CHAPTER XV.

ART CHRONICLINGS.

IMITATIVE SKILL—ARCHAIC EUROPEAN ART—CONVENTIONAL ORNAMENTATION

—IMITATIVE DESIGN—ANALOGIES IN RITES AND CUSTOMS—ALTAR

RECORDS—SMELTING THE ORES—WISCONSIN PRAIRIE LANDS—THE RACE OF

THE MOUNDS—MOUND CARVINGS—PORTRAIT-SCULPTURES—AMERICAN

ICONOGRAPHY—DEDUCTIONS—NON-INDIAN TYPE—OTHER EXAMPLES—

ANTIQUE ICONOGRAPHIC ART—PECULIAR IMITATIVE SKILL—ANIMALS

REPRESENTED—EXTENSIVE GEOGRAPHICAL RELATIONS—KNOWLEDGE OF

TROPICAL FAUNA—DEDUCTIONS—THE TOUCAN AND MANATEE—TRACES OF

MIGRATION—ASSUMED INDICATIONS—ANALOGOUS SCULPTURES—PERUVIAN

IMITATIVE SKILL—CARVED STONE MORTARS—NICOTIAN RELIGIOUS RITES

—INDIAN LEGENDS—THE RED PIPE-STONE QUARRY—THE LEAPING ROCK—

MANDAN TRADITIONS—SIOUX LEGEND OF THE PEACE PIPE—THE SACKED

COCA PLANT—KNISTENEAUX LEGEND OF THE DELUGE—INDICATIONS OF

FORMER MIGRATIONS—FAVOURITE MATERIAL—PWAHGUNEKA—CHIMPSEYAN

CUSTOMS—CHIMPSEYAN ART—BABEEN CARVING—THE MEDICINE PIPE-STEM

—INDIAN EXPIATORY SACRIFICES—NICOTIAN RITES OF DIVINATION.

In studying the elaborate sculptures of Central American architecture,

one of the first of its peculiar characteristics to strike the eye is

the predominance of representations of natural objects, alike in its

decorative details and in the symbolism of its hieroglyphic tablets. The

human form, the head, the heart, the skull, the hand and foot, along

with familiar objects of animate and inanimate nature, supplied the

readiest architectural devices, and the most suggestive signs for

attributes and ideas. In the imitation involved in such a style of art,

resemblances may be traced to the productions of many partially

civilised nations both of ancient and modern times. But in reviewing the

primitive art of the New World, whether pertaining to extinct nations,

like the Mound-Builders of Ohio and the architects of Yucatan, or to

Indian tribes still occupying their old hunting grounds, the critical

observer can scarcely overlook many peculiar manifestations of imitative

skill. Though by no means to be regarded as an exclusive distinction of

the American races, this is a characteristic in which they present a

striking contrast to the primitive races of Europe. Many of the

implements and personal ornaments of the ante-Christian era of European

art, designated the “Bronze Period,” are exceedingly graceful in form,

and some of them highly ornamented, but there is rarely a trace of

imitative design. So also, though the peculiar form of one primitive

class of gold ornaments, found in the British Isles, has suggested a

name derived from the calyx of a flower, which the cups of its rings

seem in some degree to resemble, it is a mere fanciful analogy; for no

example bears the slightest trace of ornament calculated to suggest that

such similarity was present to the mind of the ancient goldsmith. Where

incised or graven ornaments are wrought upon the flower-like forms, they

are the same chevron, or herring-bone and saltire patterns, which occur

on the rudest clay pottery, alike of northern Europe and of America:

though executed on the finer gold work with considerable delicacy and

taste.

The correspondence between the forms and ornamentation of the rudest

classes of pottery of the Old and New World, appears, at first sight,

remarkable; but it originates in the inartistic simplicity inseparable

from all infantile art. The ornamentation is only an improvement on the

accidents of manufacture. The first decorations of the aboriginal

potters of Europe and America appear to have been an undesigned result

of the twisted cords passed round the clay to retain its form before it

was hardened in the fire. More complicated patterns were produced by

plaited or knitted cords, or imitated in ruder fashion with the point of

a bone-lance or bodkin. But it is only among the allophylian arts of

Europe that such arbitrary patterns are perpetuated with improving taste

and skill. The European vase and cinerary urn become more graceful in

contour, and more delicate in material and construction, when they

accompany the beautiful weapons and personal ornaments wrought in

bronze. But no attempt is made to imitate leaf or flower, bird, beast,

or any simple natural object; and when in the bronze work of the later

Iron Period, imitative forms at length appear, they are chiefly the

snake and dragon patterns, borrowed seemingly by Celtic and Teutonic

wanderers, with the wild fancies of their mythology, from the eastern

cradle-land of their birth.

This absence of every trace of imitation in the forms and decorations of

the archaic art of northern Europe, is curious and noteworthy: for

remarkable traces, already referred to, pertaining to its palæotechnic

era, prove that it is by no means an invariable characteristic of

primitive art. In the simplest forms of ancient weapons, implements, and

pottery, mere utility was the aim. The rude savage, whether of Europe or

America, had neither leisure nor thought to spare for decorative art.

His æsthetic faculty had not begun to influence his constructive

instincts. Art was the child of necessity, and borrowed its first

adjuncts of adornment from the sources whence it had received its

convenient but arbitrary forms. But the moment we get beyond this

utilitarian stage, the contrast between the products of European and

American art is exceedingly striking; and their value to the ethnologist

and archæologist becomes great, from the insight they give into the

aspects of mental expression, and the intellectual phases of social

life, among unhistoric generations. The useful arts of the British

allophylian progressed until they superinduced the decorative and fine

arts. But the ornamentation was inventive, and not imitative; it was

arbitrary, conventional, and singularly persistent in style. It wrought

itself into all his external expressions of thought; and whatever his

religious worship may have been, we look in vain for proofs of idolatry,

among the innumerable relics which have been recovered from supposed

Druidical fanes, or the older cromlechs and tumuli of the British

Isles.[100] The very opposite characteristics meet the eye the moment we

turn to the primitive arts of the New World. There, indications of

imitative design meet us on every hand. The rude tribes of the

North-west, though living in the simplest condition of savage life, not

only copy the familiar animal and vegetable forms with which they are

surrounded: but represent, with ingenious skill, novel objects of

European art introduced to their notice. Even their plaited and woven

grass and quill-work assume a pictorial aspect; and the pottery is not

only ornamented with patterns derived from flowers and other natural

objects, but more elaborated examples are occasionally moulded into the

forms of animals. Still more is this the case with the tubes, masks,

personal ornaments, and, above all, the pipe-heads, alike of the

Mound-Builders, and of living races. Nor does it stop with such

miniature productions of art. The same imitative faculty reappears in

the great earthworks of Wisconsin and Ohio: where the artist has wrought

out representations of natural objects on a colossal scale.

The chronicles recorded by such means are invaluable. The walls of

Central American ruins are covered with voiceless hieroglyphics; and the

costly folios of Lord Kingsborough’s _Mexican Antiquities_ have placed

at the command of the scholars of both hemispheres the dubious

ideography of native historians. But the artistic representations

preserved alike in the bas-reliefs and statues of Palenque, or in the

characteristic pipe-sculpture of the Ohio mounds, are as significant and

easy of interpretation as those on the Ramesian tablets of Abbosimbul in

Nubia, which demonstrate the existence, in the era of Rameses, of

Semitic and Ethiopian races, with ethnical diversities as clearly

defined as now.

Among the characteristics of ancient and modern nations discernible in

peculiar rites and customs, or disclosed in their arts, there are some

that indicate widely-diffused hereditary influences, and so furnish a

clew to remote affinities of race. The practice of circumcision, for

example, which prevails both in Asia and Africa, wherever the influence

of Semitic nations can be traced, strikingly illustrates the value of

such indices. Another ancient custom, that of systematic cranial

distortion, was common to nations of both hemispheres, and is proved by

the evidence of ancient sculpture to have been in use at the period of

highest architectural art in Central America. The Indian war-trophy of

the scalp, and its singular counterpart, the peace-pipe, are also

significant usages of the New World; though the former appears to have

been equally common among ancient Asiatic nations. Herodotus refers to

scalping as one of the most characteristic war-customs of the Scythians,

and to their hanging the scalp-trophies to the warrior’s bridle-rein.

