division under Colonel Von Donop, Colonel Rail being stationed at
Trenton with three regiments. Rail had taken to measures to strengthen a
naturally weak position; highways converged to the north of the village
and artillery stationed at the junction could sweep the streets.
Scouting parties and spies informed Washington that Rail's troops were
scattered through the town and that the place was practically without
defences.
Trenton.--Washington determined to strike. With the greatest secrecy he
perfected his plans. One body of troops under Cadwalader was to attack
Von Donop's position at Bordentown and Ewing with a thousand men was to
strike at troops stationed on Assumpink Creek, while Washington with
Greene and Sullivan in command of twenty-four hundred men and eighteen
cannon were to advance against Trenton from the north. During a furious
tempest on Christmas night Washington succeeded in crossing the
Delaware, but Ewing failed to get over and Cadwalader crossed too late
to cooeperate. At four in the morning Washington's troops began the weary
march toward Trenton. While the valiant army was toiling over the frozen
roads, the Hessians were sleeping off the effects of their Christmas
wassail. At 8:15 the American forces drove in the Hessian outposts.
Aroused from his bed Rail tried to make a stand, but the streets were
raked with round shot and the sharpshooters fired relentlessly into the
huddled Hessians, several hundred of whom fled across the Assumpink
Creek bridge and escaped to Bordentown. Rail tried to rally his men but
fell mortally wounded. When Sullivan cut off the retreat to the south
and Greene ordered up his reserves, resistance ended. Nine hundred
prisoners, a thousand muskets, six field pieces, and a large quantity of
stores fell into the hands of the successful commander. But not in terms
of men and guns should the battle of Trenton be judged. Its importance
lies in the fact that Washington had won a clean cut victory when the
Whig cause was tottering and by that victory had raised the drooping
spirits of a despairing nation.
Movements of the armies.--When the news of Trenton reached New York, it
roused the British from their fancied security. Lord Cornwallis at the
head of eight thousand men proceeded by forced marches toward the west.
Washington had determined to hold a position east of the Delaware, and
on December 30 he again crossed the river and by January 2, 1777, had
assembled five thousand men and forty pieces of artillery just below
Trenton. As Cornwallis approached the American position, he realized the
costliness of a frontal attack, and decided that as soon as his forces
assembled he would attempt a flanking movement from Allentown.
Princeton, January 3, 1777.--Washington saw the danger and decided on a
daring plan. On the night of January 2 all was activity in the American
camp. Sentinels challenged, infantry moved about in the light of the
camp fires, and the sound of pick and shovel was plainly audible to the
British. But in the darkness to the rear another kind of activity was in
progress. Cannon, stores, and baggage were being silently moved to
Bordentown and Burlington, and at one in the morning the bulk of the
army began a stealthy march which at daybreak brought them out within a
mile and a half of Princeton. Three of Cornwallis's regiments had
remained there during the night and were now under way. Suddenly the
first of these troops under Colonel Mawhood found themselves confronted
by the American advance guard. The British charged bravely, scoring an
initial success, but Washington's presence in front of his lines
steadied the troops and they soon forced a retreat. Sullivan then led
the advance against the two remaining regiments, which were driven
through and beyond Princeton, leaving three hundred prisoners in
Washington's hands. The roar of the guns brought the unwelcome tidings
to Cornwallis that the American army had escaped, had cut across his
rear, and had defeated three of his crack regiments.
Morristown.--Five miles beyond Princeton Washington turned to the north
and soon established his army in a powerful position at Morristown where
they remained in security the rest of the winter. Howe made no attempt
to dislodge his opponent, but concentrated ten thousand troops in camps
at New Brunswick and Perth Amboy. The Jersey people had been cured of
their Toryism; supplies poured into the American camp, while the British
experienced the greatest difficulty in securing fuel and food, and by
March 1 were reduced to a ration of salt provisions and "ammunition
bread." When Washington reached Morristown he had about four thousand
men and during the winter his army did not increase, but he made the
most of the opportunity to drill his men and perfect his organization.
Throughout the country men were drilling for the spring campaign, powder
mills were being built, and lead mines were being opened. The greatest
shortage was in muskets, but fortunately these were obtained from
France.
Middlebrook.--In May, 1777, everything was in readiness and Washington
led his army to a powerful position at Middlebrook, only a few miles
from the British camp at New Brunswick. On June 13 Howe transferred
large forces to the southern bank of the Raritan, but he failed to draw
Washington from his point of vantage and on the nineteenth he began the
withdrawal of his army to Staten Island, having had the satisfaction
only of a rear guard action with Stirling's division.
THE STRUGGLE WITH BURGOYNE
British plans for 1777.--Howe's plan for the campaign of 1777 called for
fifteen thousand more troops. With this addition he believed that he
could crush Washington and conquer Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New
York. The subjugation of the southern colonies would then be attempted,
followed by operations in New England. But Lord Germaine thought
otherwise. Ignoring the general in the field, he planned to send a force
under St. Leger down the Mohawk Valley, a second army under Burgoyne to
penetrate New York by the Lake Champlain route, while Howe was to
proceed up the Hudson Valley. The three armies were to meet at Albany.
The plan looked good on paper, but it failed to take into account the
long distances to be traversed and the difficulties of transportation on
the frontier. When Germaine planned the campaign, he should have sent
precise orders to Howe, but this he failed to do, and on May 18 he even
wrote acquiescing in the proposed expedition against Philadelphia and
expressing the hope that the business might be concluded in season so
that Howe could cooeperate with Burgoyne.
Ticonderoga and Ft. Independence.--On June 15, 1777, General Schuyler
learned that Burgoyne's army was in motion and that St. Leger was
concentrating forces on the upper Mohawk. The American army was in a
sorry plight for smallpox and dysentery were still the bane of the
northern department. Congress had done much to destroy efficiency by
temporarily removing Schuyler. At a time when all should have been
working in harmony, Gates was intriguing with members of Congress to
overthrow his superior. The advance part of the army was at Ticonderoga.
Across the narrow bay Fort Independence had been erected and a bridge
connected the fortifications, which were commanded by General St. Clair
who had only twenty-five hundred men to man works which demanded ten
thousand defenders.
[Illustration: The Region of Burgoyne's Invasion (The large map is based
on E.G. Foster's _Historical Chart_; the inset is from Trevelyan, _The
American Revolution_, Part II, Vol. I).]
Burgoyne captures the forts.--Late in June Burgoyne's flotilla carrying
about eight thousand soldiers reached Crown Point. His engineers soon
discovered the fundamental weaknesses of the American position. Mt. Hope
dominated the passage to Lake George and Sugar Hill towered above the
forts. On July 2 the former position was occupied by the British and on
July 5 St. Clair saw Sugar Hill bristling with cannon. He realized that
the forts were untenable and on the night of July 6 he loaded his
stores and light artillery on barges and sent them under convoy to
Skenesborough. The main body of troops under St. Clair attempted to
reach the same place by a circuitous route which led through
Hubbardtown.
The disastrous retreat.--Burgoyne's vessels broke through the
impediments and pursued the American flotilla. They encountered it at
anchor in South Bay and short work they made of it. The Americans
destroyed the stores and buildings on the shore before they retreated.
General Fraser had been sent in pursuit of St. Clair's forces and at
Hubbardtown he fell in with the American rear guard and defeated it. St.
Clair succeeded in getting his troops to Ft. Edward where he joined
Schuyler. Only three thousand men barred the way to Albany.
The withdrawal to Stillwater.--Schuyler sent out calls for help to New
England, to New York, and to Washington. While waiting for
reinforcements he destroyed the standing crops, drove off the stock, and
broke up the roads. Having despoiled the country, he abandoned Fort
Edward and withdrew to Stillwater on the west bank of the Hudson. It was
not long before reinforcements began pouring in. Although his army was
inferior to that of Howe, Washington sent on Morgan's riflemen and he
ordered Putnam to send two brigades. General Lincoln was sent to
organize the New England militia and Benedict Arnold was called from
Connecticut to help Schuyler.
Bennington.--Burgoyne reached the head of Lake Champlain on July 10, but
from that point his progress was exceedingly slow, the twenty miles to
Ft. Edwards being traversed in as many days. Schuyler's work of
devastation had been complete and the British commissariat suffered
accordingly. To replenish his depleted stores, Burgoyne embarked upon a
rash enterprise. At Bermington large quantities of stores had been
collected and a Tory named Philip Skene suggested that they would be an
easy prize. Burgoyne followed Skene's advice and sent Colonel Baum with
five or six hundred troops to make the capture. Near Bennington John
Stark was in command of two brigades of New England troops and at
Manchester were the remnants of regiments which had retreated from
Hubbardtown. On August 15 Baum came in touch with Stark's forces, but he
hesitated to attack and proceeded to intrench. The New England troops
gradually encircled the position, and when they attacked on the
afternooon of the sixteenth, they killed, wounded, or captured nearly
the entire force. While the Americans were engaged in plundering the
camp, they were suddenly attacked by another force of six hundred under
Breymann, sent by Burgoyne at Baum's request. Things were going badly
for Stark's men when Seth Warner with forces from Manchester arrived.
After a sharp contest Breymann's troops were driven from the field with
a loss of a third of the rank and file. The day's fighting had deprived
the invaders of a considerable force which they could not afford to lose
in the face of an army which was increasing daily.
Oriskany.--While Burgoyne was advancing, St. Leger was invading the
Mohawk Valley. On August 3 his army of British regulars, Hessians,
Canadians, Tories, and Indians invested Ft. Stanwix. Colonel Herkimer
gathered the Tryon County militia and went to the relief of the fort,
but at Oriskany, which was only six miles from the fort, he was
surprised. In the desperate battle the losses were higher in proportion
to men engaged than in any other battle of the war. Herkimer was killed
and so badly cut up were the militia that the expedition was unable to
proceed.
Ft. Stanwix relieved.--Schuyler realized the danger of a flank attack
from the Mohawk Valley. St. Leger must be checked. Schuyler called for a
volunteer to lead a relief expedition. Arnold offered his services and
at the head of eight hundred men advanced up the valley. As he proceeded
his force was continually increased by recruits. As he approached Ft.
Stanwix, Arnold succeeded in creating the impression that his army was
of overwhelming numbers. The Senecas were the first to desert St. Leger
and the Tories soon made off to the woods. Abandoned by his allies, St.
Leger retreated, leaving behind stores, tents, and artillery. The battle
of Bennington and the retirement from the Mohawk Valley sealed the fate
of Burgoyne.
Gates supersedes Schuyler.--By the middle of August Schuyler had the
satisfaction of being in command of a force which outnumbered Burgoyne's
army. But on August 19 Horatio Gates arrived at Albany with a commission
to take command. Gates was a man of little ability, but of an
unscrupulous, intriguing, and ambitious nature. He had spent many
months at the seat of government influencing members of Congress, a task
made easy by the fact that the New England delegates disliked Schuyler.
With victory already assured, Gates came forward to reap the honors.
Burgoyne was in a sorry plight. His line of communication was in danger
of being cut and his force had been reduced to about six thousand
effectives. In vain he looked for despatches from Howe, but though he
had sent ten messengers, an ominous silence was his only answer. Two
courses were open to him; an ignominious retreat or an advance that at
best was but a forlorn hope. Fortunately for the American cause he chose
the latter.
First battle of Bemis's Heights, September 19.--On September 13 the
British army crossed the Hudson on a bridge of boats and encamped at
Saratoga. Six miles to the south was a table land called Bemis's Heights
which the Americans had fortified. Between the heights and the river
stretched a pasture five hundred yards in width. It was a position
easily defended provided Gates extended his left wing. This he failed to
do and Burgoyne, quick to see the opportunity for a turning movement,
disposed his forces in such a manner that while Philips in command of
the British left and Burgoyne in the center engaged the American army,
General Fraser on the right could encircle the heights. Arnold saw the
danger and besought Gates to let him attack the British right. Gates
finally consented and Arnold immediately flung his men against Fraser's
position. A confused fight occurred in the tangled underbrush, and
though Morgan's riflemen got out of hand, the effect of the attack was
to stop Fraser's advance. Having been reinforced, Arnold threw his
troops against the British center at Freeman's Farm. A very hot
engagement ensued and victory would probably have resulted had Gates
engaged Philips, but the American commander failed to attack and the
British left came to the assistance of the hard-pressed center. At
nightfall Arnold fell back a short distance, but he had saved the
American army and had inflicted such great injury that Burgoyne was
unable to continue the battle the next day.
Clinton fails to cooeperate.--The British commander fortified his
position and there his army remained inactive for more than a
fortnight. The situation was daily becoming more critical, for Lincoln
had succeeded in cutting the line of communication with Canada. A
belated despatch had reached Burgoyne informing him of Howe's expedition
against Philadelphia. He also received information which led him to
believe that Clinton expected to clear the Hudson and come to his
relief. Early in October Clinton captured three forts on the lower
Hudson, but instead of following up his success, he returned to New York
and left the northern army to its fate.
Second battle of Bemis's Heights.--The situation in the American camp
was far from harmonious. Gates had not mentioned Arnold's division in
his official report of the recent battle. This slight was followed by
studied insults and cowardly persecution. The protests of the regimental
officers caused Arnold to postpone his resignation, but Gates deprived
him of his command and elevated Lincoln. On October 7 Burgoyne again
prepared to attack the American lines. His initial assault was repulsed
and Fraser was mortally wounded. Soon after the fighting began Arnold
put himself at the head of his old troops and broke the British center.
The British right wing was also forced back, but Gates did nothing to
follow up the advantage. Arnold seized the opportunity and assaulted
Freeman's Farm. There he was repulsed but he turned his troops against a
redoubt on the right and carried it by assault. The redoubtable general,
however, was severely wounded, his thigh bone being shattered, but his
generalship had won the battle which broke the British army.
Burgoyne's surrender.--The day after the battle Gates pushed forward his
left wing, a movement which threatened to pen Burgoyne between the
Hudson and a hostile army. The British commander should have sunk his
heavy guns in the river and beaten a hasty retreat, but instead he
attempted to save his stores and artillery. He fell back eight miles and
took a position on the north bank of Fishkill Creek near Saratoga. Gates
threw a force across the Hudson which prevented a crossing, troops were
posted on the flank of the British Camp and the main army was drawn up
on the south bank of Fishkill Creek. The British were trapped and
Burgoyne at last realized that the game was up. On October 13 he called
a council of war at which it was decided to negotiate terms. Gates
demanded an unconditional surrender, but Burgoyne refused and the next
day Gates, who appears neither to have been able to win a battle or to
make the most of a fortunate situation created by the bravery and skill
of another, agreed that Burgoyne should surrender with the honors of war
and that his army should be given free passage to Great Britain upon the
condition that they would not serve in North America during the war.
