arms, and the march commenced.
It was necessary for Washington to exercise much delicacy on this
occasion, as well as great decision and energy. He knew not who were
friends or foes. Having no clew as yet, which could lead him to a
discovery of the secret designs and acts of the traitor, prudence
required him to be on his guard and sparing of his confidence to
persons, whose situation and recent intimacy with Arnold would give
countenance to the supposition, that they might be in this plot. But, on
the contrary, to show distrust of those, who did not deserve it, would
be cruel in itself, and might have injurious consequences. He pursued
a course, which was the most agreeable to his own feelings, and
fortunately it was the best that could have been adopted. Apparently
he put an unreserved confidence in all the officers, and in no
instance manifested the least symptom of doubt as to their fidelity or
patriotism.
The case of Colonel Livingston is worthy of notice. He commanded at
Verplanck's Point, and from the proximity of his post to the enemy, and
several concurring circumstances, might be very fairly presumed to have
been either directly or indirectly concerned in Arnold's manoeuvres. By
a very laconic letter, Washington ordered that officer to come to him
immediately. Livingston expected, at least, a severe scrutiny into his
conduct, being fully aware, though conscious of his innocence, that
circumstances were unfavorable. But Washington made no inquiries into
the past, nor uttered a syllable that implied distrust. He told Colonel
Livingston, that he had sent for him to give him very special orders, to
impress upon him the danger of his post and the necessity of vigilance,
and to communicate other particulars, which could only be done in
a personal interview. In conclusion he said it was a source of
gratification to him, that the post was in the hands of an officer,
whose courage and devotedness to the cause of his country afforded a
pledge of a faithful and honorable discharge of duty. Let the reader
imagine the grateful emotions of Colonel Livingston, his increased
esteem for his commander, and the alacrity with which, under such an
impulse, he went back to his station of high trust and danger.
At the same time that these preparations were making for the security of
West Point, an order was despatched to Colonel Jameson, directing him to
send AndrÈ under a strong guard to Robinson's House. The express arrived
about midnight at Lower Salem, and at that hour an officer came with
the message to AndrÈ. He started up quickly from his bed, and obeyed the
summons. The rain fell in torrents, and the night was dark and dismal.
Mr. Bronson says, that, on taking leave, he expressed a deep sense of
the obligations he was under, for the delicate and courteous treatment
he had received from the officers of the regiment with whom he had
become acquainted, and declared that, whatever might be his future
destiny, he could never meet them as enemies.
The guard marched all night, and in the morning of the next day,
September 26th, AndrÈ arrived at Robinson's House, in the custody of
Major Tallmadge. Many inquiries were made by Washington; but he declined
having the prisoner brought into his presence, and Major Tallmadge
believes, that Washington never saw him while he was in the hands of the
Americans. AndrÈ was taken over to West Point the same evening, where
he remained till the morning of the 28th, when he was removed down the
river in a barge to Stony Point, and thence under an escort of cavalry
to Tappan. *
* Joshua H. Smith was arrested at Fishkill, in the night of the 25th of
September, by Colonel Gouvion, a French officer, whom Washington sent
for that purpose. Smith was conducted under guard to West Point, and
from that place to Tappan, where he was kept in confinement till he was
tried by a court-martial.
The events of this day's march have been narrated in a manner so
impressive and so interesting by Major Tallmadge, that they ought not to
be presented in any other language than his own.
"From the moment," says Major Tallmadge, "that AndrÈ made the disclosure
of his name and true character, in his letter to the Commander-in-chief,
which he handed to me as soon as he had written it, down to the moment
of his execution, I was almost constantly with him. I walked with him
to the place of execution, and parted with him under the gallows,
overwhelmed with grief, that so gallant an officer and so accomplished
a gentleman should come to such an ignominious end. The ease and
affability of his manners, polished by the refinement of good society
and a finished education, made him a most delightful companion. It often
drew tears from my eyes to find him so agreeable in conversation on
different subjects, when I reflected on his future fate, and that too,
as I believed, so near at hand.
"Since you ask for private anecdotes, I would remark, that, soon after
our first acquaintance, being mutually disposed to indulge in the most
unreserved and free conversation, and both being soldiers of equal rank
in the two armies, we agreed on a cartel, by the terms of which each one
was permitted to put any question to the other, not involving a third
person. This opened a wide field for two inquisitive young officers,
and we amused ourselves not a little on the march to head-quarters.
Many anecdotes doubtless were related, which the lapse of more than
fifty-three years has consigned to oblivion, and which I have no desire
again to recollect. My principal object was to learn the course of the
late plot. On every point that I inquired about, where any other person
was concerned, he maintained most rigidly the rule; so that when that
most infamous traitor, Arnold, was concerned and he out of our control,
so nice was Andre's sense of honor, that he would disclose nothing.