Hence the ἀποσκυθίζειν of Euripides, quoted by Rawlinson, when remarking

on the resemblance of such ancient customs to those of the Red Indians.

The correspondence is worthy of note, in connection with others

afterwards referred to, as possibly indicative of something more than a

mere American counterpart to Egyptian and Oriental accumulations of

trophies of the slain—the skulls, the hands, the ears, or even the

foreskins,—repeatedly referred to in the Old Testament Scriptures, and

recorded with minute detail on the paintings of Egypt, and the

sculptures of Nimroud and Khorsabad. But no such analogies throw light

on the singular usage of the peace-pipe. The ethnical relations which it

indicates belong exclusively to the New World, where it seems to

perpetuate a significant symbolism derived from an extinct native

civilisation. As such, it is worthy of study by the American

ethnologist, as the most curious of the many practices connected with

the use of the strange nicotian stimulant. The pipe appears to have been

associated with solemn religious rites and civic ceremonials, both in

ancient and modern times. It bore a prominent part in the worship of the

old Mound-Builders; and still retains its place among the paraphernalia

of the inspired medicine-man or priest, and the most sacred credentials

of the ambassador or war-chief.

The implements designed for the use of tobacco or other narcotic herbs,

occupy a prominent place among the works of art of which the sacrificial

mounds are the principal depositories. In accordance with the almost

universal custom of barbarous and semi-civilised nations, the

Mound-Builders devoted to their dead whatever had been most prized in

life, or was deemed valuable for some talismanic charm. Hence the

Mississippi mounds, and the ancient tombs of Mexico and Peru, disclose

the same kind of evidence of the past as Wilkinson has deduced from the

catacombs of Egypt, or Dennis from the sepulchres of Etruria. But in

addition to this, the remarkable religious rites of the American

Mound-Builders have preserved not only their altars, but the offerings

laid upon them. The perishable garments of the dead have necessarily

disappeared; and of instruments or utensils of wood or other combustible

materials it is vain to expect a trace, where even metal has melted, and

the stone been calcined in the blaze of sacrificial fires; but articles

of copper and stone, of fictile ware, and even of shell, ivory, and

bone, have escaped the destructive flame, and withstood the action of

time. In such enduring characters inscriptions are legibly graven upon

the altars of the Mound-Builders. Let us try to translate their records

into the language of modern thought.

What such relics record in reference to metallurgy has already been

seen. The Mound-Builders were acquainted with several of the metals.

They had both the silver and lead of Iowa and Wisconsin in use.

Implements and personal ornaments of copper abound on their altars; and

the mechanical combination of silver with the native copper of which

those are made, indicates that they derived their supplies from Lake

Superior, where alone the metals have hitherto been found in the

singular mechanico-chemical combination of crystals of silver in a

copper matrix. Their sacrificial fires have in some cases fused the

metallic offerings on the altars into a mass of molten metal, so that

the Mound-Builders had thus presented to them this all-important lesson

of metallurgy. Mr. F. S. Perkins, of Burlington, Wisconsin, whose

collection of native copper implements numbers upwards of sixty

specimens, has arrived at the conclusion that some of those from the

ancient mounds have been cast in moulds; and Mr. J. W. Foster concurs in

the belief that the Mound-Builders had learned to smelt the ores.[101]

This still requires further proof. At Cincinnati, I saw in the

collection of Mr. Cleneay, a choice specimen of a copper axe, found on

the banks of Hog Creek, a tributary of the Great Miami. It measures

fifteen inches long, and weighs 5 lb. 5½ oz.; but though

well-proportioned, and finished with unusual care, it is entirely the

work of the hammer. Only in one case, of an axe from the Lockport Mound,

have I seen indications which seem to suggest a process of casting. But

specimens of accidentally melted copper repeatedly occur; and Mr. Jas.

B. Skinner, of Cincinnati, showed me a melted mass of pure silver, of 4

lb. weight, found lying on a heap of charcoal, in cutting through the

embankment surrounding a large mound at Marietta. Nothing further was

needed than the practical sagacity by which similar accidents have been

turned to account, to lead the Mound-Builders one step beyond this, to

the use of the crucible and the mould. It would not, therefore, surprise

me to find partial traces of the use of both. Their imitative skill, and

ability in modelling, had already taught them the use of the mould when

working in clay. But they had, at best, a very rudimentary knowledge of

metallurgy; they do not appear to have acquired, by barter or otherwise,

any specimens of the alloyed metals; and only mechanically combined

their copper with silver. Hematite, though prized by them, was used

simply as a stone. They were familiar with silver, and shaped it into

many personal ornaments. The sulphuret of lead was also known to them;

and was turned to account both for use and ornamentation.

Thus far, then, it appears that the Mound-Builders shared in the

metallurgic wealth of the great copper region. We are reminded,

accordingly, that the broad undulating prairie-lands of Wisconsin, with

their remarkable symbolic earthworks, lie directly between the shores of

Lake Superior and the region occupied by the Mound-Builders. The

monuments of the latter abound with examples of their builders’ arts;

and are surrounded with varied proofs of settled occupation, civic and

religious structures, and permanent defensive military works. Throughout

Wisconsin, on the contrary, the symbolic mounds stand alone, and have

hitherto been found, with a few rare exceptions, to contain no relics.

Neither earthworks adapted to religious rites, nor military defences,

attest that that region was occupied by a numerous population, such as

its many natural advantages fitted it to sustain. Hence the conjecture

that the mineral country on the southern shores of the Great Lake was

the recognised source of supply for the whole population north of the

Gulf of Mexico; and that different tribes throughout the vast basin of

the Mississippi and its tributaries were wont to send working parties

thither, as to a region common to all. Such an idea accords with the

further conjecture that the symbolic mounds of Wisconsin may be

memorials of sacred rites, or pledges of neutrality among nations from

the various tributaries of the great river, as they annually met on this

border-land of the common metallic storehouse. It is obvious that the

Mound-Builders were a highly religious people. Their superstitious rites

were of frequent occurrence, and accompanied with costly sacrifices;

while in the numerous symbolic mounds of Wisconsin, labour alone is the

sacrifice, and the external form preserves the one idea at which their

builders aimed.

So far, this theory of a sacred neutral ground and common mineral region

is conjectural. Nevertheless, it involves certain facts to be borne in

view for comparison with others of a diverse kind. In the once densely

peopled regions of Ohio and Illinois, where the works of the

Mound-Builders abound, the river-valleys were occupied by an ingenious

and industrious agricultural population: who, if not aggressive and

war-like, employed their constructive skill on extensive works for

military defence. Whencesoever the danger existed that they had thus to

apprehend and guard against, there is no trace of its localisation

within the region lying immediately to the south of Lake Superior,

through which their path lay to the great copper country. More probably

offensive and defensive warfare was carried on between tribes or states

of the Mound Race settled on different tributaries of the same great

water-system. But the growing civilisation of the nations of the

Mississippi valley was also exposed to the aggression of barbarian

tribes of the North-west; for if the Mound-Builders differed in culture

and race from the progenitors of the modern Red Indian, some of their

arts and customs render it probable that the latter were not unknown to

them.

So far, then, we connect the race of the Mounds with the shores of Lake

Superior, and thus trace out for them a relation to regions of the

North. But the objects wrought by their artistic skill reveal no less

certainly their familiarity with animals of southern and even tropical

latitudes; and the materials employed in their manufactures include mica

of the Alleghanies, the obsidian of Mexico, and jade and porphyry

derived probably from the same region, or from others still farther

south. Such facts warn us against any hastily constructed hypothesis of

migrations for a people to whom the resources of so many dissimilar

regions were partially known. We see in them, however, proofs of an

extensive traffic; and may assume, as at least exceedingly probable, the

existence of widely extended relations among that singular race. It is

not to be inferred from the use of terms specifically applied to modern

trade, that they are intended to suggest the possession of a currency

and exchanges, of banking agencies, or manufacturing corporations. But,

without confounding the traces of a rudimentary civilisation with

characteristics of its mature development, there are proofs sufficient

to justify the inference that the Mound-Builders traded with the copper

of Lake Superior for objects of necessity and luxury brought from

widely-separated regions of the continent. Such exchanges may have been

effected by many intermediate agencies, rather than by any direct

traffic. But the river system of the Mississippi has furnished to the

later forest tribes facilities for interchange under far less favourable

circumstances; and such a systematic trade among an ingenious and

settled people may have materially contributed to the progress of

civilisation in the populous valleys of the Ohio.