Congress, to its shame, did not carry out the agreement and the troops
were kept as prisoners in America.
THE CONTEST FOR PHILADELPHIA
Howe moves on Philadelphia.--While the northern army was struggling with
Burgoyne, another great contest was taking place in Pennsylvania.
Germaine had not given Howe definite orders to cooeperate with Burgoyne
and, in fact, had approved the proposed expedition against Philadelphia.
After the retirement from before Middlebrook, Howe's movements were a
mystery to Washington. In July he learned that the British fleet was
being prepared for a voyage, but whether the enemy would sail up the
Hudson, or strike at Boston, Philadelphia, or Charleston, he could not
tell. To forestall an advance northward Washington moved his army toward
the New York highlands. On July 31 he heard that the British fleet had
appeared in Delaware Bay. Immediately the American army was started for
Philadelphia, but before the city was reached the astonishing news came
that the fleet had disappeared. Washington immediately went into camp
twenty miles north of Philadelphia to await developments. Two weeks
later the British fleet sailed into Chesapeake Bay and on August 25 the
army, which numbered seventeen thousand, began to disembark at the Head
of Elk at the northern end of the bay.
Battle of the Brandywine.--As soon as Washington heard of the British
landing, he started his army southward. On August 24 eleven thousand men
paraded through the spacious streets of Philadelphia and on September 9
the army was posted on the north bank of the Brandywine. The main road
to Philadelphia crossed the stream at Chad's Ford and here Wayne's
division was stationed. Below the ford the steep banks were defended by
a small force of militia. Above Wayne were Greene's well-drilled
brigades, and the right was held by Sullivan. On September 10 Howe
concentrated his army at the Kennet Square meeting house, where he
divided it into two columns. At four the next morning Cornwallis in
command of one column started for the upper fords of the Brandywine; by
making this wide detour it was hoped that he could get in the rear of
the American right wing. An hour later General von Knyphausen in command
of the other column advanced toward Chad's Ford. He drove a small group
of skirmishers across the stream, arranged his army as if for an
assault, and opened with his artillery. Washington spent the morning in
uncertainty, but at length Sullivan sent word that Cornwallis's troops
were getting in his rear. Washington immediately ordered him to throw
his entire force across the path of the enemy, but the movement was not
carried out with precision and soon the wings of Sullivan's force were
routed. Stirling, who held the center, made a gallant defence, but with
both flanks exposed, he was forced to retire. When Von Knyphausen heard
the firing, he advanced across Chad's Ford, and carried Wayne's
intrenchments. Washington had ordered Greene to go to Sullivan's
assistance. His men covered four miles in about forty minutes and then
came into action against Cornwallis's victorious troops. For an hour the
battle raged with great intensity, and as darkness set in, Greene drew
off his men. His stubborn fight had saved the army, which was brought
together at Chester.
Paoli.--Washington moved his army thirty-five miles up the Schuylkill
and the British encamped south of the river near Valley Forge. To harass
the rear of Howe's army Washington sent Wayne's division across the
Schuylkill. At 1 A.M. on September 21 this force was surprised near the
Paoli Tavern. The British fell upon the American camp with sword and
bayonet, and before the grim work was over Wayne had lost more than
three hundred men.
The British in Philadelphia.--On September 23 the British army crossed
the Schuylkill and began to advance toward Philadelphia. When the news
reached the city a Whig exodus began, probably a third of the population
taking their departure. Congress removed the prisoners, archives, and
most of the stores; upon Washington it conferred dictatorial powers
for sixty days in the vicinity, and then adjourned to Lancaster and
later to York. On September 25 Howe entered the capital.
[Illustration: Morristown, New Jersey, to Head of Elk, Maryland (1777)
(Based on map in G.O. Trevelyan, _The American Revolution_, Part. III,
op. p. 492).]
Germantown.--Within a week Washington was ready to try to retake the
city. The approach from the northwest lay through Germantown. In the
outskirts Howe had stationed a strong force of infantry. Near the center
of the village the fine brick mansion of Benjamin Chew, the Chief
Justice of Pennsylvania, formed the pivot of the second line of defence
which was commanded by Colonel Musgrave. A mile to the rear lay the bulk
of the British army. Washington planned to advance in four columns.
Armstrong with the Pennsylvania militia on the right was to get in the
rear of the British left. Sullivan commanded the next column to the east
and was followed by the reserve under Stirling. A third column was
commanded by Greene, and the Maryland and New Jersey militia, forming
the fourth column, were to strike the British right. Save for a few
shots fired by Armstrong's men, the militia failed to get into the
fighting.
The dawn of October 4 broke in a dense fog, which destroyed the
possibility of cooeperation and led to much confusion. Sullivan's men
arrived first and soon drove the British from their advanced position.
Then followed an attack which centered at Chew's house where Musgrave
and his men had taken refuge. The sound of the firing attracted some of
Greene's men who joined in the attack. The brick walls proved too strong
for the American three-pounders, and most of the forces of Sullivan and
Greene passed on to attack the next line where five brigades of royal
troops were drawn up along a narrow lane. The American units became
separated, Greene having advanced a considerable distance ahead of
Sullivan's troops. Suddenly Sullivan's force broke and fled in an
unaccountable panic. This placed Greene in great jeopardy, for his flank
was exposed and British reinforcements were approaching, but he coolly
saved his men and guns. So heavy were the British losses that no serious
attempt was made to follow the retreating army which was able to get
away with all its artillery.
Opening the Delaware.--Philadelphia was firmly held by the British but
the Delaware was still closed. At Billingsport a fort had been built
and an obstruction had been thrown across the river. Another obstruction
blocked the passage below Mud Island, on which stood Fort Mifflin and
opposite on the Jersey shore was Ft. Mercer. A flotilla of small craft
patrolled the Delaware. On October 4 part of Lord Howe's fleet anchored
in the river and two days later the obstruction at Billingsport was
removed. On October 22 Colonel von Donop attempted to capture Ft. Mercer
but he met with a bloody repulse. After this defeat the British
proceeded with more caution in the reduction of Ft. Mifflin. Shore
batteries were constructed which bombarded Mud Island for days. On
November 15 two battleships navigated the difficult channel and soon
battered the walls of the fort to pieces. At nightfall the garrison
abandoned the fortress. Four days later Ft. Mercer was evacuated when an
overwhelming force advanced against it, and on November 21 most of the
American vessels were set on fire by their crews. Communication with New
York was thus opened and Howe prepared to settle down in Philadelphia
for the winter.
Valley Forge.--In marked contrast to the comfort of the British camp was
the condition of the American army. Washington had chosen Valley Forge
for his winter quarters and there a fortified camp was constructed and
rude cabins erected to house the men. The camp soon became a charnel
house, for Congress failed to supply the necessary food and clothing,
and sickness inevitably resulted. For days the men were without meat and
existed on dough baked in the embers. "Fire-cake" and water became the
ration for breakfast, dinner, and supper. Blankets were lacking and the
men were soon barefooted and in tatters. On Christmas day the winter
broke with great severity and soon the hospitals, which were mere hovels
unsupplied with beds, were crowded with the dying.
The Conway Cabal.--The anguish of Washington was intensified by an
intrigue which threatened to deprive him of his command. This centered
about Gates and an Irish soldier of fortune named Conway who had been
sent over from France by Silas Deane. In November, 1777, Congress had
vested the management of military affairs in a Board of War. Gates was
made president of the board and Conway was appointed inspector general
of the army. They were supported by the New England delegates in
Congress and by those who opposed the Fabian policy of Washington.
Fortunately the intrigues of Conway and Gates to displace Washington
became known to the public and so great was the popularity of the
commander-in-chief that Congress dared not remove him.
READINGS
Charming, Edward, _History of the United States_, III, 210-273; Fisher,
S. G., _The Struggle for American Independence_, I, 490-574, II, 1-174;
Fiske, John, _The American Revolution_, I, 198-344, II, 25-81, 110-115;
Greene, F. V., _The Revolutionary War_, 28-131; Hildreth, Richard,
_History of the United States of America_, III, 140-162, 186-237; Lecky,
W.E.H., _History of England in the Eighteenth Century_, IV, 1-41, 55-98;
Smith, J.H., _Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony_, I, 193-606, II;
Trevelyan, G.O., _The American Revolution_, II, 172-349, III, 1-147, IV,
111-319; Van Tyne, C.H., _The American Revolution_, 102-135, 157-174,
227-247; Winsor, Justin, _Narrative and Critical History_, VI, 275-447;
Adams, C.F., _Studies Military and Diplomatic_, 1775-1865, pp. 22-173.
CHAPTER XXVI
THE WAR AS AN INTERNATIONAL CONTEST
THE FRENCH ALLIANCE
The French motives.--On February 6, 1778, France entered into an
alliance with the United States. That event changed the war from a
struggle between England and her former colonies to an international
contest in which Spain and Holland were soon engaged. The motives of
France in entering the contest have been variously ascribed to revenge
for the loss of her possessions and the desire to regain them, to the
intellectual movement in France, to the desire to build up French
commerce at the expense of England, and to the fear that Great Britain
would adjust the difficulties with the colonies and unite with them in
an attack upon the French West Indies. Professor Corwin, who has
recently examined the question, concludes that these explanations are
not adequate. He contends that the basic principle of French diplomacy
was the maintenance of leadership in Europe, and that in return for this
commanding position, France was willing to forego the extension of her
dominion. In the Seven Years' War French prestige had been destroyed; to
rebuild it was the object of her statesmen.
The policy of Vergennes.--In 1774 Louis XVI became king. No better
intentioned ruler ever mounted a throne but his weak will and
vacillating course led to his undoing. For two years Turgot was the
reigning influence at the council board. He installed a system of
economy and reform, which, had it been adhered to, would probably have
saved France from the throes of her great revolution. Turgot's plans ran
counter to the policy of Vergennes, the foreign minister, who desired to
see his country take its place in the sun as the dictator of European
politics. The attainment of Vergennes's policy was based upon three main
ideas: the preservation of peace on the continent by a close alliance
with Austria; a renewal of the Family Compact with Spain; and the
humbling of England. The last was to be accomplished by the building up
of the French navy, by secretly aiding the colonies, and when the time
seemed auspicious, by entering into an alliance with them, an alliance
in which Vergennes hoped that Spain would join. To win over the latter
power and to overcome the aversion of Louis XVI to aiding rebellious
subjects were the immediate problems of Vergennes.
Vergennes wins over the king.--A secret agent, Bonvouloir, was sent to
America to ascertain the condition of the colonies. His first report,
which reached Paris in March, 1776, gave a favorable statement of the
military situation. Vergennes immediately attempted to convince the king
that secret aid should be given the colonies. He argued that the
prolongation of the struggle would be advantageous to France and Spain
as it would weaken both contestants, and he pointed out that England
would probably attack the French West Indies as soon as the present war
was over. Aided by Beaumarchais, the author of _Le Mariage de Figaro_,
Vergennes countered the advice of Turgot and won over the king to his
plan.
Deane and Beaumarchais.--The secret committee on foreign correspondence
of the Continental Congress in March, 1776, sent Silas Deane to Paris.
His presence became known to Lord Stormont, the British ambassador, who
demanded his deportation, but France refused and continually aided him
in securing supplies. The French government also loaned the colonies a
million livres and obtained a similar amount for them from Spain. When
news of the Declaration of Independence reached Paris, Vergennes urged
that France and Spain enter the war, but Washington's defeats around New
York held back both countries. France continued to aid the colonies, the
business being transacted by Beaumarchais through the fictitious house
of Hortalez et Cie. Beaumarchais also drew heavily upon his private
fortune to assist the colonies.
Franklin.--The delay of France in making an open alliance caused
Congress to appoint a commission composed of Silas Deane, Arthur Lee,
and Benjamin Franklin Of all colonials Franklin was the best known in
Europe. As a scientist, philosopher, wit, and statesman, his name was
familiar to all classes in the French capital. His unpretentious dress,
unaffected manners, and simplicity of life made him seem to Parisians
the impersonation of the natural man of Rousseau's philosophy. On the
street, at the theater, in the salon, Franklin was the center of
interest. Artists made busts of him and jewelers exhibited his
countenance on medallions, watches, and snuff-boxes. Franklin soon
discovered that he could not hurry matters; he quietly bided his time,
never losing an opportunity to win supporters to the American cause.
Even the court became enthusiastic, and Marie Antoinette, with little
understanding or prophetic vision, applauded the republicans of America.
The American proposals.--In January, 1777, the commissioners presented
their views to Vergennes. They proposed that France and Spain furnish
the United States eight ships of the line, twenty or thirty thousand
stand of arms, and a large quantity of cannon and ammunition. Congress
in return offered the two nations a commercial treaty and a guarantee of
their possessions in the West Indies. Vergennes was unable to comply but
he advanced two hundred and fifty thousand livres as the first
instalment of a secret loan of two millions. In February the
commissioners suggested that, if France and Spain became involved in war
because of a treaty with the United States, the states would not
conclude a separate peace. In March they proposed a triple alliance
between France, Spain, and the United States. The bait for Spain was the
conquest of Portugal, and the war was to continue until England was
expelled from North America and the West Indies.
The attitude of Spain.--The American proposals included both France and
Spain, and in the latter country the commissioners met with a stumbling
block. Spain at first showed a friendly attitude. Through the firm of
Josef Gardoqui and Sons supplies were secretly furnished to the United
States, but when Arthur Lee attempted to go to Madrid, he was turned
back by the Spanish authorities, who preferred to work in secret. In
February, 1777, the Count de Florida Blanca became minister of foreign
affairs. To Florida Blanca Spain's interests must take precedence over
those of France in determining Spanish policy. Difficulties with
Portugal had been adjusted, and Florida Blanca could see no advantage in
an immediate war with Great Britain. He was willing to keep the contest
in America going until both parties were exhausted. Then Spain and
France might enter the war, Spain to get the Floridas and France to
obtain Canada. But as to the recognition of American independence, king
and minister were unalterably opposed.