"When we left West Point for Tappan, early in the morning, as we passed
down the Hudson River to King's Ferry, I placed AndrÈ by my side, on
the after seat of the barge. I soon began to make inquiries about the
expected capture of our fortress then in full view, and begged him to
inform me whether he was to have taken a part in the military attack,
if Arnold's plan had succeeded. He instantly replied in the affirmative,
and pointed me to a table of land on the west shore, which he said was
the spot where he should have landed, at the head of a select corps. He
then traversed in idea the course up the mountain into the rear of Fort
Putnam, which overlooks the whole parade of West Point. And this he did
with much greater exactness, than I could have done; and, as Arnold had
so disposed of the garrison, that little or no opposition could be
made by our troops, Major AndrÈ supposed he should have reached that
commanding eminence without difficulty. In such case that important key
of our country would have been theirs (the enemy's), and the glory of so
splendid an achievement would have been his. The animation with which he
gave the account, I recollect, perfectly delighted me, for he seemed
as if he was entering the fort sword in hand. To complete the climax, I
next inquired what was to have been his reward, if he had succeeded. He
replied that military glory was all he sought; and that the thanks of
his general, and the approbation of his King, were a rich reward for
such an undertaking. I think he further remarked, that, if he had
succeeded, (and, with the aid of the opposing general, who could
doubt of success?) he was to have been promoted to the rank of a
brigadier-general.
"After we disembarked at King's Ferry, near Haverstraw, we took up our
line of march, with a fine body of horse for Tappan. Before we reached
the Clove, Major AndrÈ became very inquisitive to know my opinion as
to the result of his capture. In other words, he wished me to give him
candidly my opinion, as to the light in which he would be viewed by
General Washington, and a military tribunal, if one should be ordered.
This was the most unpleasant question that had been propounded to me,
and I endeavored to evade it, unwilling to give him a true answer. When
I could no longer evade his importunity, or put off a full reply, I
remarked to him as follows. 'I had a much loved class-mate in Yale
College, by the name of Nathan Hale, who entered the army in the year
1775. Immediately after the battle of Long Island, General Washington
wanted information respecting the strength, position, and probable
movements of the enemy. Captain Hale tendered his services, went over to
Brooklyn, and was taken just as he was passing the outposts of the enemy
on his return.' Said I with emphasis, 'Do you remember the sequel of
this story?' 'Yes,' said AndrÈ, 'he was hanged as a spy. But you surely
do not consider his case and mine alike?' I replied, 'Yes, precisely
similar, and similar will be your fate.' He endeavored to answer my
remarks, but it was manifest he was more troubled in spirit than I had
ever seen him before.
"We stopped at the Clove to dine, and to let the horse-guard refresh.
While there, AndrÈ kept reviewing his shabby dress, and finally remarked
to me, that he was positively ashamed to go to the head-quarters of the
American army in such a plight. I called my servant, and directed him
to bring my dragoon cloak, which I presented to Major AndrÈ. This he
refused to take for some time; but I insisted on it, and he finally put
it on, and rode in it to Tappan."
In Washington's letter to General Greene, informing him that the
prisoners would be sent to camp, and giving instructions as to the
manner in which they were to be guarded, he said, "I wish the room
for Major AndrÈ to be a decent one, and that he may be treated with
civility." And even Smith, who writes with much asperity against
Washington and nearly all the American officers, confesses, that "Major
AndrÈ was comfortably lodged, and every attention was paid to him
suitable to his rank and character." Indeed, such was the sympathy
already excited everywhere for this accomplished young man, heightened
by a detestation of Arnold, that even his enemies, whom he had sought to
ruin by leaguing with a traitor, regarded him rather in the light of a
martyr, than as a victim of his own imprudence, ambition, and love of
glory.
All necessary arrangements having been made for the security of West
Point, Washington hastened to the army. The next day after his arrival,
September 29th, he summoned a board of general officers, directing them
to examine into the case of Major AndrÈ, report a precise state of the
same, and give their opinion, as to the light in which he ought to
be regarded, and the punishment that should be inflicted. This board
consisted of six major-generals, and eight brigadiers. General Greene
was the President. Let it be observed, that the board was not a
court-martial, but merely a court of inquiry, instructed to examine and
report facts, and to express an opinion.
Sundry papers were laid before the board, particularly those already
mentioned as relating to this subject. There were also two other
letters. One was written to Washington by Sir Henry Clinton, as soon as
he heard of AndrÈ's capture, on the return of the Vulture to New York.
It contained a brief request, that the King's adjutant-general might
have permission to return immediately to his orders. This request was
sustained by a letter from Arnold to him, a copy of which was forwarded,
and in which Arnold said, that AndrÈ had acted in all respects
conformably to his directions, and was under his protection during the
whole time he was within the American lines; that he had sent a flag
of truce to bring him on shore, had given him papers in his own
handwriting, directed him to assume a feigned name, and furnished him
with passports to go by the way of White Plains to New York. As all
these acts were done while he had command, Arnold inferred, that he had
a right to do them, and that, if any thing was wrong, the responsibility
rested with him, and not with Major AndrÈ.