Turning next to the carvings in stone recovered from the mounds, they

include objects of singular interest, some of which, at least, fully

merit the designation of works of art. Compared, indeed, with the

sculptures in porphyry and the great Calendar Stone of Mexico; the

elaborate façades and columned terraces of Uxmal, Zayi, and Kabah; and

the colossal statues, basso-relievos and hieroglyphics of Copan and

Palenque: the art of the Mound-Builders, which expended its highest

efforts on the decoration of a tube, or the sculpture of a pipe-bowl,

may appear insignificant enough. But the imagination is apt to be

impressed by mere size, and requires to be reminded of the superior

excellence of a Greek medal or a Roman gem to all the colossal grandeur

of an Egyptian Memnon. The architecture and sculpture of Central America

preserve to us the highest intellectual efforts of the New World, and

are animated by a historical significance which cannot be overestimated.

Nevertheless, examples among the miniature works of art of the Ohio

Valley admit of comparison with them in some essential elements of

artistic skill. Apart, indeed, from the significance of the

hieroglyphics with which the colossal statues of Copan are graven, they

might rank with the monstrous creations of Hindu art; whereas some of

the objects taken from altars of “Mound City” furnish specimens of

imitative design and portrait-sculpture full of character and

individuality.

The simplicity, variety, and minute expression in many of the miniature

mound-sculptures, their delicacy of execution and imitative skill,

render them just objects of interest. But foremost in every trait of

value for the elucidation of the history or characteristics of their

workers, are the human heads, which, when the accuracy of many of the

miniature sculptures of animals is considered, it can scarcely be

doubted, perpetuate faithful representations of the ancient people by

whom they were executed. Equally well-authenticated portraiture of

Umbrian, Pelasgian, or other mythical races of Europe would be

invaluable to the ethnologist. It would solve some of the knottiest

problems of his science, better than all the obscure disquisitions to

which the aboriginal population of Greece and Italy has given rise.

American ethnologists, accordingly, have not failed to turn such

iconographic evidence to even more account than legitimate induction

will sustain, in support of their favourite argument for an indigenous

unity of the whole ancient and modern races of the New World.

By means of such artistic relics we can determine the physical

characteristics of the Mound-Builders, and of contemporary tribes or

nations known to them. We also learn the character of fauna, native and

foreign to the region occupied by them, with which they were familiar. I

have had an opportunity of carefully inspecting the valuable collection

of mound-sculptures in the possession of Dr. E. H. Davis of New

York.[102] In some cases, perhaps, their artistic merits have been

overrated. Nevertheless the minute accuracy with which many of the

objects of natural history have been copied is remarkable; and confirms

the reliance to be placed on the ethnical portraiture perpetuated in

their representations of the human head.

[Illustration: FIG. 77.—Portrait Mound Pipe.]

Of these invaluable examples of ancient American iconography, one (Fig.

77) has attracted special notice, not only as the most beautiful head of

the series, but from its supposed correspondence to the type of the

modern North American Indian. The workmanship of this head is described

by its discoverers as “unsurpassed by any specimen of ancient American

art which has fallen under the notice of the authors, not excepting the

best productions of Mexico and Peru.”[103] In the well-executed

illustration which accompanies these remarks, the Red Indian features

are unmistakably represented; nor has this failed to receive abundant

attention, and to have ascribed to it even more than its due importance.

Mr. Francis Pulszky, the learned Hungarian, thus comments on it in his

_Iconographic Researches on Human Races and their Art_:—“A most

characteristic, we may say artistically beautiful head, the workmanship

of these unknown Mound-Builders, dug up and published by Squier,

exhibits the peculiar Indian features so faithfully, and with such

sculptural perfection, that we cannot withhold our admiration from their

artistic proficiency. It proves three things: 1st, That these

Mound-Builders were American Indian in type; 2d, That time (age

ante-Columbian, but otherwise unknown,) has not changed the type of this

indigenous group of races; and 3d, That the Mound-Builders were probably

acquainted with no other men but themselves.”[104] Such are the sweeping

deductions drawn from premises supplied by a single example of

mound-sculpture: or rather by the depiction of it in Messrs. Squier and

Davis’s volume; for after a careful examination of the original, its

ethnic characteristics appear to me to be mainly due to the pencil of

the draughtsman, who has, no doubt undesignedly, given to his drawing

much more of the typical Indian features than are traceable in the

original. Of this Figs. 77 and 78 are more accurate copies; and from

these it will be seen that the nose, instead of having the salient Roman

arch there represented, is perfectly straight, and is neither very

prominent nor dilated.

[Illustration: FIG. 78.—Portrait Mound Pipe.]

The mouth, though protuberant, is small; the lips are thin; instead of

the characteristic ponderous maxillary region of the true Indian, the

chin and the upper lip are both short; and the lower jaw, without any

marked width between the condyles, is small, and tapers gradually

towards the chin. Perhaps it is owing to this smallness of the lower

portion of the head and face, that it was supposed to represent a

female. But such an idea is not suggested by any marked characteristic

either in the features or head-dress. The cheek-bones, though high, are

by no means so prominent as in the original engraving. Indeed, the

projection is almost entirely in front, giving a tumid cheek immediately

under the eye. I doubt if any competent observer, ignorant of the

history of this relic, would assign it to an Indian type.

[Illustration: FIG. 79.—Portrait Mound Pipe.]

It is apparent, therefore, that the inferences drawn from the

representation of a single example of mound-sculpture are based on

inaccurate premises. But even supposing the head to reproduce the

features of the modern Indian: it would by no means prove the three

propositions deduced from its discovery; since it is not the only

specimen of sculptured portraiture discovered in the mounds, and we look

in vain in other examples for these points of Indian physiognomy which

would first attract the eye of the imitative modeller or sculptor. The

salient and dilated nose, prominent cheek-bones, massive jaw, and large

mouth, may be assigned as the most noticeable characteristics; but all

or nearly all of those are wanting in most of the other sculptured heads

or masks. The character of these may be seen in the head engraved here

(Fig. 79), derived from the same rich depository opened in “Mound City.”

It is cut in a compact yellowish stone. The nose is nearly in a line

with the forehead, excepting at the point, which projects in a manner

certainly by no means characteristic of Indian features; and though the

lips protrude, they are delicate, and the mouth is small. The ears in

both are large, and in the latter are perforated with four small holes

around their upper edges. In this case, from the delicacy of the

features, it is suggested with greater probability than in the former

example, that it has been designed after a female model. Another

head,[105] executed in the same material, is much altered by fire. It

has not, like the previous examples, been designed for a pipe-head, but

is broken off from a complete human figure, or other larger piece of

carving. It is much inferior as a work of art, and indeed approaches the

grotesque or caricature. Nevertheless, it has considerable character in

its expression; and no one familiar with the Indian cast of countenance

would readily assign either to it or the previous specimen of

mound-sculpture any aim at such representation, if unaware of the

circumstances of their discovery. In this, as in others of the heads,

the face is tattooed, and the ears have been perforated; and from the

strongly attached oxide of copper, there can be little doubt that they

were decorated with rings or pendants of that metal. Other portrait

sculptures and terra-cottas, either found in the mounds, or discovered

within the region where they chiefly abound, are figured in the works of

Squier, Schoolcraft, Lapham, Foster, Jones, and in the American

Ethnological Society’s Transactions. The majority of them are inferior

as works of art to those already described. But if they possess any

value as indications of the physiognomical type of ancient American

races, they tend to confirm the idea of a prevailing diversity instead

of a uniformity of cranial form and features.