Lafayette.--Of no little importance in bringing France and the United
States together was the coming of the young nobleman Lafayette to
America. Fired by the Declaration of Independence, he determined to
enlist in the American cause. In April, 1777, Lafayette with the Baron
de Kalb and several other officers sailed for America. They reached
Philadelphia on July 27 but Congress gave them a chilly reception.
Nothing daunted, Lafayette proudly announced that he asked nothing but
the opportunity of serving as a volunteer. Congress was deeply impressed
by his unselfish attitude and promptly made him a Major-General.
Washington received him gladly, took him into his military family and
through the long war, with the exception of a period when he was
promoting American interests in France, he served as a trusted officer
of the commander-in-chief.
The French alliance.--During the summer of 1777 the American question
was held in abeyance at Paris but Burgoyne's surrender stirred Vergennes
to action. He appears to have feared that Great Britain was about to
effect a reconciliation with the United States. To prevent it he
believed that France must openly espouse the American cause. One more
effort was made to draw Spain into the alliance, but the reply proved
unfavorable. On January 7, 1778, at a French royal council meeting the
final decision was made and on February 6 treaties of commerce and
alliance were signed. The latter agreement was described as a defensive
alliance to maintain effectually the liberty, sovereignty, and
independence of the United States, as well in matters of government as
in commerce.
Lord North attempts conciliation.--When news of Burgoyne's surrender
reached London, hope of subduing the rebellion by force was temporarily
abandoned and Lord North was empowered to try his hand at conciliation.
On February 17, 1778, the Prime Minister presented his plan to the
Commons. He proposed (1) the repeal of the tea duty, (2) the passage of
an act removing apprehension regarding parliamentary taxation of the
colonies, (3) opening the port of Boston, (4) restoration of the
Massachusetts charter, (5) opening the fisheries, (6) restoration of
commerce, and (7) full pardon to those engaged in rebellion. (8)
Prisoners charged with treason were not to be brought over the sea for
trial, and (9) no bill for changing a colonial constitution was to be
introduced in parliament except at the request of the colony involved.
(10) Regulation of colonial courts was to follow colonial opinion, and
(11) officials were to be elected by popular vote subject, however, to
the approval of the king. (12) The royal treasury was to assist in the
withdrawal of colonial currency, and (13) a promise was given that the
question of colonial representation in parliament would be considered.
The Carlisle Commission.--A royal commission was to visit America to
settle points in dispute. Headed by the Earl of Carlisle, the commission
proceeded to Philadelphia but it was soon discovered that nothing could
be accomplished. General Howe had been recalled and Clinton, who was
placed in command, was under orders to evacuate Philadelphia. The
alliance with France was already known in America and nothing short of a
recognition of independence would satisfy the Whig leaders.
Change in British plans.--The French alliance brought about a complete
change in British plans. Henceforth garrisons were to be kept in New
York, Newport, Canada, and the Floridas, and hostilities on the mainland
were to be devoted to the destruction of coastwise trade and coast
towns, and to the harassing of the frontiers by Indian raids. Attacks in
force were to be made on the French possessions in the West Indies.
Evacuation of Philadelphia and the battle of Monmouth.--In pursuance of
this plan in May, '78, the British prepared to evacuate Philadelphia.
General Howe returned to England and Clinton took command. Most of the
stores, some of the troops, and about three thousand Loyalists were
placed on transports, and the main army on June 18 started on its march
across New Jersey. Washington succeeded in getting in touch with the
British army ten days later at Monmouth. Clinton's forces were stretched
out to such an extent that it was difficult to bring them into action.
Washington sent Lee to attack, but after a slight demonstration, the
poltroon ordered a retreat. Lee's cowardice gave the British time to
form and a bloody battle followed which ended only with nightfall. In
the darkness the British army broke camp and when morning dawned it was
beyond the reach of Washington.
The coming of D'Estaing.--On April 15 Admiral D'Estaing sailed from
Toulon in command of twelve ships of the line and five frigates which
carried four thousand infantry. The voyage was pursued in a leisurely
fashion which gave Lord Howe time to get his transports out of the
Delaware and concentrate the fleet at New York. It also made it possible
for a reinforcement under Commodore Byron to arrive in American waters.
Not until July 8 was D'Estaing's fleet within the Delaware capes. After
landing Gerard, the French minister, the admiral proceeded to New York.
Though the French fleet was superior to the British, D'Estaing failed to
attack.
The failure at Newport.--Instead he entered into a plan with Washington
to take Newport which was garrisoned by five or six thousand British
troops. Sullivan, with about a thousand continental soldiers and several
thousand militia, was to cooeperate with the French fleet. The opening
was auspicious. The war vessels ran by the batteries and anchored in the
inner waters. The British commander to prevent capture destroyed several
frigates and small craft. On August 9 Sullivan moved nine thousand
troops to the island. The same day Howe's fleet appeared at the entrance
of Narragansett Bay and D'Estaing, carrying his infantry with him,
sailed out to meet the enemy. Before the fleets could engage a terrific
storm arose which scattered the vessels. Howe finally regained New York
and D'Estaing sailed to Boston for repairs, leaving Sullivan unsupported
and in a precarious position. When word came that Clinton was sending
large reinforcements, Sullivan abandoned the siege.
D'Estaing in the West Indies.--D'Estaing lingered at Boston ten weeks
and then sailed for the West Indies. Before his arrival a French force
from Martinique had captured Dominica. The English retaliated by
capturing St. Lucia, and when D'Estaing attempted to relieve it, he was
replused. On June 18, 1779, the French occupied St. Vincent and on July
2 Grenada. On July 6 Byron attacked the French fleet off Grenada, but
D'Estaing had the better of the fighting although he failed to follow
up his victory. After attempting the relief of Savannah, the French
commander despatched part of his fleet to the West Indies and then
sailed for Europe.
Stony Point and the evacuation of Newport.--After the Newport failure
Washington drew a cordon about New York and strengthened the line of the
Hudson. On May 31, 1779, Clinton seized the fortifications at Stony
Point and Verplanck's Point, but on July 16 General Wayne carried the
works at Stony Point. Clinton also sent raiding parties to the
Chesapeake and along the Connecticut coast, but in October he ordered
the evacuation of Newport and concentrated his forces at New York.
The second French expedition.--Washington still hoped for effective help
from the French fleet in the West Indies, but his hopes were blasted
early in 1780 by the arrival in the islands of British naval
reinforcements under Admiral Rodney, who during April and May fought
three indecisive actions with the French fleet. Largely through the
influence of Lafayette France was induced to send a large force to
America in 1780. In July a fleet of seven vessels convoying six thousand
men commanded by Rochambeau arrived at Newport. The second division,
however, was blockaded at Brest and was unable to sail. Washington's
hopes mounted high but they were soon dashed again, for Clinton, who had
just returned to New York after the capture of Charleston, was able to
send a considerable armament to blockade the French at Newport, and
there they remained for months to come.
Arnold's treason.--During the long contest Washington had often been
disappointed by the incompetence of his subordinates, but Nathanael
Greene and Benedict Arnold had seldom been found wanting. The former was
soon to win fame as the conqueror of the South; the other chose a path
which made his name despised. Arnold had not been justly treated by
Congress, although he had the absolute confidence of Washington.
Brooding over his wrongs and convinced that the country would welcome
the reestablishment of the king's authority, he determined to play the
part of a General Monk. While in command of Philadelphia, he entered
into a treasonable correspondence with Clinton. He then asked for the
command of the great fortress at West Point. This was readily given to
him and there he perfected his plans to deliver this key position of the
Hudson to the British. Clinton sent Major Andre to communicate with
Arnold, but upon his return on September 23, 1780, Andre was captured
and on his person were found papers which disclosed the plot. Andre was
condemned and hung as a spy, but Arnold made good his escape to the
British lines.
THE WAR IN THE WEST
Competition for the support of the Indians.--The westward movement
across the mountains was almost simultaneous with the outbreak of the
Revolution, and the western settlements were soon drawn into the
current. The frontiersmen held back the Indian allies of the British,
and by settlement and conquest secured large areas of the back country.
At the opening of the war both British and Americans made great efforts
to secure the support of the Indians, but in the main the tribes favored
the British who did not encroach upon their lands and whose posts on the
frontiers were centers for the distribution of presents and for the work
of the traders. During the war British agents were kept at work among
the tribes, distributing presents and weapons, and often leading the
Indian raids.
The Cherokee War.--In the summer of 1776 the Cherokee went on the
warpath. From their villages in the southern Alleghanies they were in a
position to raid the frontier settlements of Georgia, the Carolinas,
Virginia, and Tennessee. The Cherokee towns were in three groups. The
upper towns inhabited by the Overhill Cherokee were along the mountain
streams that ran into the Tennessee. The lower towns were in the
foothills of the back country of Georgia and South Carolina. In the
mountainous region between were the middle towns. During June and July
Cherokee war parties, at times assisted by Creeks and Tories, fell upon
the Georgia and Carolina frontiers and upon the Watauga settlements. The
Georgia invaders were met by Colonel Samuel Jack at the head of two
hundred rangers who drove them back and destroyed one or two of the
lower towns. In North Carolina the Indians came down the Catawba and
drove the settlers into the blockhouses. General Griffith Rutherford
raised the frontier levies and chased the Indians back to their
villages. In South Carolina the Cherokees from the lower and middle
towns, aided by Tories and led by the British agent, Cameron, descended
upon the settlements. Colonel Andrew Williamson collected eleven hundred
militia, defeated the invaders, and by the middle of August destroyed
the lower towns. In July seven hundred Overhill Cherokee raided the
Watauga settlements. One party under Chief Dragging Canoe attacked the
settlers about Eaton's Station, but the frontiersmen sallied forth and
defeated the Indians at Island Flats. For three weeks Fort Watauga was
invested by another band, but so stubborn was the defence conducted by
Robertson and Sevier that the Indians abandoned the siege. The
Carolinians and Virginians determined to carry the war into the enemy's
country. In September Rutherford and Williamson completely destroyed the
valley towns of the Cherokee; and in October Colonel William Christian
led the Virginia troops into the Overhill country, destroyed the
principal village, and brought the warriors to terms.
Indian raids in the Northwest, 1776-1778.--In the Northwest the memory
of the Battle of the Kanawha kept the Indians quiet for a time while the
diplomats struggled for mastery. Colonel George Morgan was made
congressional agent at Fort Pitt, while Hamilton at Detroit was the most
active British agent on that frontier. In the fall of 1776 Hamilton sent
raiding parties along the border. During 1777 the frontiers of
Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Kentucky were kept in a state of terror.
Colonel Morgan urged an expedition against Detroit, and when his advice
was rejected, he resigned. Governor Patrick Henry sent Virginia militia
to relieve Kentucky and Congress sent General Hand to defend the upper
Ohio. Hand and his successor, McIntosh, had little success, for the
raids continued and by the end of 1778 Kentucky was nearly depopulated.
Willing's raids.--In 1777 James Willing, a former resident of Natchez,
obtained permission from Congress to make an expedition down the
Mississippi to secure the neutrality of the Tories in the Southwest.
Descending the Ohio from Pittsburg, his expedition became a raid on the
Loyalist plantations along the Mississippi. Far from having the desired
effect, the raid drove the inhabitants into active resistance. In May
Willing led a second expedition down the Mississippi but he failed to
win over the inhabitants. The Chickasaw and Choctaw went over to the
British side. The Southwest had thus definitely taken its stand against
the United States.
Clark conquers the Northwest.--To Virginia fell the task of conquering
the Northwest. The chief actor in the enterprise was George Rogers
Clark, who, though only twenty-six, had already played a prominent part
in Kentucky. With one hundred and seventy-five frontiersmen, mainly
Virginians, in June, 1778, Clark descended the Ohio to Fort Massac,
crossed Illinois, and in July took Kaskaskia, Prairie du Rocher, St.
Philippe, and Cahokia, and French sympathizers secured the submission of
Vincennes. Hamilton at once organized a force at Detroit to retake the
lost posts. In December he occupied Vincennes without difficulty, but
was unable to proceed farther. In February, 1779, after a difficult
march over flooded prairies, Clark captured Hamilton and his force. In
December, 1778 the Virginia legislature erected the territory north of
the Ohio into the county of Illinois, John Todd being made civil and
Clark military head. Clark planned the capture of Detroit, but was
unable to get the necessary aid. Instead, in 1780 he founded Fort
Jefferson on the Mississippi near the mouth of the Ohio and it soon
became the center of a settled area.
Depredations of the Iroquois and Tories.--On the New York frontier
Burgoyne's invasion had aroused the Iroquois and even after his defeat
the Six Nations, except the Tuscaroras, Oneidas, and part of the
Mohawks, adhered to the British. Many Tory refugees settled among the
Indians and incited them to go on the warpath. In July, 1778, a force of
Tories and Iroquois, mainly Senecas, descended into the Wyoming Valley
and laid it waste, killing and capturing many of the inhabitants.
Continental troops presently reoccupied the valley and in October the
Indian town of Unadilla. The Indians and Tories retaliated by a descent
on Cherry Valley. The depredations continued in 1779. Troops sent out
from Ft. Stanwix destroyed the Onondaga villages. The Indians then
assailed the Schoharie Valley and the western settlements in Ulster
County, and spread destruction about Pittsburg.
Expeditions sent into the Iroquois country.--So extensive were the
depredations that Congress decided to send an overwhelming force into
the Iroquois country. Three brigades from Washington's army were
assembled at Wyoming under Sullivan. While he was waiting for a New York
brigade to join him, Chief Brant and his warriors burned Minisink and
ambushed the militia who went in pursuit. Sullivan at the head of five
thousand men passed up the Chemung branch of the Susquehanna, defeated a
strong force of Indians and Tories on the site of modern Elmira, and
then burned eighteen Indian villages and destroyed the crops. Sullivan,
however, failed to attack Niagara which was a British stronghold.
Another expedition from Pittsburg ascended the Alleghany and destroyed
the Indian villages along the river. These operations scattered the
Indians and Tories but did not destroy them, and frequent depredations
occurred on the New York and Pennsylvania frontiers during the remainder
of the war.
SPAIN IN THE WAR[1]
Spain enters the war.--When Spain became a factor in the war in 1779, a
new element entered the contest in the West. During 1778 Vergennes did
not relax his efforts to induce Spain to become a belligerent. But
Carlos III and Florida Blanca had no intention of risking a war with
Great Britain unless they were well paid for their assistance. Not until
they were certain that France would assist in the recovery of Gibraltar
and the Floridas did they consent to make war. On another point the king
was insistent; he refused to recognize the independence of the United
States. The secret convention of Aranjuez between France and Spain was
signed on April 12, 1779, and in June Spain definitely entered the war.