The board assembled, and the prisoner was brought before them. The names
of the officers constituting the board were read to him. Before the
examination commenced, General Greene told him that various questions
would be asked, but the board desired him to feel at perfect liberty
to answer them or not, as he might choose, and to take his own time for
recollection and for weighing what he said. AndrÈ then proceeded to give
a brief narrative of what occurred between the time of his coming on
shore and that of his capture, which agreed in every point with his
letter to General Washington. He also confessed that certain papers,
which were shown to him, were the same that had been concealed in his
boots, and that a pass for John Anderson, in the handwriting of Arnold,
was the one he had exhibited to his captors.
Being interrogated as to his conception of the manner in which he came
on shore, and whether he considered himself under a flag, he answered,
that "it was impossible for him to suppose he came on shore under the
sanction of a flag, and added, that, if he came on shore under that
sanction, he might certainly have returned under it." Throughout his
examination Major AndrÈ maintained a manly, dignified, and respectful
deportment, replied to every question promptly, discovered no
embarrassment, sought no disguise, stated with frankness and truth every
thing that related to himself, and used no words to explain, palliate,
or defend any part of his conduct. So delicate was he in regard to other
persons, that he scrupulously avoided mentioning names, or alluding to
any particulars except such as concerned himself. General Greene spoke
of Smith's House, in reference to the place of meeting between AndrÈ and
Arnold. "I said a house, Sir," replied AndrÈ, "but I did not say whose
house."
"True," answered Greene, "nor have we any right to demand this of you,
after the conditions we have allowed."
The examination being closed, Major AndrÈ was asked whether he had any
remarks to make on the statements that had been presented. He replied in
the negative, and said he should leave them to operate with the board.
He was then remanded to the place of his confinement.
After a full consideration of the subject, taking into view the papers
that had been laid before them, and the voluntary confessions of Major
AndrÈ, the board reported the following facts;
"First, that he came on shore from the Vulture sloop-of-war, in the
night, on an interview with General Arnold, in a private and secret
manner.
"Secondly, that he changed his dress within our lines, and, under a
feigned name and in a disguised habit, passed our works at Stony and
Verplanck's Points; was taken at Tarrytown in a disguised habit, being
then on his way to New York; and, when taken, he had in his possession
several papers, which contained intelligence for the enemy."
Believing these facts to be established, the board further reported it
as their opinion, that Major AndrÈ ought to be considered as a spy, and,
according to the law and usage of nations, to suffer death.
This decision was communicated to the prisoner, who, at his request, was
permitted to write a letter to Sir Henry Clinton, which follows.
"Tappan, 29 September, 1780.
"Sir,
"Your Excellency is doubtless already apprized of the manner in which
I was taken, and possibly of the serious light in which my conduct is
considered, and the rigorous determination that is impending.
"Under these circumstances, I have obtained General Washington's
permission to send you this letter; the object of which is, to remove
from your breast any suspicion, that I could imagine I was bound by your
Excellency's orders to expose myself to what has happened. The events of
coming within an enemy's posts, and of changing my dress, which led me
to my present situation, were contrary to my own intentions, as they
were to your orders; and the circuitous route, which I took to return,
was imposed (perhaps unavoidably) without alternative upon me.
"I am perfectly tranquil in mind, and prepared for any fate, to which an
honest zeal for my King's service may have devoted me.
"In addressing myself to your Excellency on this occasion, the force of
all my obligations to you, and of the attachment and gratitude I bear
you, recurs to me. With all the warmth of my heart, I give you thanks
for your Excellency's profuse kindness to me; and I send you the most
earnest wishes for your welfare, which a faithful, affectionate, and
respectful attendant can frame.
"I have a mother and two sisters, to whom the value of my commission
would be an object, as the loss of Grenada has much affected their
income. It is needless to be more explicit on this subject; I am
persuaded of your Excellency's goodness.
"I receive the greatest attention from his Excellency General
Washington, and from every person under whose charge I happen to be
placed. I have the honor to be, with the most respectful attachment,
your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,
"JOHN ANDR…, Adjutant-General."
This letter was accompanied by one from General Washington to Sir Henry
Clinton, and by a copy of the proceedings of the board of officers.
Washington's letter was short, stating, in reply to the British
commander's request respecting his adjutant-general, that, although he
was taken under circumstances, which warranted the most summary mode of
treatment, yet great moderation had been exercised towards him, and his
case had been referred to a board of general officers, whose report
was then transmitted for Sir Henry's inspection; from which it would be
seen, that Major AndrÈ was engaged in executing measures very different
from the objects of a flag of truce, and such as a flag could not by
any possible construction ever have been intended to authorize or
countenance.