The discovery of a sculptured head betraying traces of Indian features,

among many of a different type, corresponds to another interesting fact,

that animals foreign to the region, and even to the North American

continent, are figured in the mound-sculptures. It presents a parallel

to well-known examples of Etruscan vases moulded in the form of negroes’

heads; and of Greek pottery painted with the same characteristic

features and woolly hair. Specimens of both are preserved among the

collections of the British Museum, and furnish interesting evidence,

alike of the permanency of the negro type, and of the familiarity both

of Greek and Etruscan artists with the African features, long prior to

the Christian era. Similar examples of foreign portraiture have

attracted attention on the older monuments of Egypt, and among the

basso-relievos of the tomb of Darius Hystaspes at Persepolis: supplying

interesting illustrations of imitative art employed in the perpetuation

of ethnic peculiarities of physiognomy. Supposing, therefore, the

Mound-Builders to have been a settled population, as distinct from a

contemporaneous Indian race as the classic nations of antiquity differed

from the barbarian tribes beyond the Alps and the Rhine: it is no more

surprising to trace the genuine Indian features in mound-sculptures,

than to discover those of the Dacian or the Gaul on the column of

Trajan. It proves that the Mound-Builders were familiar with the

American Indian type, but nothing more. The evidence indeed tends very

distinctly to suggest that they were not of the same type; since the

majority of sculptured human heads hitherto recovered from their ancient

depositories do not reproduce the Indian features.

The physical type of the Mound-Builders will again come under

consideration in a subsequent chapter; but it is interesting meanwhile

to observe that even in the characteristics of this portrait-sculpture

distinctive qualities appear. The imitative faculty manifests itself in

expressive varieties of style, in modern Indian art. Some tribes, such

as the Algonquins, confine themselves to literal reproductions of

natural objects, while others, such as the Babeens, indulge in a

grotesque and ingeniously diversified play of fancy. But the

intellectual development implied in individual portraiture goes beyond

this, and is rare indeed among nations in the earlier stages of

civilisation. Even among the civilised Mexicans, imitations of the human

face and figure appear to have seldom passed beyond the grotesque; and

although the sculptors of Central America and Yucatan manifested an

artistic power which accords with the civilisation of a lettered people:

yet in the majority of their statues and reliefs, we see the

subordination of the human form and features to the symbolism of their

mythology, or to mere decorative requirements. It thus seems that, amid

the general prevalence of an aptitude for imitative art, alike among the

ancient and modern nations of the American continent, the

Mound-Builders, though working within a narrow range, developed a power

of appreciating its minuter delicacies such as is only traceable

elsewhere among the choicest sculptures of Uxmal and Palenque.

To this imitative skill we owe other works which have an important

significance in relation to ethnological problems affecting the ancient

population of the New World. Reference has already been made to the

curious collection of stone pipes, recovered from one of the smaller

tumuli of “Mound City.” They included some of the sculptured human

heads; but the bowls of most of them were carved into figures of beasts,

birds, and reptiles. On these the ancient sculptors appear to have

lavished their artistic skill with a degree of care bestowed on none

other of the less perishable works, from which alone we can now judge of

their intellectual development. “Not only,” as Messrs. Squier and Davis

observe, “are the features of the various objects represented

faithfully, but their peculiarities and habits are in some degree

exhibited. The otter is shown in a characteristic attitude, holding a

fish in his mouth; the heron also holds a fish; and the hawk grasps a

small bird in its talons, which it tears with its beak. The panther, the

bear, the wolf, the beaver, the otter, the squirrel, the racoon, the

hawk, the heron, crow, swallow, buzzard, the paroquet, toucan, and other

indigenous and southern birds; the turtle, the frog, toad, rattlesnake,

etc., are recognised at first glance”;[106] and in addition to those,

the jaguar or panther, the cougar, the elk, the opossum, the alligator,

and numerous land and water birds, including several varieties of the

owls, herons, and other species, have all been recognised among more

recent disclosures. Many of those are represented in characteristic

attitudes, and with much skill and fidelity of portraiture. The

exuberant fancy of the ancient sculptors also displays itself at times

in humorous masks, and incongruous devices, such as a goose’s head cut

in a hard black stone, which on looking to the back becomes a human

skull. Some of those works appear to have been executed, like the

sportive sketches of the modern artist, with no other object than the

carver’s own gratification.

Unfinished carvings show the process by which they were wrought. A toad,

in a characteristic attitude, but only roughly shaped out, “very well

exhibits the mode of workmanship. While the general surface appears

covered with striæ running in every direction, as if produced by

rubbing, the folds and lines are clearly cut with some sort of graver.

The marks of the implement, chipping out portions a fourth of an inch in

length, are too distinct to admit the slightest doubt that a cutting

tool was used in the work.” Again, in another pipe-head, blocked out

into the form of a bird, “the lines indicating the feathers, grooves of

the beak, and other more delicate features, are cut or graved on the

surface at a single stroke. Some pointed tool appears to have been used,

and the marks are visible where it has occasionally slipped beyond the

control of the engraver. Indeed, the whole appearance of the specimen

indicates that the work was done rapidly by an experienced hand, and

that the various parts were brought forward simultaneously. The freedom

of the strokes could only result from long practice; and we may infer

that the manufacture of pipes had a distinct place in the industrial

organisation of the Mound-Builders.” But this, though full of interest,

need not surprise us, since the art of the arrow-maker, which required

both skill and experience, was pursued among the forest-tribes as a

special craft; nor is that of the pipe-maker even now wholly abandoned.

[Illustration: FIG. 80.—Manatee, Pipe-Sculpture.]

So far, therefore, we are enabled by such means to look back into that

remote past. We see the industrious sculptor at his task; and holding

silent converse with him over his favourite works, we learn somewhat of

his own physical aspect, of the range of his geographical experience,

his mental capacity and intellectual development. The pottery of the

mounds, in like manner, adds to our knowledge of the art and

civilisation of the age in which it was produced. But, next in

importance to the evidence thus furnished, the miniature sculptures of

the mounds derive their chief value from indications they supply of the

extent and nature of the geographical relations of their owners. By the

fidelity of the representations of so great a variety of subjects copied

from animal life, they furnish evidence of a knowledge in the

Mississippi Valley of fauna peculiar not only to southern but to

tropical latitudes, extending beyond the Isthmus into the southern

continent: and suggestive either of arts derived from a foreign source,

and intercourse maintained with regions where the civilisation of

ancient America attained its highest development; or else indicating

migration into the northern continent of the race of the ancient graves

of Central and Southern America, bringing with them the arts of the

tropics, and models derived from animals familiar to their fathers in

the parent-land of the race.

Of one of the most interesting of those exotic models, the _Lamantin_ or

_Manatee_, seven sculptured figures have been taken from the mounds of

Ohio. This phytophagous cetacean, which, when full-grown, measures from

fifteen to twenty feet in length, is found only in tropical waters.

Species haunt the estuaries and large rivers of Central and

intertropical South America; as also those of both the eastern and

western sides of tropical Africa: and sometimes ascend the rivers to a

great distance from the sea. Examples were seen by Humboldt in the Rio

Meta, a branch of the Orinoco, one thousand miles above its mouth. They

are also found among the Antilles, and on the coast of the Florida

peninsula. The most characteristic details in their form which chiefly

attracted attention when the Manatee was first brought under the notice

of Europeans, are faithfully reproduced in the Mound sculptures. Fancy

helped to exaggerate the peculiarities of this strange animal to the

earliest European voyagers, and from them it received the name of the

Siren. But its most remarkable feature is the fore paw, occupying the

usual place of the cetacean fin, but bearing so close a resemblance to a

human hand that the name Manatee is generally supposed to have been

conferred on it by the first Spanish explorers on this account.[107] It

is ranked according to ecclesiastical natural history as a fish; and its

flesh is in special request at St. Christopher’s, Guadaloupe,

Martinique, and in various South American localities, during Lent. Its

form is therefore familiar to the natives of South America, and was once

equally well known to those of the Antilles, and probably to the ancient

coastmen of the Gulf. But we must account by other means for the

discovery of accurate representations of it among the sculptures of the

far-inland Ohio mounds; and the same remark applies to the jaguar or

panther, the cougar, the toucan; to the buzzard possibly, and also to

the paroquet. The majority of those animals are not known in the United

States; some of them are totally unknown within any part of the North

American continent. Others may be classed with the paroquet, which,

though essentially a southern bird, and common around the Gulf, does

occasionally make its appearance inland; and so might become known to

the untravelled Mound-Builder in his northern home.