Galvez on the lower Mississippi.--Orders were given at once to seize the
British posts on the Mississippi. With a hastily built fleet, Bernardo
de Galvez, the Governor of Louisiana, ascended the Mississippi at the
head of fifteen hundred men. On September 7 he took Fort Bute at
Manchac, and then proceeded to Baton Rouge which he captured, the
capitulation including Fort Panmure at Natchez. Meanwhile Grandpre had
taken two small British outposts and a fleet had captured eight British
vessels on Lake Pontchartrain.
[1] See map on page 400.
British attack on St. Louis.--As soon as war was declared, the British
planned to capture New Orleans. An expedition from the north was to
descend the Mississippi, attack St. Louis, reconquer the Illinois
country, and meet General Campbell at Natchez with a force from
Pensacola. The campaign against St. Louis was directed by Sinclair,
commander at Mackinac. Emmanuel Hesse, a trader, was sent to assemble a
force of Indians at the Fox-Wisconsin portage. In March, 1780, seven
hundred and fifty men left Mackinac and joined Hesse at Prairie du
Chien. To cooeperate Charles Langlade was sent with Indians via Chicago,
while Captain Bird, despatched from Detroit, was to raid Kentucky. None
of the plans succeeded. Leyba, the commander at St. Louis, was
forewarned and was aided by George Rogers Clark. On May 26 the British
attacked St. Louis but were repulsed and forced to withdraw. Bird's
expedition also miscarried, and Campbell's movement was frustrated by
Galvez.
The Spanish expedition against St. Joseph.--Sinclair at once planned a
second expedition for the spring of 1781. Learning of the project,
Cruzat, the new commander at St. Louis, prepared a counter stroke. He
despatched parties up the Mississippi and to Peoria, and sent sixty-five
men under Puree to destroy the stores at St. Joseph. On February 12 the
post was taken in a surprise attack and the stores destroyed.
Capture of Mobile and Pensacola.--Meanwhile more important events had
been taking place on the Gulf of Mexico. In February, 1780, Galvez
sailed from New Orleans with two thousand men to capture Fort Charlotte
at Mobile, and on March 14 the place capitulated. Going to Cuba for
reinforcements, after losing one fleet in a hurricane, in February,
1781, he sailed with fourteen hundred men to attack Pensacola. After a
siege of nearly two months, General Campbell with more than eight
hundred men surrendered. A simultaneous French and Spanish attack on
Jamaica was next planned, and Galvez sailed for Santo Domingo to command
the Spanish forces, but the campaign was made unnecessary by the ending
of the war. Spain had played an important part. She had defeated the
British attempt to gain control of the Mississippi, had enabled Clark
to maintain his hold on the Northwest, and had recovered Mobile and
Pensacola.
THE WAR ON THE SEA AND THE DUTCH ALLIANCE
Washington's fleets.--From the beginning of the war American vessels
were an important factor. They captured supply ships and transports,
harassed commerce, captured many small war vessels, and protected
trading vessels. At the opening of hostilities Washington turned to New
England to supply him with vessels, and during the siege of Boston he
sent out ten armed craft which made several important captures of arms
and supplies. When operations were transferred to New York, he also
engaged several vessels which rendered good service.
Congress provides a navy.--Largely through the influence of the Rhode
Island delegates, Congress was convinced that a navy should be provided,
and by January, 1776, ten vessels had been purchased and the building of
thirteen others authorized. Before the end of the war over forty vessels
were added to the high seas fleet in addition to minor craft on Lake
Champlain.
First cruise of the fleet.--In February, 1776, Esek Hopkins, who had
been appointed commander-in-chief of the navy, put to sea with a fleet
of eight vessels. He cruised to the West Indies, captured New
Providence, and sailed away with eighty-eight cannon, fifteen mortars,
and a large quantity of stores. The fleet sailed to Long Island and off
the eastern end it captured two small vessels, but on April 6 it allowed
the _Glasgow_ to escape.
Nature of the operations during 1776-1777.--By the end of 1776 the navy
had been increased to twenty-five vessels. During the year it was
constantly engaged in commerce destroying, and in capturing transports
and small war craft. The operations were confined mainly to American and
West Indian waters, although before the end of the year the _Reprisal_,
which carried Franklin to France, had captured several vessels in
European waters. During 1777 the congressional vessels, privateers, and
state cruisers captured four hundred and sixty-seven vessels, many being
taken near the British Isles. The depredations caused great alarm in
England and the West Indies; merchants were often deterred from
shipping goods, insurance rates and prices rose, and the demands for
escorts became insistent.
Privateers.--The swift sailing craft of the Yankee skippers made ideal
blockade runners and commerce destroyers, and hundreds of them put to
sea. During the war Massachusetts commissioned nine hundred and
ninety-eight. While the greater number of these vessels put out from New
England, other states gave many commissions, Maryland alone
commissioning two hundred and fifty. It is estimated that during the war
the privateers captured or destroyed six hundred vessels with cargoes
valued at $18,000,000, besides making several important captures of
troops and supplies.
State navies.--With the exception of New Jersey and Delaware, the states
had navies, the largest being those of Massachusetts, Connecticut,
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South Carolina. At times these
operated independently, sometimes in conjunction with privateers, and at
other times as adjuncts of the regular navy. They were used chiefly to
protect the trade in home waters and for coast defence.
The Penobscot expedition.--The most pretentious operation undertaken by
a state navy was the attempt to capture Penobscot in 1779. The British
had established a naval base near the mouth of the Penobscot River and
Massachusetts determined to break it up. Fifteen hundred men were loaded
on privateers and transports, and were convoyed by the _Warren_, the
_Diligent_, and the _Providence_. The expedition arrived off the
Penobscot late in July, but before it could take the fort, a larger
British fleet appeared (August 13). The privateers and transports
scattered, but the three war vessels were forced to run up the river
where their crews destroyed them.
The navy during 1778-1779.--During 1778 the British navy succeeded in
greatly decreasing the depredations of American vessels. By the close of
the year the national navy was reduced to fourteen. But in 1779 the
fleet was somewhat rehabilitated by the securing of several French
vessels.
The Bonhomme Richard and the Serapis.--In 1779 the most famous sea-fight
of the Revolution occurred. John Paul Jones was given command of an old
French East Indiaman which was refitted with forty-two guns and renamed
the _Bonhomme Richard_. In August the French frigate _Alliance_ and
three small vessels accompanied the _Bonhomme Richard_ on a cruise along
the west coast of Ireland, northern Scotland, and the eastern coast of
England, several prizes being taken. On September 23 off Flamborough
Head Jones sighted a large merchant fleet convoyed by the forty-four gun
frigate Serapis and the smaller _Countess of Scarborough_. The _Bonhomme
Richard_ engaged the _Serapis_ in one of the most thrilling of naval
battles. For three and a half hours the frigates fought at close range,
much of the time being lashed together. Although Jones's vessel was in a
sinking condition, he refused to surrender. When the English captain had
lost more than a third of his crew, he pulled down his flag. The
_Pallas_ captured the _Countess of Scarborough_. Jones placed his crew
on board the _Serapis_, and the squadron soon after arrived at the Dutch
port of Texel.
Decline of the navy.--When Charleston surrendered in 1780, four ships
fell into British hands and only six vessels were left in the American
navy. At the same time parliament voted to increase the naval service.
The American coast was closely blockaded, and though cruisers
occasionally got through, the navy ceased to be an important factor in
the war.
The league of armed neutrals.--As the war progressed England's exercise
of the right of search on the high seas provoked the neutral powers. At
that time international law recognized a belligerent's right to seize
enemy's goods, but not the vessel in which they were being carried.
England acted within the law, but her seizures worked great hardship
upon neutrals. Largely through the influence of Frederick the Great, who
had not forgiven England for abandoning him in the Seven Years' War,
Catherine II of Russia was induced to champion the cause of the neutral
states. On February 26, 1780, she addressed a message to the neutral
courts which asserted, (1) that neutral vessels should be allowed to
navigate freely even upon the coasts of powers at war; (2) that, with
the exception of contraband, goods belonging to the subjects of
belligerents should be free in neutral ships; (3) that naval stores and
provisions of neutrals should not be considered contraband; (4) that a
port must be effectively guarded to constitute a blockade; and (5) that
the above principles should be considered as rules in determining the
legality of prizes. Denmark and Sweden promptly entered into an
agreement with Russia mutually to protect their commerce, by force if
necessary, the arrangement being known as the League of Armed
Neutrality. The principles proclaimed by the Czarina were approved by
France and Spain. The Netherlands joined the league in November, 1780;
Prussia came in in May, 1781, and the Empire in October. Even Portugal,
the ancient ally of England, and Turkey became parties to the league.
Attitude of the Netherlands.--At the opening of the American Revolution
there were two parties in The Netherlands; the English party headed by
the stadtholder, William V, and the Anti-Orange party which had strong
French leanings. The strength of the Anti-Orange party lay chiefly in
Holland and in the large cities, especially in Amsterdam where the great
merchants were powerful. The Dutch people watched the contest between
the United States and Great Britain with a filial interest, looking upon
it as a counterpart of their own struggle for independence, but policy
forced the government to remain neutral.
St Eustatius.--The Dutch merchants saw an opportunity for immense
profits in supplying the United States with war materials. The Dutch
island of St. Eustatius in the West Indies became the center for a vast
trade in contraband goods. The island became a veritable storehouse for
the goods of all nations and here the American skippers brought tobacco
and indigo, or gave promissory notes or continental currency in exchange
for munitions of war. Great Britain complained of the trade and
succeeded in getting the States General to prohibit the export of arms
and munitions except by special permission from the Dutch admiralty, but
nevertheless the traffic went merrily on. When British war vessels began
to patrol the waters about the island and search vessels for contraband,
it aroused the ire of the Dutch merchants.
The Scotch brigade and the Jones incident.--Two incidents added greatly
to the ill-feeling which was growing rapidly between the two countries.
The British government asked for the loan of the Scotch brigade, a body
of troops which had been in Dutch service for many years. The government
gave a suave answer. It was willing to loan the soldiers, but not for
service outside of Europe. As George III wanted the troops for American
service, the answer was practically a refusal. Another incident which
increased the irritation was the sojourn of John Paul Jones at Texel.
For over two months he remained on Dutch soil, while the government
quibbled over its rights to order his departure.
British seizures.--During 1778 British seizures of Dutch vessels
increased and the demands of the merchants for convoys became more and
more insistent. France took advantage of the situation to bring The
Netherlands to her side. Special commercial privileges in France had
been granted to several of the Dutch cities. France now decided to force
the Dutch government to take a more decided stand toward England by
cutting off the special privileges to all the Dutch cities except
Amsterdam. This led to a demand for an immediate adjustment with France
and for convoys to protect Dutch vessels against British seizures. A
climax was reached on December 31, 1779, when an encounter occurred
between the convoys of a Dutch fleet and British war vessels. The result
was soon evident, for The Netherlands began to build a large fleet.
The secret agreement.--The United States maintained secret agents in The
Netherlands throughout the war. For several years they made unsuccessful
attempts to obtain a loan, but the authorities of Amsterdam finally
communicated to C.W.F. Dumas, the United States representative, that
they desired to conclude a treaty provided Congress would not enter into
engagements with Great Britain which might prove harmful to Dutch
interests. Jean de Neufville, a prominent Amsterdam merchant, at the
suggestion of Van Berckel, the pensionary of Amsterdam, visited
Aix-la-Chapelle in 1778, where he met William Lee, an American
representative to Germany and Austria; together they formulated the
draft of a treaty which, however, was not to be considered until after
the recognition of American independence by Great Britain. The agreement
had no legal force, for Amsterdam could not enter into a treaty without
the consent of the other provinces.
The declaration of war.--In 1780 Henry Laurens sailed for The Hague for
the purpose of negotiating a loan and making a treaty with The
Netherlands. On September 3 he was captured off Newfoundland. Among his
papers was a copy of the secret compact drawn by Neufville and Lee. The
British government demanded from the States General a disavowal of the
action of Amsterdam and the punishment of Van Berckel. The States
General finally disavowed the act but declared its incompetence to
punish Van Berckel. On November 20, in the midst of the controversy, the
States General decided to join the league of armed neutrals. When this
became known at London, the British minister was ordered home, and on
December 20 George III issued a manifesto which was a virtual
declaration of war.
READINGS
THE FRENCH AND SPANISH ALLIANCES
Corwin, E.S., _French Policy and the American Alliance of 1778_, pp.
1-216; Hale, E.E., _Franklin in France_; Lecky, W.E.H., _History of
England in the Eighteenth Century_, IV, 42-54, 99-129, 166-185; Perkins,
J.B., _France in the American Revolution_; Phillips, P.C., _The West in
the Diplomacy of the American Revolution_; Trescot, W.H., _Diplomacy of
the American Revolution_; Trevelyan, G.O., _The American Revolution_,
Part II, 387-476; Van Tyne, C.H., _The American Revolution_, 203-226;
Wharton, F., _The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United
States_, I.
THE WEST IN THE REVOLUTION
Alvord, C.W., "Virginia and the West," in _Mississippi Valley Historical
Review_, III, 19-38; Alvord, C.W., ed., _Kaskaskia Records, 1778-1700_,
Introduction; Gayarre, C, _History of Louisiana, the Spanish
Domination_, ch. 3; Hamilton, P.J., _Colonial Mobile_, ch. 31; Hamilton,
P.J., _The Colonization of the South_, ch. 23; James, J.A.,.ed., _George
Rogers Clark Papers, 1771-1781_, Introduction; Roosevelt, Theodore, _The
Winning of the West_, I, 272-327, II, 1-213; Teggart, F.J., "The Capture
of St. Joseph, Michigan, by the Spaniards in 1781," in _Missouri
Historical Review_, V, 214-228; Thwaites, R.G., and Kellogg, L.P.,
editors, _Frontier Defense on the Upper Ohio, 1778_, Introduction and
maps; _The Revolution on the Upper Ohio, 1775-1777_, Introduction and
maps; Van Tyne, C.H., _The American Revolution_, 269-288; Winsor,
Justin, _The Westward Movement_, 101-187; Esarey, L., _A History of
Indiana_, I, 47-91; McElroy, R.M., _Kentucky in the Nation's History_,
62-113.