The importance of such evidence that the ancient dwellers in the Scioto

Valley had some knowledge of tropical animals, and even of those

confined exclusively to the southern continent, has not escaped the

notice of the explorers of the mounds. It has even induced them to

hesitate in assigning the name of the toucan to sculptures concerning

the design of which there could be no other reasonable ground for doubt.

Referring to the manatee sculptures, they remark: “These singular relics

have a direct bearing upon some of the questions connected with the

origin of the mounds. They are undistinguishable, so far as material and

workmanship are concerned, from an entire class of remains found in

them, and are evidently the work of the same hands with the other

effigies of beasts and birds; and yet they faithfully represent animals

found (and only in small numbers), a thousand miles distant upon the

shores of Florida, or—if the birds seemingly belonging to the

zygodactylous order be really designed to represent the toucan,—found

only in the tropical regions of South America. Either the same race,

possessing throughout a like style of workmanship, and deriving their

materials from a common source, existed contemporaneously over the whole

range of intervening territory, and maintained a constant

intercommunication; or else there was at some period a migration from

the south, bringing with it characteristic remains of the land from

which it emanated. The sculptures of the manatees are too exact to have

been the production of those who were not well acquainted with the

animal and its habits.” Of the representations of the toucan, the

accompanying woodcut (Fig. 81) will furnish a sufficient illustration.

It is imitated with considerable accuracy, though inferior to some of

the finest specimens of mound sculpture. The most important deviation

from correctness of detail is, that it has three toes instead of two

before, although the two are correctly represented behind. It is

stooping its head to take food from a rudely outlined human hand; and as

it is known that the brilliant plumage of the toucan leads to its being

frequently tamed by the natives of Guiana and Brazil, this tends not

only to confirm the idea of its representation by the sculptures in

question: but to suggest that the Mound-Builders may have had aviaries,

like those in which the Aztec caciques assembled birds of splendid

plumage and beautiful form from every part of their Mexican empire.

[Illustration: FIG. 81.—Toucan, Pipe-Sculpture.]

Unless we assume such a lapse of time as may suffice for important

changes in the climate and fauna of the Ohio Valley, the evidence thus

far adduced suggests the inference either that the whole extensive

regions thus indicated were occupied at some remote period by a common

race; or we must recognise in such indications of familiarity with the

natural history of the tropics, and even of the southern continent,

proof that that very people, who derived all their metal from the great

northern regions of Lake Superior, had themselves migrated from southern

latitudes rich in metallic ores.

Various considerations tend to favour the idea of such a migration,

rather than the maintenance of intercommunication and exchange, among a

people of the same race, throughout regions so extensive and so

geographically distinct. If the Mound-Builders had some of the arts and

models, not only of Central but of Southern America: they also employed

in their ingenious manufactures pearls and shells of the Gulf of

Florida; obsidian from Mexico; mica believed to have been brought from

the Alleghanies; jade, such as that described by Humboldt among the rare

materials of ancient manufacture in Chili; the lead of Wisconsin; and

the copper, and probably the silver, of Ontonagon and the Keweenaw

peninsula. The fact indeed that some of their most elaborate carvings

represent birds and quadrupeds belonging to latitudes so far to the

south, naturally tends to suggest the idea of a central region where

arts were cultivated to an extent unknown in the Mississippi Valley; and

that those objects, manufactured where such models are furnished by the

native fauna, remain only as evidences of ancient intercourse maintained

between these latitudes and the localities where now alone such are

known to abound. But in opposition to this, full value must be given to

the fact that neither the relics, nor the customs which they illustrate,

pertain exclusively to southern latitudes; nor are such found to

predominate among the singular evidences of ancient and more matured

civilisation which abound in Central and Southern America. The varied

nature of the materials employed in the arts of the Mound-Builders, we

must also remember, indicates a wide range of relations; though it

cannot be assumed that these were maintained in every case by direct

intercourse.

The earlier students of American archæology, like the older school of

British antiquaries, gave full scope to a system of theorising which

built up comprehensive ethnological schemes on the very smallest

premises; but in the more judicious caution of later writers there is a

tendency to run to the opposite extreme. Perhaps Messrs. Squier and

Davis indulge at times in an exaggerated estimate of the merits of the

remarkable works of art discovered and published as the result of their

joint labours; but subsequent critics have either unduly depreciated

them, or solved the difficulties attendant on such discoveries, by

ascribing their manufacture to an undetermined foreign source. Mr.

Schoolcraft specially manifested a disposition to underrate the artistic

ability discernible in some of them; while Mr. Haven, who fully admits

their skilful execution, derives from that very fact the evidence of

foreign manufacture. After describing the weapons, pottery, and personal

ornaments obtained from the mounds, the latter writer adds, “and, with

these were found sculptured figures of animals and the human head, in

the form of pipes, wrought with great delicacy and spirit from some of

the hardest stones. The last-named are relics that imply a very

considerable degree of art; and if believed to be the work of the people

with whose remains they are found, would tend greatly to increase the

wonder that the art of sculpture among them was not manifested in other

objects and places. The fact that nearly all the finer specimens of

workmanship represent birds, or land and marine animals belonging to a

different latitude; while the pearls, the knives of obsidian, the marine

shells, and the copper equally testify to a distant, though not

extra-continental origin, may, however, exclude these from being

received as proofs of local industry and skill.”[108]

[Illustration: FIG. 82.—Peruvian Black Ware.]

A reconsideration of the list already given of animals sculptured by the

ancient pipe-makers, cannot fail to satisfy the inquirer that it is an

over-statement of the case to say that nearly all belong to a different

latitude. The real interest and difficulty of the question lie in the

fact of discovering, along with so many sculptured figures of animals

pertaining to the locality, others represented with equal spirit and

fidelity, though belonging to diverse latitudes. To those familiar with

early Scandinavian and British antiquities, such an assignment of the

mound sculptures to a foreign origin, on account of their models being

in part derived from distant sources, must appear a needless assumption

which only shifts without lessening the difficulty. On the sculptured

standing stones of Scotland—belonging apparently to the closing era of

Paganism, and the first introduction of Christianity there,—may be seen

the tiger or leopard, the ape, the camel, the serpent, and as supposed

by some, the elephant and walrus, along with other representations or

symbols, borrowed, not like the models of the Mound-Builders, from a

locality so near as to admit of the theory of direct commercial

intercourse, or recent migration, but from remote districts of Asia, or

from Africa. The most noticeable difference between the imitations of

foreign fauna on the Scottish monuments, and in the ancient American

sculptures, is that the former occasionally betray, as might be

expected, the conventional characteristics of a traditional type; while

the latter, if they furnish evidence of migration, would in so far tend

to prove it more recent, and to a locality not so distant as to preclude

all renewal of intercourse with the ancestral birth-land. Traces of the

same reproduction of unfamiliar objects are, indeed, apparent in the

mound sculptures. The objects least truthfully represented, in some

cases, are animals foreign to the region where alone such works of art

have been found. But the South American toucan of the mound sculptor,

figured on a previous page, is certainly not inferior to the

accompanying specimens of the Peruvian modeller’s imitative skill,

wrought on a vessel of black ware (Fig. 82), now in the collection of

the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland: though it will be remembered

that the latter are the work of an artist to whom the original may be

presumed to have been familiar. Several of the animals engraved in the

_Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_ fall far short of the

fidelity of imitation ascribed to them in the accompanying text: but the

characteristic individuality of others displays remarkable imitative

power. The lugubrious expression given to more than one of the toads is

full of humour; and some of the ruder human heads may be described as

portrait-sketches in the style of _Punch_. But after making every

requisite deduction from the exaggerations of enthusiastic observers,

abundant evidence of artistic skill and ingenuity remains to justify the

wonder that a people capable of executing such works should have left no

large monuments of their art. While, however, this affords no sufficient

ground for transferring their origin to another region, we may still

look with interest for the discovery of analogous productions in some of

the great centres of native American civilisation.