THE NAVY, ARMED NEUTRALITY, AND DUTCH INTERVENTION
Clowes, W.L., _The Royal Navy_, L.H., 353-538; Edler, F., _The Dutch
Republic and the American Revolution_ (Johns Hopkins University,
_Studies in History and Political Science_, XXIX, 187-424); Jameson,
J.F., "St. Eustatius in the American Revolution," in _The American
Historical Review_, VIII, 683-708; Maclay, E.S., _A History of American
Privateers_, 43-222; _A History of the United States Navy_, I, 34-151;
Paullin, C.O., _The Navy of the American Revolution_; Trevelyan, G.O.,
_George the Third and Charles Fox_, II, 36-72; Van Loon, H.W., _The Fall
of the Dutch Republic_, 174-287; Van Tyne, C.H., _The American
Revolution_, 309-319.
CHAPTER XXVII
THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE REVOLUTION (1778-1781)
THE WAR IN THE SOUTH
Conquest of Georgia.--When France became the ally of the United States,
British statesmen realized that the conquest of New England and the
middle states was impossible, but they still hoped to conquer the South.
From East Florida the British forces could strike at Georgia, and in
November, 1778, the operations began. Thirty-five hundred men were sent
south from New York, and General Prevost with two thousand soldiers
advanced from Florida. On December 29 British forces captured Savannah
and shortly afterward occupied Augusta. Within six weeks Georgia was
under British control.
Reconquest fails.--General Lincoln, who had been placed in command in
the South, determined to reconquer Georgia. He sent Ashe with fifteen
hundred men to recapture Augusta, but the force was surprised and
defeated. When Lincoln moved against Augusta, Prevost advanced against
Charleston. The manoeuvre succeeded and Lincoln was forced to hasten
back to assist in the defence of the city. Prevost, his purpose
accomplished, slowly retired to Savannah. Numerous letters were sent to
the French admiral asking him to cooeperate against the British. In
September, 1779, D'Estaing sailed for Savannah; Lincoln advanced to
assist him, and the city was besieged. On October 9 an attempt was made
to carry the works by assault, but the allies were repulsed with a loss
of over eight hundred men. Lincoln wished to continue the siege but
D'Estaing refused. Despatching a portion of his fleet to the West
Indies, with the rest he sailed for France, and Lincoln withdrew to
Charleston.
Capture of Charleston.--With Georgia secure, Clinton determined to make
another attempt to capture Charleston. He sailed from New York with over
eight thousand men, and twelve hundred were brought from Savannah. On
February 11, 1780, the troops from New York were landed thirty miles
south of Charleston and they soon advanced to the Ashley River. Lincoln
should have abandoned the city but instead he foolishly determined to
defend it. Gradually Clinton drew his lines about the city. On April 13
Tarleton defeated the American cavalry which had kept the lines of
communication open, and when British reinforcements arrived from New
York the investment was completed. Soon the garrison and inhabitants
were almost starving. On May 6 Tarleton dispersed the mounted militia at
the crossing of the Santee River; on the following day Fort Moultrie
surrendered, and the situation became hopeless. On May 12 Lincoln signed
articles of capitulation; over five thousand men, nearly four hundred
pieces of artillery, and vast quantities of military stores fell into
British hands.
Completion of the conquest of South Carolina.--After the fall of
Charleston, Clinton sent out three expeditions; one northward under
Tarleton against Buford's regiment which was advancing from Virginia,
another toward Augusta, and a third toward Camden. Buford started to
retreat but Tarleton overtook him at the Waxhaws and almost annihilated
his force. The other expeditions met with little resistance and Clinton,
believing that the conquest of South Carolina was complete, sailed for
New York with a portion of the army, leaving Cornwallis in command of
about eight thousand men.
Gathering of a new army.--Several weeks before the fall of Charleston,
Washington had sent DeKalb southward with Maryland and Delaware
regiments and these were reinforced by militia as they advanced. South
of the Virginia line they passed through a barren country, shortage of
supplies and poor roads making their progress very slow. At the Deep
River they encamped and there they were joined by Gates who had been
appointed by Congress to the command of the southern department. Gates
pressed on toward Camden, receiving local reinforcements as he advanced.
Camden.--A British force had collected at Camden and Cornwallis hastened
from Charleston to take command. Gates decided to attempt a surprise
attack on the British force at Camden, thirteen miles away. Cornwallis
contemplated a similar movement against Gates and the two armies left
their encampments about the same hour on the night of August 15. At
daybreak they met, but the militia proved to be no match for the British
soldiers and fled almost without firing a shot. The regulars stood firm
for a time, but when DeKalb fell mortally wounded and Tarleton's cavalry
swept along their flank and rear, the line gave way and the retreat
turned into a rout. Gates fled from the field and such was his haste
that three days later he was at Hillsborough, nearly two hundred miles
away. Shortly afterward Tarleton surprised and dispersed Sumter's band,
and resistance seemed completely broken.
[Illustration: The War in the South (1778-1781) (Based on E.G. Foster,
_Illustrative Historical Chart_).]
Partisan warfare.--British arms had defeated the American armies, but
the people of South Carolina were not conquered. The merciless raids of
Tarleton's cavalry and Ferguson's Loyalists kept the spirit of
resistance alive. Marion, Sumter, and Shelby gathered bands of patriots,
who from swamp and forest pounced down on isolated detachments, captured
the escorts of supply trains, intercepted messengers, and broke up
companies of Loyalists. Between July and December, 1780, twenty-seven
battles or skirmishes were fought on Carolina soil.
King's Mountain.--Next to Tarleton, Major Ferguson was probably the most
hated and most feared of Cornwallis's officers. His camp at Ninety-Six
became a center of Loyalist recruiting, and his band of partisans grew
to a thousand strong. They lived on the country, and the property of no
man was safe. Ferguson boasted that if the frontiersmen from over the
Alleghanies troubled him, he would cross the mountains, lay waste their
valleys, and hang their leaders. On September 20, 1780, the borderers
under the leadership of Colonel William Campbell, Sevier, and Shelby
gathered at Sycamore Shoals on the Watauga River and started across the
mountains. Ferguson heard of their coming and decided to teach the
frontiersmen a lesson. He pitched his camp on the crest of King's
Mountain, a position which would have been impregnable had his opponents
been drilled in the tactics of European battlefields. But the Watauga
men had been schooled in Indian warfare. Three times they charged up the
steep mountain sides. After an hour of hot fighting the resistance began
to weaken, and when Ferguson was killed, his troops threw down their
arms and asked for quarter. The victory of the mountaineers is justly
looked upon as the turning point in the war in the South, for it gave
new fife to the waning cause in the Carolinas.
Greene in command.--The difficult task of reconquering the South was
assigned to General Nathanael Greene. On December 2 he arrived at
Charlotte where Gates handed over to him a poorly disciplined and
half-starved force of about two thousand men. With this insignificant
army and aided by local militia and the partisan bands, Greene was
confronted with the task of reconquering a province which was occupied
by a skillful general whose veteran army outnumbered him four to one.
His plan of campaign was matured with rare judgment. He proposed to use
a mobile force of about two thousand men to keep Cornwallis busy, while
Marion and Sumter harassed the enemy, prevented foraging, and broke up
convoys.
The Cowpens.--Early in January, 1781, the main British army was at
Winnsborough. Hoping to divide it, Greene sent Morgan with about a
thousand men to threaten Augusta and Ninety-Six. The rest of the
American army was stationed at Cheraw, sixty miles east of Winnsborough.
When Cornwallis heard of Morgan's raid, he sent Tarleton in pursuit with
eleven hundred men. Tarleton came in touch with Morgan at The Cowpens.
The battle at first was stoutly contested, but Colonel Washington's
cavalry turned the scale and Tarleton's force was almost annihilated.
Greene's retreat.--Morgan had accomplished his purpose and immediately
started to rejoin the main army. When Greene heard of the victory, he
realized that Cornwallis would retaliate, and a pitched battle with the
larger British army meant disaster. Furthermore reinforcements were on
their way from Virginia and Maryland. Greene's decision was a vital one.
He determined to fall back to make a juncture with Morgan and to draw
Cornwallis away from his base into a hostile and difficult country.
Turning over the command of the main army to Huger with orders to march
northward with all speed, Greene rode nearly a hundred and fifty miles
in a pouring rain and joined Morgan in his bivouac on the Catawba. He
had judged Cornwallis rightly. The British general divested his army of
all unnecessary baggage and pressed forward, but in spite of his
efforts, the American army escaped him. From river to river Greene
retreated while Huger fell back rapidly, the two lines gradually
converging until on February 8 they united at Guilford. From there the
retreat was continued across the Dan into Virginia. The Fabian policy
had succeeded, for Cornwallis had been drawn over two hundred miles from
his base and had gotten in such a position that, even if he won a
battle, a victory would be barren.
Guilford.--Cornwallis was running short of supplies and he could not
with safety continue the pursuit. He decided to fall back to
Hillsborough. Greene, whose army had been considerably reinforced,
decided to follow the retiring British. When Cornwallis learned that the
American army was advancing, he determined to risk a battle. On March
15 the armies met at Guilford. Greene posted his force of about
forty-five hundred men in three lines, while the British army was
stretched out in one long row without supporting reserves, a disposition
made necessary by the fact that it numbered only twenty-two hundred and
fifty men. When the British charged, the Carolina militia-men who
occupied the front fine gave way and fled from the field. The Virginia
militia who held the second line stood their ground more firmly, but
when their right flank was enveloped, they too retreated. The hard
fighting came when the British met the continental troops of the third
line. Twice the British regulars were repulsed, and had Greene followed
up the success, he might have won a victory. But he had no intention of
risking the destruction of his army. When the British advanced for a
final assault, Greene decided to fall back. Covering his retreat with
the first Virginia regiment, he retired from the field. He had lost the
battle, but the result was as valuable as a victory.
Cornwallis retreats to Wilmington.--Cornwallis had lost nearly thirty
per cent, of his fighting force; he was almost without supplies, and his
foragers were being picked off by the Carolina guerrillas. His hospital
service was deplorable. Leaving seventy of his most sorely wounded men
to the tender mercies of General Greene, Cornwallis loaded the rest of
his wounded on carts, and started on the long journey to Wilmington, the
nearest base of supplies.
The reconquest of South Carolina and Georgia.--Greene followed
Cornwallis only as far as the Deep River and then turned to reconquer
South Carolina. In this work he was ably assisted by Marion, Sumter,
Pickens, and Lee, who during April, May, and June captured several of
the outlying British posts, the most important being Augusta, which
evacuated on June 5. On April 25 Greene encountered Lord Rawdon's force
near Camden. The British won the battle, but again they possessed a
barren field, for so heavy were their losses that they retreated to
Charleston. Greene next invested Ninety-Six. When he heard that Rawdon
was marching to its relief, he attempted to carry it by storm. The
assault failed and Greene gave up the siege. Lord Rawdon was unable to
maintain his army away from his base. He accordingly ordered the
evacuation of Ninety-Six and returned to Charleston. Soon afterward he
sailed for England, leaving Stewart in command. The last important
engagement occurred on September 8 at Eutaw Springs. The American army
was again defeated, but Greene as usual gathered the fruits of victory,
for Stewart, who had lost forty per cent of his effectives, moved back
to Charleston. In a campaign of eleven months Greene had lost every
pitched battle, but the interior of the Carolinas and Georgia had been
cleared of the enemy, who retained only Savannah, Charleston, and
Wilmington.
THE YORKTOWN CAMPAIGN
Arnold and Cornwallis in Virginia.--When Benedict Arnold joined the
British, he was rewarded with a brigadier-general's commission and sent
to Virginia to cut off Greene's retreat if Cornwallis succeeded in
driving that astute commander out of the Carolinas. Arnold marched up
the James River and burned Richmond, but when the Virginia militia
gathered in large numbers, he retreated to Portsmouth, where Lafayette,
who had been sent to command in Virginia, held him in check. In the
spring of 1781 Cornwallis transferred his forces to Petersburg, and
Arnold was sent to Connecticut to conduct a campaign of rapine.
Reinforcements were sent from New York and with an army of over seven
thousand men Cornwallis began the conquest of Virginia, but he received
no Loyalist support and he failed to crush the forces of Lafayette.
After several weeks of ineffectual campaigning, he retired to Yorktown
where he established himself behind strong fortifications.
Rodney and De Grasse in the West Indies.--The safety of Cornwallis's
army depended upon the control of the sea. Since the beginning of the
war the British had kept the sea lanes open. Time and again the fleet
had enabled them to win victories or to extricate themselves from
dangerous positions. Washington realized this and the burden of his
letters to Franklin was the necessity of naval superiority. Vergennes
made every effort to equip an overwhelming fleet and in March, 1781, a
great armament under De Grasse sailed for the West Indies. And none too
soon did they arrive, for Rodney was carrying all before him. In January
he had been reinforced by eight ships of the line under Hood and on
February 3 the British fleet captured St. Eustatius. This was followed
by the seizure of St. Martin and Saba. On April 28 De Grasse arrived at
Martinique and on the following day he fought an indecisive action with
Hood. An attempt on St. Lucia failed but soon afterward he captured
Tobago. He then repaired to Martinique where he received despatches from
Washington which determined him to sail for the Chesapeake.
Washington's plans.--When the news reached Washington that De Grasse had
left France, he conferred with Rochambeau. Together they drew up a
despatch to the French admiral in which they gave him his choice of
cooeperating with the land forces against New York or of sailing to the
Chesapeake. When De Grasse received the despatch, he determined to
strike at Cornwallis. On August 14 Washington received his reply and he
immediately formulated a masterly plan of action. He decided to move
Rochambeau's force and a portion of the continental army to Virginia,
leaving General Heath with several New England regiments at West Point.
Letters were written with the express intention that they should be
intercepted by the British. These and the sudden activity of American
engineers in constructing extensive works near Sandy Hook convinced
Clinton that he had better sit tight behind his defences.
De Grasse and Graves.--On August 30 De Grasse arrived in the Chesapeake
and on September 5 a fleet of nineteen British vessels under Admiral
Graves appeared off Cape Henry. The fleets engaged and Graves's fleet
was so badly crippled that it was forced to return to New York.
Unmolested, a fleet of transports from Rhode Island carrying supplies
and siege guns, and convoyed by eight war vessels, sailed into the
Chesapeake. At the crucial moment the British had lost control of the
seas.