[Illustration: FIG. 83.—Peruvian Stone Mortars.]

With one or two stray exceptions, objects precisely similar to the mound

sculptures have not hitherto been met with, beyond the valleys where

other traces of the Mound-Builders abound; but the points of resemblance

between the sculptured mound-pipes and numerous miniature stone mortars

found in Peru are too striking to be overlooked. Of the two examples

given here (Fig. 83), the one is a llama, from Huarmachaco, in Peru, in

the collection of the Historical Society of New York. It is cut in a

close-grained black stone, and measures four inches long. The other, of

darkish brown schist, is from a drawing made by Mr. Thomas Ewbank, while

in Peru. The greater number of those seen by him represent the llama and

its congeners, the alpaca, guanoco, and vicuna. They are all hollowed

precisely like the bowl of the sculptured mound-pipes, but have no

lateral perforation or mouth-piece. Their probable use was as mortars,

in which the Peruvians rubbed tobacco into powder, working it with a

small pestle until it became heated with the friction, when it was taken

as snuff. The transition from this practice to that of inhaling the

burning fumes is simple; and the correspondence between the ancient

Peruvian tobacco-mortar and the stone pipe of the Mound-Builder is

worthy of note, when taken into consideration along with the imitations

of birds of the southern continent found among the sculptures of the

mounds. Dr. Tschudi describes four of the Peruvian mortars preserved at

Vienna, carved in porphyry, basalt, and granite; and he adds: “How the

ancient Peruvians, without the aid of iron tools, were able to carve

stone so beautifully, is inconceivable.”

The absence of any but such miniature carvings in the northern mounds

may also merit notice when viewed in connection with the ideas of

religious worship suggested by the contents of the mound altars.

Idolatry, in its most striking, and also in some of its most barbarous

forms, prevailed, as we know, among the nations of the Mexican Valley,

at the period of the Conquest. The monuments of Yucatan and Central

America leave no room to doubt that the worship of such visible

impersonations of Divine attributes as their sculptors could devise

formed a prominent part of their religious services. Reference has also

been made in a previous chapter to rudely modelled and sculptured idols,

accompanying other ancient remains, in sepulchral deposits in Tennessee.

Others have been found in the huacals of Chiriqui, on the Isthmus of

Panama, along with numerous gold relics and many fine specimens of

pottery. Those facts render it the more singular that, amid so many

traces of imitative sculpture, no relics obviously designed as objects

of worship have been dug up in the mounds, or found in such

circumstances as to connect them with the religious practices of the

Mound-Builders. But the remarkable characteristics of the elaborately

sculptured pipes, and their obvious connection with services

accompanying some of the rites of sacrifice or cremation, may indicate

their having played an important part in the religious solemnities of

the ancient race; and on this the arts and customs of modern tribes help

to throw some curious light.

So far as we can now infer from evidence furnished by relics connected

with the use of the tobacco-plant, it seems to have been as familiar to

the ancient tribes of the North-west, and the aborigines of the Canadian

forests, as to those of the American tropics, of which the _Nicotiana

tabacum_ is a native. No such remarkable depositories indeed have been

found to the north of the great lakes as those disclosed to the

explorers of the tumuli in the Scioto Valley; but even now the

tobacco-pipe monopolises the ingenious art of many tribes; and some of

their most curious legends and superstitions are connected with the

favourite national implement. Among them the dignity of time-honoured

use has conferred on it a sacredness, which survives with much of its

ancient force; and to this accordingly the student of American

antiquities is justified in turning, as a link connecting the present

with that ancient past. But it is worthy of note that the form of the

mound-pipes differs essentially from the endless varieties of pattern

wrought by Indian ingenuity. Some consideration, therefore, of the arts

of the modern pipe-sculptor, and of native customs and traditions

associated with the use of tobacco, is necessary, as a means of

comparison between ancient and modern races of the New World.

In the Old World, the ideas connected with the tobacco-pipe are prosaic

enough. The chibouk may, at times, be associated with the poetical

reveries of the oriental daydreamer, and the hookah with pleasant

fancies of the Anglo-Indian reposing in the shade of his bungalow; but

its seductive antique mystery, and all its symbolic significance,

pertain to the New World. Longfellow, accordingly, fitly opens his _Song

of Hiawatha_ with the institution of “the peace-pipe.” The Master of

Life descends on the mountains of the prairie, breaks a fragment from

the red stone of the quarry, and, fashioning it with curious art into a

pipe-head, he fills it with the bark of the red willow, chafes the

forest into flame with the tempest of his breath, and kindling it,

smokes the calumet as a signal to the nations. The tribes gather at the

divine summons from river, lake, and prairie, to listen to the warnings

and promises with which the Great Spirit seeks to guide them; and this

done, and the warriors having buried their war-clubs, they smoke their

first peace-pipe, and depart:—

“While the Master of Life, ascending,

Through the opening of cloud-curtains,

Through the doorways of the heaven,

Vanished from before their faces

In the smoke that rolled around him,

The pukwana of the peace-pipe!”

In this, as in other passages of his national epic, the American poet

has embodied cherished legends of the New World: placing the opening

scene of _Hiawatha_ on the heights of the red pipe-stone quarry of

Coteau des Prairies, between the Minnesota and Missouri rivers.

On the summit of the ridge between these two tributaries of the

Mississippi rises a bold cliff, beautifully marked with horizontal

layers of light grey and rose or flesh-coloured quartz. From the base of

this a level prairie of about half a mile in width runs parallel to it;

and here it is that the famous red pipe-stone is procured, at a depth of

from four to five feet from the surface, in a ravine at the head of the

Pipe-stone Creek, a tributary of the Big Sioux River. Numerous

excavations indicate the resort of Indian tribes to the locality. “That

this place should have been visited,” says Catlin, “for centuries past

by all the neighbouring tribes, who have hidden the war-club as they

approached it, and stayed the cruelties of the scalping-knife, under the

fear of the vengeance of the Great Spirit who overlooks it, will not

seem strange or unnatural when their superstitions are known. That such

has been the custom there is not a shadow of doubt, and that even so

recently as to have been witnessed by hundreds and thousands of Indians

of different tribes now living, and from many of whom I have personally

drawn the information.”[109]

The enterprising traveller speaks elsewhere of thousands of inscriptions

and drawings observed by him on the neighbouring rocks; while the

feeling in which they originate was thus illustrated by an Indian whose

portrait he painted when in the Mandan country:—“My brother,” said the

Mandan, “you have made my picture, and I like it much. My friends tell

me they can see the eyes move, and it must be very good; it must be

partly alive. I am glad it is done, though many of my people are afraid.

I am a young man, but my heart is strong. I have jumped on to the

Medicine Rock; I have placed my arrow on it, and no Mandan can take it

away. The red stone is slippery, but my foot was true; it did not slip.

My brother, this pipe which I give to you I brought from a high

mountain; it is towards the rising sun. Many were the pipes we brought

from thence, and we brought them away in peace. We left our totems on

the rocks; we cut them deep in the stones; they are there now. The Great

Spirit told all nations to meet there in peace, and all nations hid the

war-club and the tomahawk. The Dahcotahs, who are our enemies, are very

strong; they have taken up the tomahawk, and the blood of our warriors

has run on the rocks. We want to visit our medicines. Our pipes are old

and worn out.”

The Medicine or Leaping Rock, here referred to, is a detached column

standing between seven and eight feet from the precipitous cliff; and

the leap across this chasm is a daring feat which the young warriors are

ambitious of performing. It was pointed out to Catlin by a Sioux chief,

whose son had perished in the attempt. A conical mound marked the spot

of his sepulture; and though the sanctity of this ancient neutral ground

has been invaded, and the Sioux now refuse to permit other tribes to

have access to it, this is of quite recent occurrence. The memorials of

many tribes on the graven rocks; numerous excavations, sepulchral

mounds, and other earthworks in the vicinity; and the recovery from time

to time, in chance excavations, or in ancient ossuaries and

grave-mounds, of pipes wrought in the favourite material: all confirm

the Indian tradition that this had been recognised as neutral ground by

the tribes to the west, and many of those to the east of the

Mississippi, to which they have made regular pilgrimages to renew their

pipes from the rock consecrated by the footprints of the Great Spirit.