The assembling of the army.--On August 20 the allied army began the
passage of the Hudson, but not until they were near Philadelphia were
the officers informed of their destination. At the Head of Elk
Washington learned that De Grasse had arrived and that he had brought
three thousand French infantry from the West Indies. After the allied
army reached Williamsburg, it was reinforced by the troops under
Lafayette, by the West Indian contingent, and by thirty-five hundred
Virginia militia. With an army of sixteen thousand men and the greatest
fleet that had ever assembled in American waters, Washington was in a
position to win an overwhelming victory.
Yorktown.--The siege of Yorktown began on September 28. Earthworks were
thrown up within six hundred yards of the British lines and on October 9
a terrific bombardment began. Five days later two outlying works were
carried by storm and at short range the allied artillery did fearful
execution. On the sixteenth a British counter-attack failed and on the
following day an attempt to escape across the river was frustrated. When
this failed the British commander knew that his fate was sealed. On
October 19 Cornwallis surrendered and seven thousand soldiers became
prisoners of war.
The last struggle in the West Indies.--Yorktown was the last important
event on the mainland, but the fighting continued in the West Indies. On
January 11, 1782, De Grasse captured St. Christopher and on the
twentieth took Nevis. After receiving reinforcements, he planned the
conquest of Jamaica, but the arrival of twelve ships from England so
strengthened the British fleet that the project was not carried out. On
April 12 Rodney defeated De Grasse in a final engagement off Dominica,
an event which profoundly influenced the peace negotiations.
THE TREATY OF PEACE
Western Questions.--The conquests of George Rogers Clark, the entrance
of Spain into the war, and the operations of Galvez turned the attention
of congressional leaders to peace terms. Would Spain be willing to grant
the United States free navigation of the Mississippi? How much territory
in the Southwest would Spain demand? Would France support Spanish
pretensions? Such were the questions which disturbed American statesmen.
To advance the interests of the United States, on October 4, 1779,
Congress appointed John Adams peace commissioner and John Jay
representative at Madrid.
Adams and Vergennes.--Adams arrived at Paris in February, 1780. He
surprised Vergennes by disclosing powers to conclude treaties of peace
and commerce with Great Britain. The protests and arguments of the
French minister finally convinced Adams that he had better wait until he
received new instructions from Congress, but he offended Vergennes by
charging that France was purposely not exerting herself to the utmost.
Vergennes distrusted Adams, for he thought that he represented the New
England viewpoint which, Vergennes had been led to believe, was friendly
to Great Britain. He informed Adams that in the future he would deal
with Franklin.
Congressional instructions of June 15, 1781.--La Luzerne, the French
representative at Philadelphia, made great efforts to have Adams curbed
and to prevent a premature negotiation with Great Britain. In this he
was assisted by the low state of affairs in the fall and winter of 1780.
Congress finally decided to place the negotiations in the hands of a
commission composed of Franklin, Jefferson, Jay, Adams, and Henry
Laurens. Jefferson did not leave the United States and Laurens, who was
captured by the British, did not arrive at Paris in time to take an
important part in the negotiations. The instructions of the
commissioners gave them considerable liberty of action, but they were to
undertake nothing without the knowledge of the French ministers and were
ultimately to be governed by their advice and opinion.
Jay in Spain.--In the meantime Jay had been having a difficult time in
Spain. He was not officially received, and though granted occasional
interviews by Florida Blanca, he was unable to make any progress toward
the formulation of a treaty. When he was called to Paris in the summer
of 1782 to take part in the peace negotiations, he had no illusions
concerning the objects of Spain, objects which he seems to have believed
were seconded by France.
The changed situation in 1782.--The commissioners were in a far stronger
position than their instructions of 1781 implied. Yorktown had proved
that American independence was assured, and Rodney's recent victory had
weakened France at a time when her apparent support of Spain was liable
to become troublesome. The situation in England had also changed. Lord
North had fallen from power and at the head of the new ministry was
Rockingham. Shelburne held the portfolio for the home and colonial
departments and Fox was secretary of state for foreign affairs. This
ministry held together from March until July, 1782, when Rockingham
died. Fox, who had been unable to agree with Shelburne regarding the
handling of American affairs, resigned, and Shelburne became Prime
Minister.
Opening of negotiations with Great Britain.--On July 9, when Adams was
at The Hague and before Jay had arrived, Franklin opened the negotiation
with Oswald, the British agent, by presenting the basis of a treaty by
which Great Britain was asked to acknowledge the independence of the
United States, to settle boundaries and confine Canada within the bounds
which maintained before the passage of the Quebec Act, and to
acknowledge the right of Americans to fish on the Newfoundland banks and
elsewhere.
Jay's suspicions of Vergennes.--The first hitch in the negotiations
occurred when it was found that Oswald was instructed to conclude a
peace or truce with the "colonies or plantations." On August 10 Jay and
Franklin conferred with Vergennes about Oswald's commission. Jay
contended that independence should be acknowledged by Great Britain
before a treaty was negotiated, but Vergennes thought that this was of
little consequence. When the question of conflicting Spanish and
American claims was brought up, Vergennes became reticent, but his
principal secretary, Rayneval, said that he thought the United States
claimed too much. On September 7 Rayneval presented a memorial which
proposed that the lands west of the mountains be divided into three
Indian territories; lands north of the Ohio to be under the protection
of Great Britain; south of the river the territory to be divided so that
Spain would control the southwestern portion and the United States the
northeastern part. On September 9 Jay learned that Rayneval had left
secretly for England. Jay became thoroughly alarmed, for he believed
that if the United States would not yield territory to Spain, Vergennes
was ready to force his views by negotiating with England. Whether or not
Jay was right in his suspicions has been a much argued question. No
matter what the ultimate answer may be, the views of Jay became the
determining factor in the course pursued by the American commissioners.
Without consulting Franklin, Jay prevailed upon Benjamin Vaughan to
visit Shelburne with the object of counteracting Rayneval's supposed
mission and to let Shelburne know that the American commissioners were
not to be bound by French views. A satisfactory commission was
immediately issued to Oswald and negotiations proceeded with
seriousness.
Proposal of October 8, 1782.--In October the American commissioners
submitted proposals to Oswald. This preliminary draught provided that
the independence of the United States be recognized by Great Britain and
that the boundaries were to be as follows: "The said States are bounded
north by a line drawn from the northwest angle of Nova Scotia, along the
highlands which divide those rivers which empty themselves into the
river St. Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean, to
the northernmost head of Connecticut River; thence down along the middle
of that river to the 45th degree of north latitude, and thence due west
in the latitude 45 degrees north from the equator, to the
northwesternmost side of the river St. Lawrence...; thence straight to
the south end of the Lake Nipissing, and thence straight to the source
of the river Mississippi; west by a line to be drawn along the middle of
the river Mississippi, from its source to where the said line shall
intersect the 31st degree of north latitude; south by a line to be drawn
due east from the termination of the line last mentioned, in the
latitude of 31 degrees north of the equator, to the middle of the river
Apalachicola or Catahouchi; thence along the middle thereof to its
junction with the Flint River; thence straight to the head of St. Mary's
River; thence down along the middle of St. Mary's River to the Atlantic
Ocean, and east by a line to be drawn along the middle of St. John's
River from its source to its mouth in the bay of Fundy...." The subjects
of Great Britain and the United States were to enjoy the use of the
fisheries, common commercial privileges, and the free navigation of the
Mississippi. No provision was made for compensation to Loyalists, or for
the collection by English merchants of debts in America.
Proposals of November 5.--The preliminary proposal was unsatisfactory to
Shelburne. He accordingly sent Henry Strachey, an under official, to
assist Oswald in making other arrangements. About this time Adams also
arrived from The Hague. The negotiations proceeded without serious
complications and in November a second draught was ready. In several
important particulars it differed from the previous document. The Maine
boundary on the east was to be a line drawn through the middle of the
St. Croix River to its source, and thence directly north to the
highlands which divide the rivers of the Atlantic from those which empty
into the St. Lawrence; the line was to follow those highlands to the
northwesternmost head of the Connecticut River, thence down that river
to the forty-fifth parallel, and then straight west until it struck the
Mississippi. British creditors were to "meet with no lawful impediment
to recovering the full value or sterling amount of such _bona fide_
debts as were contracted before the year 1775," but compensation to
Loyalists was studiously omitted. A secret article was added to the
effect, that if at the end of the war Great Britain should be, or should
be put, in possession of West Florida, the boundary separating that
province from the United States should be "a line drawn from the mouth
of the river Yazoo,... due east to the river Apalachicola, and thence
along the middle of that river to its junction with the Flint River,
etc."
British proposal of November 25.--The failure to provide for the
Loyalists caused the English government to submit other propositions
which differed in two important particulars from the previous proposals.
The northern boundary was changed west of the point where the
Connecticut River crossed the forty-fifth parallel. From that point it
was to follow the present international boundary to the Lake of the
Woods, and from the northwestern point of that lake was to run due west
to the Mississippi. The southern boundary was to leave the Mississippi
at "the northernmost part of the 31st degree of north latitude," then
"to be drawn due east ... in the latitude of 31 degrees north of the
equator to the middle of the river Apalachicola," and from there it was
to follow the line of the proposal of October 8. Articles were also
inserted which provided that restitution should be made of all estates,
rights, and properties in America which had been confiscated during the
war, that no one was to suffer in life or person, or be deprived of
property on account of the part which he had taken in the war, that
imprisoned Loyalists were to be set at liberty and pending prosecutions
dropped. The right of Americans in the use of the fisheries were
somewhat abridged.
Provisional articles of November 30.--The British proposals were
satisfactory to the American commissioners except those regarding the
Loyalists and the fisheries. After considerable discussion an agreement
was reached and provisional articles were signed. The people of the
United States were given unrestricted fishing privileges "on the Grand
Bank and on all the other banks of Newfoundland," in the Gulf of St.
Lawrence, and elsewhere, and the right of curing fish along the
unsettled bays, harbors, and creeks of Nova Scotia, and on the shores of
the Magdalen Islands and Labrador. The idea of indemnity for Loyalists
was not incorporated, the articles merely pledging that Congress would
make recommendations to the state legislatures that there should be no
more confiscations or prosecutions, and that claimants of confiscated
lands be allowed to use legal means of recovering them and might go at
liberty for one year without personal risk. The articles also provided
that the treaty should not be concluded until terms of peace had been
agreed upon between France and Great Britain. The action of the American
commissioners in arriving at an agreement without consulting the French
ministers was not pleasing to Vergennes, but Franklin adroitly pacified
him. It is probable that Vergennes did not have a deep feeling of
resentment, for he soon obtained a loan of six million livres for the
United States.
Preliminary agreements between England, France, and Spain.--Preliminary
articles between England, France, and Spain were drawn in January, 1783.
Spain failed to obtain Gibraltar, but received Minorca and the Floridas.
France received no territory on the mainland of North America. French
fishermen were granted important rights in the Newfoundland fisheries,
and Great Britain gave to France Dunkirk, St. Lucia and Tobago, Senegal,
and Goree, and certain recent conquests, and guarantees of commercial
privileges in India. France restored to Great Britain Grenada, the
Grenadines, St. Vincent, Dominica, St. Christopher, Nevis, and
Montserrat, and territory on the Gambia River.
Final agreements.--On September 3, 1783, all the definitive treaties
were signed, the treaty between the United States and Great Britain
being the same as the provisional articles of November 30. In the treaty
the boundaries of the United States were apparently defined with
exactness, but the statement of the Maine and northwestern boundaries
proved to be ambiguous and became the subject of future disputes with
Great Britain; the southern boundary agreement led to future
difficulties with Spain, as did the question of the navigation of the
Mississippi. The treaty was, however, a great triumph for American
diplomacy. The United States had emerged from the contest as an
independent power, with a vast domain stretching from the Mississippi to
the Atlantic, and from the Great Lakes to the Floridas.
The dispersion of the Loyalists.--During the war many Loyalists had fled
to England, to Canada, to the West Indies, or to Florida. A still larger
number had taken refuge behind the British lines, or had joined the
British Army. After the treaty, as persecutions continued, the British
government arranged for the transportation of all who wished to leave
the United States, offered them homes in the other British colonies,
granted half pay to the officers after their regiments were reduced, and
appointed a commission to provide compensation for losses. Many
thousands of Loyalists left the country. Of these the more influential
went to England. About two hundred families went to the West Indies. The
larger number migrated to Canada, where, as "United Empire Loyalists,"
they laid the foundation of British Canada.
READINGS
THE WAR IN THE SOUTH AND THE YORKTOWN CAMPAIGN
Fisher, S.G., _The Struggle for American Independence_, II, 228-535;
Greene, F.V., _The Revolutionary War_, 180-281; Lecky, W.E.H., _History
of England in the Eighteenth Century_, IV, 130-165, 199-220; McCrady,
Edward, _History of South Carolina in the Revolution_, 1780-1783;
Trevelyan, G.O., _George the Third and Charles Fox_, II, 94-172.
THE TREATY OF PEACE
Channing, Edward, _History of the United States_, LII, 346-373; Corwin,
E.S., _French Policy and the American Alliance_, 217-377; Fiske, John,
_The Critical Period_, 1-49; Lecky, W.E.H., _History of England in the
Eighteenth Century_, IV, 255-322; McLaughlin. A.C., _The Confederation
and the Constitution_, 3-34; Wharton, Francis, _The Revolutionary
Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States_, V-VI; Winsor, Justin,
_The Westward Movement_, 203-224.
CHAPTER XXVIII
GOVERNMENTAL DEVELOPMENT DURING THE REVOLUTION
The Association a step toward sovereignty.--The First Continental
Congress was called to deliberate and determine upon measures to recover
rights and liberties of which the colonies had been deprived and to
restore harmony with Great Britain. Although the Congress was
consultative in nature, it completed the revolutionary organization and
made unity of action possible. The adoption of the Association was a
fundamental step toward sovereignty. It could only be interpreted to
mean that the colonies intended to enforce their will upon the mother
country. Furthermore, Congress provided means to enforce the Association
within colonies. While the petitions and addresses which were sent forth
were couched in respectful terms, the tone of the declaration and
resolves was distinctly revolutionary, and when considered in connection
with the Association, it becomes evident that the iron hand of a
sovereign power was even then visible through the mists of revolution.
THE SECOND CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
Nature of Congress.--The Second Continental Congress which convened at
Philadelphia on May 10, 1775, was a purely revolutionary body, a
"creature of emergency." In its inception it was in no sense a sovereign
body, but was rather a great central committee, representing the
revolutionary elements in the various colonies, which assumed the
supreme directing power until 1781. The colonies had displayed no
regularity in the method of selecting the delegates. The two New
Hampshire delegates were chosen by a convention of deputies who had been
appointed by various towns. The five delegates of Massachusetts were
chosen by the provincial congress. The Rhode Island assembly chose two
delegates, and the Connecticut house of representatives five. In New
York twelve delegates were selected by a provincial convention. The
five delegates from New Jersey were chosen by the assembly, as were the
nine from Pennsylvania and the three from Delaware. In Maryland a
meeting of deputies chose seven delegates, three or more of whom might
represent the colony. In Virginia a convention of delegates selected
seven. In North Carolina a convention chose three delegates who were
approved by the assembly, and in South Carolina the assembly appointed
five. Georgia at first was represented by a delegate from a single
parish.
Original powers of the delegates.--The delegates were not empowered to
perform sovereign acts, but were considered as a central revolutionary
committee, which was to take such measures as would be best calculated
to recover and establish American rights and liberties, restore harmony
between Great Britain and her colonies, and advance the best interests
of the colonies. As the revolutionary movement spread and acts of
violence occurred, necessity forced Congress to perform many acts which
were not contemplated in the original instructions of the delegates; but
from first to last it was lacking in sovereign powers and was always the
creature of the states.
Causes of the weakness of Congress.--The fundamental cause of the
weakness of Congress was its lack of legal powers. When executive acts
were necessary, the delegates were never certain that their joint action
would be upheld by the states. Congress had no power to enforce its
will, or to coerce an unruly state. Another source of weakness was the
constantly changing personnel of Congress, the numbers varying from
twenty-four to a hundred. Many of the strongest members were sent on
foreign missions, leaving important work to be done by men who had had
little experience in public affairs. Sectional jealousy frequently
interfered with concerted action; the small states feared the larger
ones; states holding no western lands were suspicious of those with such
possessions; and theological differences made it difficult for New
Englanders to work with delegates from the middle and southern states.
In 1777 when Vermont was asking to be admitted as a state, New England
and New York found their interests to be conflicting, as both claimed
jurisdiction over the Green Mountain country. Some of the members
stooped to petty acts for self-aggrandizement, breeding suspicion in
the minds of many. Congress was housed at Philadelphia in the state
house, which was poorly arranged for a body whose business was mainly
conducted by committees. Military necessity twice forced Congress to
hasten from the city, the first time in December, 1776, when it fled to
Baltimore, the second time after the battle of the Brandywine, when it
became an exile, first at Lancaster and later at York.
Nature of the business of Congress.--Dr. Albion W. Small has classified
the business of Congress under the following heads: (1) To dispose of
sundry applications in behalf of individuals; (2) to consider requests
for advice and aid to individual colonies; (3) to act as the mouthpiece
of the patriotic party; (4) to serve as an organ of communication
between the collective colonies and other communities or individuals;
(5) to devise peace plans and measures for the general good; (6) to
devise offensive and defensive measures to be urged upon the individual
colonies; (7) to raise, organize, and regulate a continental army, and
assume general direction of military affairs.
Organization of Congress and conduct of business.--When Peyton Randolph
found it necessary to leave Congress, the delegates chose John Hancock
president and Charles Thomson secretary, the latter serving until 1781.
Most of the work was carried on by committees. When a vote was taken in
Congress, the members did not cast their ballots as individuals, but
each state delegation cast a solid affirmative or negative vote. Usually
committees met in the morning from 7 to 10, Congress from 10 A.M. to 4
or 5 P.M., and committees from 6 to 10 P.M. The president's duties were
manifold, for in addition to acting as presiding officer, he carried on
correspondence with the commander-in-chief, with state governors, and
with, local committees.
Early acts of Congress.--In spite of the conservatives who at first were
in the majority and who desired to hold in check the revolutionary
forces, circumstances forced Congress to exercise executive authority
long before the Declaration of Independence. In June, 1775, Congress
ordered the raising and organizing of an army, authorized a loan for the
purchase of gunpowder, and issued $2,000,000 in bills of credit. In
September provision was made for the fitting out of a navy, and steps
were taken to open relations with foreign powers, to supervise the
frontiers, and to establish a post-office. In the chaos which resulted
from the overthrow of the chartered governments, several of the state
revolutionary bodies appealed to Congress for advice. In answer to the
Massachusetts appeal, Congress advised that, as no obedience was due to
parliament and as the crown officials were absent, the provincial
congress was to summon the representatives to an assembly which was to
choose a council, and together the two bodies were to govern until
difficulties were adjusted with the crown. Similar advice was given to
New Hampshire, South Carolina, and Virginia. The various colonies were
also advised to erect prize courts. In March, 1776, it advised the
colonies to disarm the Loyalists, and soon afterward authorized the
fitting out of privateers and opened the ports to all countries not
subject to Great Britain. In May it urged all colonies which had not yet
formed state governments to do so and declared that British authority
should be suppressed. On July 4, 1776, it adopted the Declaration of
Independence.
Judicial functions.--With the increase of privateering, prize courts
became necessary, and in November, 1775, Congress advised the colonies
to erect courts in which cases of capture might be tried by jury and
appeals made to Congress. During 1776 the custom was followed of
appointing a congressional committee to hear each appeal, but in
January, 1777, a standing committee of five was appointed to hear all
appeals. The increasing business and the need of legally trained men
made it apparent that the committee system could not long handle the
prize cases, and in January, 1780, a permanent court of appeals was
established, which may be looked upon as a forerunner of the supreme
court.
Military affairs.--When hostilities began, Congress acted on the theory
that the colonies were loyal to the king, but were opposing Gage's
ministerial army. Events soon forced it to take measures of defence,
committees being appointed in May, 1775, to consider how military stores
might be procured. On June 15 Washington was chosen commander-in-chief
and on the following day a committee was appointed to draw up his
commission and instructions. Congress also selected four major-generals,
eight brigadier-generals, a quartermaster-general and
commissary-general. Later a clothier-general was appointed.
At first military affairs were handled by congressional committees, but
in January, 1776, a committee was appointed to consider the
establishment of a war office. Five months later Congress adopted the
committee's plan which provided for a Board of War and Ordnance to
consist of five members of Congress and a secretary. In 1777 this
congressional board was done away with and a new board, consisting of
persons who were not members of Congress, was created, Gates being
placed at its head. Congress also appointed an inspector-general, Thomas
Conway being the first incumbent, being followed by Steuben. The system
of supplying the army was found to be deficient and to rectify matters
the commissary department was reorganized in 1777 and again in 1778.
Congress continued to keep in touch with the army by sending special
committees to examine actual conditions.
Naval affairs.--To handle maritime affairs a naval committee was
appointed whose "active life lasted from October, 1775, until January,
1776, during which time it laid the foundation of the navy." On December
14, 1775, a marine committee, composed of one member from each colony,
was chosen to take charge of the building and fitting out of vessels,
and this committee soon assumed direction of naval affairs. Agents to
superintend the work of construction were employed, and on the
recommendation of the committee, Congress appointed prize agents. In
November, 1776, a board of three naval experts was created to execute
business under the direction of the maritime committee and a similar
board was appointed in April, 1777, to handle affairs in New England
alone. The marine committee continued until October, 1779. By that time
it became evident that a more efficient system was needed and Congress
appointed a Board of Admiralty consisting of three commissioners and two
members of Congress. The board remained in charge of naval affairs until
the governmental reorganization of 1781.
Foreign affairs.--To direct diplomacy was one of the difficult functions
of a Congress whose members were but little versed in the intricacies of
foreign courts. In the fall of 1775 a "secret committee on foreign
correspondence" was chosen. In March, 1776, Silas Deane was sent to
France, and in September of the same year a commission to handle
American interests in Europe, composed of Franklin, Jefferson, and
Deane, was appointed. Jefferson, however, remained in America and Arthur
Lee was substituted. To obtain financial aid had been the chief object
up to the Declaration of Independence, but after that Congress and its
agents directed their energies not only to the securing of funds, but to
obtain recognition by France and Spain, and to make military and
commercial alliances. In 1777 the secret committee was changed to the
"committee on foreign affairs," an organization which conducted the
foreign policy up to 1781.
FINANCIAL AFFAIRS
Fiscal machinery.--The most difficult problem which Congress had to
solve was the raising of sufficient funds to carry on the Revolution. To
handle the public moneys and devise means for raising revenue, fiscal
machinery gradually came into existence. In 1775 two treasurers were
appointed to receive and disburse public funds. Soon a committee of
claims of thirteen members was appointed, and in February, 1776, a
standing committee of five known as the Treasury Board, which supervised
financial officials and attended to the emission of instruments of
credit. This board, under which was an auditor-general at the head of
the office of accounts, was the germ of the later treasury. In 1778 the
book-keeping system was remodeled and a comptroller, auditor, treasurer,
and two chambers of accounts were provided. In 1779 the old treasury
board was set aside and in its place a commission of five was appointed,
of which three were not congressional delegates.
Bills of credit.--Congress had three principal means of raising money:
by issuance of bills of credit, by requisitions upon the states, and by
domestic and foreign loans. In addition there was a considerable income
from prizes and captures. The need of raising money drove Congress to
the doubtful expedient of issuing large quantities of paper money
unbacked by bullion or specie but based upon the credit of the states.
Between June, 1775, and November, 1779, Congress authorized the issuance
of $241,552,780 in denominations varying from one-sixth of a dollar to
sixty-five dollars. In addition the states issued over $200,000,000 in
paper money. Such large amounts of unbacked paper could lead to but one
result, a steadily increasing depreciation. At first the people took the
continental money with little protest, but as issue followed issue in
rapid succession, depreciation set in, and by January, 1779, the ratio
of currency to specie was eight to one, by June twenty to one, and by
the end of that year forty to one. In May, 1781, it ceased to pass as
currency. Financiers have found it difficult to estimate the specie
value of the various issues, but a careful economist has calculated that
it was worth between $37,000,000 and $41,000,000.
Requisitions upon the states.--As military demands became more and more
insistent, Congress found it necessary to make requisitions upon the
states. The demands were met in a niggardly manner; between November,
1777, and February, 1781, the moneys received, figured in specie value,
amounted to only $2,737,000. In 1780 Congress was driven to demanding
specific supplies, such as corn, meat, and hay.
Domestic loans.--With the exception of a small loan for the purchase of
gunpowder, Congress did not authorize a domestic loan until October,
1776, when it voted to borrow $5,000,000 at four per cent, and to
establish state loan offices. Subsequent loans were at six per cent.
After money from foreign loans began to come in in September, 1777,
interest on the domestic debt was paid, enabling Congress to borrow more
freely than before. From October, 1776, to September, 1777, only
$3,787,000 was obtained from the states, and during the rest of the war
$63,289,000 in paper was subscribed.
Foreign loans.--Most of the foreign financial aid came from France. In
the years before France formally recognized the independence of the
American states, large sums were loaned to Congress. In May, 1776,
Vergennes secured a loan of a million livres from the French treasury
and also obtained a small loan from Spain. Through the fictitious
company of "Hortalez et Cie" in Paris organized by Beaumarchais, and the
Spanish firm of Josef Gardoqui and Sons, large quantities of clothing,
military stores, and considerable sums of money were placed at the
disposal of the revolutionary agents. During 1777-1780 Congress borrowed
from France $1,633,500.
STATE GOVERNMENTS DURING THE REVOLUTION
Organization of state governments.--As resistance to British authority
intensified during 1775, the colonies took steps to organize for
resistance. The colonial governors were forced to leave and the
committees of safety assumed temporary executive functions. In most of
the colonies revolutionary conventions were called which took over the
legislative power until it became apparent that the difficulties with
Great Britain could not be settled. As it grew more and more evident
that the war was to be fought for independence, the conventions took
steps to organize state governments. Several of them asked advice
concerning such action from the Continental Congress, and that body
finally advised all the colonies to proceed on the assumption that they
no longer owed allegiance to the crown. The constitutional convention
introduced a new principle in the theory of the state. Up to this time
governmental authority had rested in England. Henceforth the powers of
sovereignty were to emanate from the will of the people, the
constitutional convention being the embodiment of the sovereign will.
Type of state governments.--In the formation of governments the states
were guided by experience in colonial statecraft. The new constitutions
disclosed the influence of the struggle with Great Britain, the framers
seeking to protect the commonwealths from the possibility of
encroachment of the executive at the expense of the legislative
departments. The influence of the political philosophy which insisted
that the separation of the departments of government was the safeguard
of popular rights was also apparent in the new constitutions. Although
they displayed a marked divergence on minor points, in general a common
type of government prevailed. In most of the states the legislative
department was in two parts, a lower and an upper house; the lower,
usually elected for a year, represented the people at large, and the
upper, serving for longer periods, represented the wealthier classes. In
all but one state a property qualification was required for voters and
representatives, and in most cases the property qualification was higher
for members of the upper chamber. There was no uniformity in
designation, the lower chamber being variously called the house of
representatives, house of commons, or assembly; the upper house was
usually called the legislative council, but in Virginia it was known as
the senate, a designation afterward commonly adopted. The executive was
usually weak, being vested either in a governor with limited power or in
a small group. So well adapted to the needs of a state were the colonial
charters of Connecticut and Rhode Island, that they continued to use
their charters as constitutions for many years, merely substituting the
authority of the people for that of the king.
Variations from type.--Several of the state constitutions contained
unusual features. In Pennsylvania the radical convention in 1776 framed
a constitution which provided for a legislature of one chamber and an
executive council which could not veto an act of the assembly. Every
seven years a council of censors was to be chosen by the voters to see
that the constitution had not been violated. By a two-thirds vote the
censors could summon a convention to amend the constitution. Georgia
also set up a unicameral legislature. The Virginia constitution of 1776
contained a declaration of independence. It also provided that all bills
must originate in the lower house and that money bills could not be
amended by the senate. A privy council of eight members was chosen by a
joint ballot of both houses. This body and the two houses selected the
governor. The South Carolina constitution of 1778 provided for the
election of the upper house by the people and the governor was deprived
of the veto power. By the New York constitution of 1778, the governor
was elected by the people, but he had neither appointive nor veto power,
those functions being exercised respectively by a council of
appointments chosen from the senate by the assembly, and by a council of
revision composed of the governor, chancellor, and two or more judges of
the supreme court. Objections raised by the council of revision could be
defeated by a two-thirds vote of both houses. The first constitution of
Massachusetts provided for a legislature of two houses, the upper
chamber acting as a multiple executive. In 1780 a new constitution was
accepted by the people. This provided that the governor be given
military powers and the appointment of judges. He was to be advised by a
council of nine elected from the senate by both houses.