The marks of his footsteps are pointed out, deeply impressed in the

rock, and resembling the track of a large bird!

Mandan traditions respecting this sacred spot have a special interest;

for the migrations of that once powerful Indian nation have been traced

from the country lying between Lake Erie and Cincinnati, down the Valley

of the Ohio, over the graves of the ancient Mound-Builders, and thence

up the western branch of the Mississippi, until the extinction of nearly

the whole nation, by the ravages of the small-pox, in the year 1838, at

their latest settlements on the Upper Missouri. The site of their last

homes lies to the north of the Sioux’s country, in whose possession the

pipe-stone quarries are now vested by the law of the strongest. To the

Sioux, accordingly, the guardianship of the traditions of the locality

belongs. For, although they have thus set at defiance its most sacred

characteristic, and so slighted the mandate of the Great Spirit, they do

not the less strongly hold by the superstitious ideas associated with

the spot.

One of these legends is connected with the peculiar features of the

scene. Five large granite boulders form prominent objects on the level

prairie in the vicinity of the pipe-stone quarries; and two holes under

the largest of them are regarded by the Sioux as the abodes of the

guardian spirits of the spot. Catlin, who broke off and carried away

with him fragments of these sacred boulders, remarks: “As for the poor

Indian, his superstitious veneration of them is such, that not a spear

of grass is broken or bent by his feet within three or four roods of

them, where he stops, and, in humble supplication, by throwing plugs of

tobacco to them, solicits permission to dig and carry away the red stone

for his pipes.” For here, according to Indian tradition, not only the

mysterious birth of the peace-pipe, but the postdiluvian creation of

man, took place.

The institution of the peace-pipe is thus narrated by the Sioux: “Many

ages after the red men were made, when all the tribes were at war, the

Great Spirit called them together at the Red Rocks. He stood on the top

of the rocks, and the red nations were assembled on the plain below. He

took out of the rock a piece of the red stone, and made a large pipe. He

smoked it over them all; told them that it was part of their flesh; that

though they were at war, they must meet at this place as friends; that

it belonged to them all; that they must make their calumets from it, and

smoke them to him whenever they wished to appease him or get his

goodwill. The smoke from his big pipe rolled over them all, and he

disappeared in its cloud. At the last whiff of his pipe a blaze of fire

rolled over the rocks and melted their surface. At that moment two

Indian maidens passed in a flame under the two medicine rocks, where

they remain to this day. The voices of Tsomecostee and Tsomecostewondee,

as they are named, are heard at times in answer to the invocations of

the suppliants, and they must be propitiated before the pipe-stone is

taken away.”

An offering of tobacco is the usual gift, and it appears to have been

employed in similar acts of worship from the earliest period of

intercourse with Europeans. In the narrative of the voyage of Drake, in

1572, it is stated that the natives brought a little basket made of

rushes, and filled with an herb which they called _tobak_. This was

regarded as a propitiatory offering; and the writer subsequently notes:

they “came now the second time to us, bringing with them, as before had

been done, feathers and bags of _tobak_ for presents, or rather, indeed,

for sacrifices, upon this persuasion that we were gods.” Harriot in like

manner tells, in his “Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of

Virginia,” of a plant which the Spaniards generally call _tobacco_, but

there named by the natives _uppówoc_. “This _uppówoc_ is of so precious

estimation among them, that they think their gods are marvellously

delighted therewith, whereupon sometime they make halowed fires, and

cast some of the powder therein for a sacrifice. Being in a storme upon

the waters, to pacifie their gods they cast some up into the aire, and

into the water; so a weare for fish being newly set up, they cast some

therein and into the aire; also after an escape of danger, they cast

some into the aire likewise; but all done with strange gestures,

stamping, sometime dancing, clapping of hands, holding up of hands, and

staring up into the heavens, uttering therewithal and chattering strange

words and noises.”

Such practices and ideas of propitiatory offerings among southern Indian

tribes of the sixteenth century, show that the offerings of tobacco

still made by the Sioux to the spirits that haunt the pipe-stone quarry,

are of no merely local origin, but were anciently as universal as the

peace-pipe itself. Nor were such religious associations confined to the

favourite narcotic of the northern continent. Among the Peruvians the

coca-plant took the place of tobacco; and Dr. Tschudi states that he

found it regarded by the Indians as something sacred and mysterious. “In

all ceremonies, whether religious or warlike, it was introduced for

producing smoke at the great offerings, or as the sacrifice itself.

During divine worship the priests chewed coca-leaves; and, unless they

were supplied with them, it was believed that the favour of the gods

could not be propitiated.” Christianity, after an interval of upwards of

three hundred years, has not eradicated the Indian’s faith in the

virtues of the sacred plant. In the mines of Cerro de Pasco, masticated

coca is thrown on the hard veins of metal to propitiate the gnomes of

the mine, who, it is believed, would otherwise render the mountains

impenetrable; and leaves of it are secretly placed in the mouth of the

dead, to smooth the passage to another world. Thus we find, in the

superstitions perpetuated among the Indians of the southern Cordilleras,

striking analogies to those which survive among the Sioux, and give

character to the strange rites practised by them at the red pipe-stone

quarry, on the Coteau des Prairies.

One of the Indian traditions connected with that locality, which seems

to perpetuate the idea of a general deluge, was thus narrated by a

distinguished Knisteneaux on the Upper Missouri, on the occasion of

presenting to Catlin a handsome red-stone pipe: “In the time of a great

freshet, which took place many centuries ago, and destroyed all the

nations of the earth, all the tribes of the red men assembled on the

Coteau des Prairies, to get out of the way of the waters. After they had

gathered here from every part, the water continued to rise, until at

length it covered them all in a mass, and their flesh was converted into

red pipe-stone. Therefore, it has always been considered neutral ground;

it belongs to all tribes alike, and all were allowed to get it and smoke

it together. While they were all drowning in a mass, a young woman,

Kwaptahw, a virgin, caught hold of the foot of a very large bird that

was flying over, and was carried to the top of a high cliff not far off,

that was above the water. Here she had twins, and their father was the

war-eagle, and her children have since peopled the earth.” The idea that

the red pipe-stone is the flesh of their ancestors is a favourite one

among different tribes. When Catlin and his party attempted to penetrate

to the sacred locality, they were stopped by the Sioux, and one of them

addressing him, said: “This red-pipe was given to the red men by the

Great Spirit. It is a part of our flesh, and therefore is great

medicine. We know that the whites are like a great cloud that rises in

the east, and will cover the whole country. We know that they will have

all our lands; but if ever they get our red-pipe quarry they will have

to pay very dear for it.” Thus is it that even in the farthest West the

Indian feels the fatal touch of that white hand; and to the intrigues of

interested traders is ascribed the encroachment of the Sioux on the

sacred neutral ground, where, within memory of living men, every tribe

on the Missouri had smoked with their enemies, while the Great Spirit

kept the peace among his red children.

Apart, then, from such indications of an artistic power of imitation, by

which the ancient pipe-sculptors are distinguished, it becomes an object

of interest to observe other elements, either of comparison or contrast,

between the memorials of the Mound-Builders’ skill, and numerous

specimens of pipe-sculpture produced by modern tribes.

Notwithstanding the endless variety which characterises the ancient

Mound-Builders’ pipes, one general type is traceable through the whole.

A curved base forms the stem and handle, from the centre of which rises

the bowl, as shown in Fig. 78, so that it is complete as found; whereas

the modern Indian generally employs a pipe-stem, and ascribes to it the

peculiar virtues of the implement. The medicine-man decorates it with

his most elaborate skill, and it is regarded with awe and reverence by

the whole tribe. The stem would seem, therefore, to be characteristic of

the modern race; if indeed it be not the distinguishing memorial of an

origin of the Northern tribes diverse from Toltecan and other ancient

nations. One idea which such comparisons suggest is that in the sacred

associations with the pipe of the Mound-Builders, we have indications of

contact between a migrating race of Central or Southern America, where

no superstitious pipe-usages have been found, and one of the Northern

tribes among whom such superstitions are most intimately interwoven with

all their sacred mysteries.