Selection of the judiciary.--Divergences appeared in the methods of
selecting judges. In Connecticut and Rhode Island they were appointed
annually by the assemblies. In Georgia the chief justice was appointed
by the assembly, but the people elected the county judges annually; in
New Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania the assemblies chose the judges
for seven years; in Massachusetts, New York, and Maryland the governor
and council appointed the judges who held office during good behavior;
in other states the legislatures appointed them for varying terms.
The courts.--The states established superior tribunals which were
authorized to review and correct decisions of inferior courts. In
Georgia the county courts, when presided over by the chief-justice,
acted as a final court of appeal. In New Jersey the governor and council
constituted the highest appellate tribunal. In Virginia the constitution
provided for a court of appeals which passed upon the constitutionality
of laws and heard appeals. In Maryland and South Carolina the appellate
courts were composed of the presiding officers of the district courts.
In the other colonies the supreme court fulfilled the same function. The
colonial system of county courts to try the smaller civil cases, and
courts of session, composed of justices of the peace, for trial of petty
criminal cases were retained.
English law the basis of American jurisprudence.--The English common-law
forms of writs and legal process were continued with all their
technicalities, a usage which has been one of the stumbling blocks in
the attempts to simplify legal methods in the United States. "Either by
the constitutions or by legislative enactments, English common law, and
all those English statutes hitherto recognized and acted upon in the
colonies respectively, were made the basis of state jurisprudence. The
force of law was also continued to all existing colonial statutes until
repealed or altered, except in South Carolina, where a particular
enumeration and reenactment was made of the colonial statutes intended
to be recognized."
The revolutionary state of Vermont.--In the Green Mountain region a new
state was in the making. There New York claimed jurisdiction but her
authority had never been established and in April, 1775, the inhabitants
of the mountain country held a convention, eventually drew up a
constitution, and asked Congress to recognize Vermont as a state. New
York succeeded in defeating the movement in Congress, but the
Vermonters, nothing daunted, proceeded to organize their government. The
new revolutionary state soon became embroiled in disputes with New
Hampshire and Massachusetts. These and the continued opposition of New
York caused Congress to delay recognition, and Vermont was not formally
admitted to the union until 1791, but to all intents and purposes it was
a sovereign state from 1775.
Attempts at Western State-Making.--In the course of the Revolution,
likewise, the settlements beyond the Alleghanies were trying experiments
in state-making. The Watauga Association in eastern Tennessee, the
Transylvania government in Kentucky, and the Nashborough, Association
are all examples. These western communities reverted to the compact
theory of government, and their experiences illustrate the democratic
tendencies of the frontier. As yet, however, the communities were too
weak to succeed in the midst of conflicting elements and each reverted
for a time to the subordinate position of a county of the older state.
THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION
The confederation movement.--When danger from without threatened, a
union of the colonies as a device of safety had often been suggested,
but separatist tendencies had always proved too strong for the
federationists. Franklin had been a friend of the idea of union, in 1754
having penned the Albany plan. In July, 1775, when it became apparent
that the colonies were facing a great war, he proposed a league of
friendship whose affairs should be conducted by a general congress in
which each colony should have representation according to its
population. Franklin's plan was not adopted, but it focused attention
upon the growing need of a confederation. The Continental Congress was a
revolutionary body which had no power save the sufferance of states
which were themselves revolutionary. Whether or not those states were to
retain sovereign powers depended entirely on the outcome of the
struggle. To insure a successful issue, it was believed that a more
perfect organ than the Continental Congress should be devised to conduct
the Revolution.
Work of the confederation committee.--When Lee's independence resolution
was introduced in the Continental Congress on June 7, 1776, it was
accompanied by a motion to appoint a committee to draw up articles of
confederation. On June 12 a committee composed of one delegate from each
colony was chosen, among the members being John Dickinson, Samuel Adams,
Roger Sherman, and Edward Rutledge. On July 12 the committee reported a
plan of confederation, drawn mainly by Dickinson, which provided that
each state should have a single vote in a central congress, and that an
affirmative vote of nine states should be necessary to pass any measure.
Adoption of the articles.--Stress of business, military events which
forced the hasty departure of Congress from Philadelphia on several
occasions, and divergence of views prevented speedy action. On two ideas
only was there agreement. The delegates were convinced that the English
imperial system was wrong in its theory of taxation; whatever the form
of the central government might be, it must not take from the states the
power of taxation. They were also agreed that the executive power of the
central government must be weak. The debates turned upon three main
questions, taxation, representation, and congressional power to settle
boundary disputes. Dickinson's plan proposed that taxation should be
apportioned among the states according to population; this aroused the
opposition of the Southerners, who objected to the slaves being counted
as population. Franklin objected to Dickinson's proposal of one vote per
state on the ground that it was an inequitable arrangement. In reply it
was argued that the confederation was a league of friendship to be
formed for a specific purpose and in consequence each state ought to
have equal power. In regard to congressional power to settle boundary
disputes, a difference arose between those states which possessed
western lands and those which did not. Not until November, 1777, did
Congress give the articles a favorable vote and on June 26, 1778, a form
of ratification was adopted. Delegates from the New England states, New
York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and South Carolina signed the articles on
July 9, North Carolina on July 21, Georgia on July 24, and New Jersey on
November 26, 1778; Delaware on May 5, 1779, and Maryland not until March
1, 1781. In consequence of the tardy action of Maryland, the
Continental Congress continued to conduct the war almost to its
conclusion.
The more important provisions of the articles.--The preamble stated that
the delegates had agreed "to certain articles of Confederation and
perpetual union." Article I named the confederacy "The United States of
America." Article II said, "Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom
and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is not
by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in
Congress assembled." Article III stated the purpose of the entrance of
the states into a league of friendship as follows: "for their common
defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general
welfare." Article IV declared that the free inhabitants of each state
should be "entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in
the several States" and provided for the extradition of criminals. It
also stated that, "Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these
States to the records, acts and judicial proceedings of the courts and
magistrates of every other State."
Article V provided that delegates should "be annually appointed in such
manner as the legislature of each State shall direct," and that Congress
should convene annually on the first Monday in November. No state was to
be represented in Congress by less than two nor more than seven members,
and in determining questions, each state should have one vote.
Article VI dealt mainly with prohibitions upon the states. Without the
consent of Congress, no state was to enter into treaties, confederation,
or alliance with foreign courts, nor was any state to lay imposts or
duties which might interfere with any stipulations in treaties entered
into between the United States and foreign powers. Such naval and
military forces were to be maintained by the states in time of peace as
Congress might deem necessary, and no state was to engage in war without
the consent of Congress unless actually invaded or in danger of Indian
attack.
Article VIII provided that expenses incurred for common defence or for
the general welfare, when allowed by Congress, should be defrayed out of
a common treasury, to "be supplied by the several states, in proportion
to the value of all land within each state, granted to or surveyed for
any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon
shall be estimated according to such mode as the United States in
Congress assembled, shall from time to time direct and appoint."
Article IX dealt with the congressional powers. Congress was given the
exclusive power (1) of determining peace or war except in the cases
mentioned in Article VI, (2) of sending and receiving ambassadors, (3)
of entering into treaties and alliances, provided such agreements did
not interfere with the rights of the states to lay such imposts and
duties on foreign goods as they were subjected to by foreigners, or
prohibit exportation or importation, (4) of establishing rules for
deciding prize cases, (5) of granting letters of marque and reprisal in
time of peace, (6) of establishing admiralty courts, and (7) of settling
disputes between two or more states, an elaborate procedure in such
cases being prescribed.
Congress was also given the exclusive power (8) of regulating the alloy
and value of coin struck by its authority or by that of a state, (9) of
fixing the standard of weights and measures, (10) of regulating affairs
with Indians not members of states provided state rights were not
infringed, (11) of establishing and regulating post offices and postage,
(12) of appointing military officers except regimental officers, (13) of
appointing naval officers, and (14) of making rules and regulations for
the army and navy.
Other powers of Congress were (15) "to appoint a committee, to sit in
the recess of Congress, to be denominated 'a Committee of the States,'
and to consist of one delegate from each State; and to appoint such
other committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the
general affairs of the United States under direction..., (16) to
ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of
the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying
the public expenses, (17) to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of
the United States, (18) to build and equip a navy, and (19) "to agree
upon the number of land forces, and to make requisition from each state
for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in each
state." With the exception of a vote upon adjournment, all measures
required the assent of nine states. No period of adjournment was to be
longer than six months.
Article X provided that the committee of the states should be authorized
to execute the delegated powers of Congress during recesses. Article XII
stated that bills of credit, loans, and debts should be considered as a
charge against the United States and for whose payment the United States
and the public faith were pledged. Article XIII provided that every
state should abide by the acts of Congress, that the union should be
perpetual, and that no alteration should be made in the articles by
Congress unless afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every state.
Fundamental weaknesses of the articles.--Admirable as this document was
in many respects, it contained weaknesses which were certain to make the
union temporary rather than perpetual. It failed to give the central
government sufficient power. The articles were distinctly the instrument
of a confederation of sovereign states, and not the constitution of a
federal state. Congress was not given the power to raise money or to
regulate commerce. It could not compel the states to pay the national
debts, to live up to treaties, or to raise armies. The articles provided
for no distinct executive department, but this was remedied in part by
congressional acts. With the exception of the fourth, fifth, and seventh
provisions of Article IX, judicial matters were left to the states. The
required vote of nine state to pass measures necessarily hindered the
passage of needed regulations. The requirement that every state
legislature must give its consent before an amendment could be passed
made it well-nigh impossible to change the instrument.
GOVERNMENTAL REORGANIZATION
Organization of executive departments.--The failure of the congressional
committee system to perform executive functions had grown more apparent
as the war progressed, and in the closing days of the Second Continental
Congress measures were taken to concentrate the executive departmental
work under individual heads. During January and February, 1781, the
Continental Congress created four new offices: superintendent of
finance, secretary at war, secretary of marine, and secretary of foreign
affairs, a foreshadowing of the later cabinet. The policy thus
inaugurated was continued under the new Congress which held its first
sitting on March 2, 1781.
The work of Robert Morris.--The failure of the bills of credit, the
insufficiency of state support, and the weakness of foreign credit had
made it evident that the financial system must be reorganized;
accordingly the treasury commission was abolished and finances were
placed in the hands of Robert Morris, a successful merchant of
Philadelphia who had rendered valuable assistance as a member of the
Pennsylvania assembly and of Congress. Morris realized that retrenchment
and economy must be his watchwords. In the words of Dewey, he endeavored
"to collect the requisitions from the States, to create a national
revenue and impost, and place the revenue on a specie basis...." He also
sought to establish foreign credit and to found a United States bank. At
every turn he was handicapped by local prejudice, petty bickerings over
taxation, and the lack of power of the central government.
Foreign loans and requisitions upon states.--The adoption of the
Articles of Confederation immediately strengthened foreign credit, for
during 1781-1783 loans of $4,719,000 were obtained from France, $174,017
from Spain, and $1,304,000 from the bankers of Holland. The loans from
Spain and Holland, however, probably would not have been obtained had it
not been for the entry of those powers into the war. Requisitions upon
states during the same period yielded $3,058,000 in specie value, but
the proposals of Morris to institute a land tax, poll tax, excise, and
tariff came to naught.
The Bank of North America.--In 1780 Congress had tried to establish a
financial institution called the Bank of Pennsylvania, but it had been
of little service. Morris planned a sounder institution to be known as
the Bank of North America with a capitalization of not over $10,000,000.
Only $70,000 was raised by private subscription and the government set
aside $200,000 in specie which had recently arrived from France. From
this bank during 1782-1783 the government borrowed on short term loans
$1,272,842. As Congress repaid the bank before other creditors, a small
working balance was maintained on which the government could draw for
immediate needs.
War and navy departments.--Owing to factional quarrels, it was not until
January, 1782, that General Benjamin Lincoln was made secretary at war.
No one was appointed for the department of marine, and the work was
turned over to the already overburdened superintendent of finance. The
office of agent of marine was created, and this Morris held from
September, 1781, until November, 1784.
Department of foreign affairs.--The first secretary of foreign affairs
was Robert R. Livingston of New York, a former member of the committee
which formulated the Declaration of Independence and famous later as
minister to France at the time of the Louisiana purchase. He held office
from August, 1781, to June, 1783, being succeeded in 1784 by John Jay.
The department as conducted under Livingston consisted of the secretary,
two assistant secretaries, and a clerk.
Conclusion.--Thus during the stress of war national and state
governments had come into existence. Necessity had forced the people to
act and though the leaders at times groped blindly and took many a false
step, the political capacity of the American people had asserted itself
and triumphed. They profited by their experiences and showed themselves
ready to cast aside useless institutions and try new ones which gave
fair promise of success. A government of the people, for the people, and
by the people had come into existence which challenged the doctrine that
the sovereign ruled by right divine.
READINGS
Bolles, A.S., _Financial History of the United States, 1774-1780_;
Bullock, C.J., _Finances of the United States from 1775 to 1789_;
Channing, Edward, _History of the United States_, III, 431-462; Dewey,
D.R., _Financial History of the United States_, 33-56; Foster, J.W., _A
Century of American Diplomacy_, 1-40; Guggenheim, J.C., "The Development
of the Executive Departments, 1775-1789," in J. Franklin Jameson,
_Essays in the Constitutional History of the United States in the
Formative Period, 1775-1789_; Hatch, L.C., _Administration of the
American Revolutionary Army_; Hildreth, Richard, _The History of the
United States of America_, III, 374-410; Learned, H.B., _The President's
Cabinet_, 47-63; McLaughlin, A.C., _The Confederation and the
Constitution_, 35-70; Paullin, C.O., _The Navy of the American
Revolution_, 31-251; Small, A.W., "The Beginnings of American
Nationality," in Johns Hopkins University, _Studies in History and
Political Science_, 8th Series, Parts I and II; Sumner, W.G., _The
Financier and Finances of the American Revolution_; Van Tyne, C.H., _The
American Revolution_, 175-202; Hunt, G., _The Department of State_,
1-37.
INDEX