The utmost variety distinguishes the pipes of the modern Indians:

arising in part from the local facilities they possess for a suitable

material, and in part also from the special style of art and decoration

which has become traditional with the tribe. The easily wrought red

pipe-stone has been generally sought after, from the beauty of its

colour and texture, as well as the mysterious virtues attached to it.

But the pipe-sculptures of many tribes can be distinguished no less

certainly by the material, than by the favourite conventional pattern.

Among the Assinaboin Indians a fine marble, much too hard to admit of

minute carving, but susceptible of a high polish, is cut into pipes of

graceful form, and made so extremely thin, as to be nearly transparent.

When lighted the glowing tobacco shines through, and presents a singular

appearance at night, or in a dark lodge. Another favourite stone is a

coarse species of jasper, also too hard to admit of elaborate

ornamentation. But the choice of material is by no means invariably

guided by the facilities which the position of the tribe affords. Mr.

Kane informed me that, in coming down the Athabaska river, when near its

source in the Rocky Mountains, he observed his Assinaboin guides select

the favourite bluish jasper from among the water-worn stones in the bed

of the river, to carry home for the purpose of pipe manufacture,

although they were then fully five hundred miles from their lodges; and

my own Chippewa guides carried off pieces from the pipe-stone rock, at

the mouth of the Neepigon river, though they had several hundred miles

to traverse before they would reach their homes. Such traditional

adherence to the choice of materials peculiar to a remote source, as

well as the perpetuation of special forms and patterns, are of value as

clews to former migrations, and indications of affinity among scattered

tribes.

[Illustration: FIG.84.—Chippewa Pipe.]

The Chippewas, at the head of Lake Superior, carve their pipes out of a

dark close-grained stone procured from Lake Huron; and frequently

introduce groups of animals and human figures with considerable artistic

skill. _Pabahmesad_, or the Flier, an old Chippewa, still living on the

Great Manitoulin Island in Lake Huron, is generally known as

_Pwahguneka_, the Pipe Maker, literally “he makes pipes.” Though brought

in contact with the Christian Indians of the Manitoulin Islands, he

resolutely adheres to the pagan creed and rites of his fathers, and

resists all encroachments of civilisation. He gathers his materials from

the favourite resorts of different tribes, using the

_muhkuhda-pwahgunahbeck_, or black pipe-stone of Lake Huron; the

_wahbe-pwahgunahbeck_, or white pipe-stone, procured on St. Joseph’s

Island; and the _misko-pwahgunahbeck_, or red pipe-stone of the Coteau

des Prairies. His saw, with which the stone is first roughly blocked

out, is made of a bit of iron hoop; and his other tools are

correspondingly rude. Nevertheless the workmanship of Pabahmesad shows

him to be a master of his art; as will be seen from a characteristic

illustration of his ingenious sculpture, engraved here (Fig. 84) from

the original, in the museum of the University of Toronto.

[Illustration: FIG. 85.—Babeen Pipe.]

But the most elaborate and curious specimens of pipe-sculpture are those

executed by the Chimpseyan or Babeen Indians, who also carve skilfully

in wood and bone. They display much ingenuity in grass-plaiting for hats

and waterproof baskets, or kettles; and in the manufacture of

basket-nets of wicker-work, with which they catch the ulikon, a kind of

smelt abundant in the rivers along their coast. They are, indeed,

pre-eminent among the savages of the North Pacific coast for artistic

skill; yet to all appearance, in the collision with the whites, their

extermination is inevitable at no distant date. The frontispiece, Plate

1. illustrates the characteristic physiognomy of this people. It is the

portrait of Kaskatachyuh, a Chimpseyan chief, from sketches taken by Mr.

Paul Kane, while travelling in their country. He wears one of the native

hats made of dyed and plaited grass. The Chimpseyans belong to the

Thlinket stock, tribes of which extend as far north as Behring Bay. They

do not feast on the whale, because it is one of their tribal totems; but

the blubber of the porpoise and seal is a favourite delicacy. The

Babeens or big-lip Indians,—as the Chimpseyans are most frequently

called,—have received this name from the deformation of the under-lip

in the women of the tribe, produced by the insertion of a piece of wood

into a slit made in infancy, and increased in size until the lip

protrudes like the bill of a duck; and among the wooden masks which they

carve of life-size, this protruding lip is the invariable characteristic

of those of the women. Other and not less singular customs mark the

distinction between the sexes, and are perpetuated even after death.

Their women are wrapped in mats and placed on an elevated platform, or

in a canoe raised on poles, while the bodies of the males are invariably

burned. The Chimpseyans and the Clalam Indians, occupying Vancouver’s

Island and the coasts in the neighbourhood of Charlotte’s Sound, carve

bowls, platters, and other utensils out of a blue claystone or slate,

from which also they make their pipes, and decorate them with many

ingenious and grotesque devices. One of the smaller and simpler of these

pipes, shown in Fig. 85, is placed here alongside of a _chef-d’œuvre_ of

Pabahmesad, the Chippewa artist. Nothing could better serve to

illustrate the contrast between the ingenious imitative art of Algonquin

pipe-sculpture and the exuberant fancifulness of the Babeen carvings.

Large and complicated designs are common, sometimes inlaid with bone or

ivory, and embracing every native or foreign object adapted to the

sculptor’s fancy. The same talent for carving finds room for its display

on their ivory combs; and on ladles and spoons made from the horns of a

mountain goat, which is one of the principal animals that they hunt on

land. The claystone carvings of strictly native design chiefly occur on

their pipe-sculptures, and consist of human figures, and of strange

monstrosities intermingling human and brute forms, in which curious

analogies may frequently be traced to the sculptures of Central America.

But the powers of observation and imitation are most strikingly

illustrated in claystone carvings of objects of foreign origin. The

collections formed by the United States Exploring Expedition, now at

Washington, include numerous specimens of this class, representing

European houses, forts, boats, horses, and fire-arms; and reproducing in

minute detail the cords, pulleys, and other minutiæ of the shipping

which frequent the coast. The example shown in Fig. 86 is a curious

combination of native and foreign elements; and may be regarded as the

conventional representation by the native artist of a bear hunt in the

vicinity of one of the Hudson Bay Company’s stations. The animal-heads

on some of the human figures represent the grotesque masks already

referred to as among their favourite carvings, and a special branch of

native art. They are executed in wood, the size of life, and brilliantly

coloured; and are worn in the grand dances of the tribe.

[Illustration: FIG. 86.—Babeen Pipe-Sculpture.]

In some of the larger pipes, the entire group presents much of the

grotesque exuberance of fancy, mingled with imitations from nature,

which constitute the charm of ecclesiastical sculptures of the

thirteenth century. Figures in the oddest varieties of posture are

ingeniously interlaced, and connected by elaborate ornaments; the

intermediate spaces being perforated, so as to give great lightness to

the whole. But though well calculated to recall the quaint products of

the medieval sculptor’s chisel, such comparisons are not suggested by

any imitation of European models. Their style of art is thoroughly

American; and traits of the same peculiar devices and modes of thought

which mark some of the most finished sculptures of Yucatan are replete

with interest, when thus recognised in regions so remote, and in the

productions of rude Indian tribes.

But while the modern Indian thus rivals in the elaborateness of his art

the ingenious pipe-sculpture of the mounds, all his superstitious

reverence is reserved for the pipe-stem. On it depends the safety of the

tribe in peace, and its success in war. It is guarded accordingly with

jealous care, and produced at the medicine dance or the war-council with

mysterious ceremonies. Even on such great occasions, so long as the

medicine pipe-stem is used, it is a matter of indifference whether the

bowl attached to it be of the richest carving, or a common trader’s

clay-pipe. Many special privileges and honours pertain to its bearer. It

is not only disrespectful, but unlucky, to pass between him and the

fire. An ornamental tent is provided for his use, and his other official

accoutrements are so numerous that frequently he requires to maintain

several horses for their transport. A bear-skin robe is employed for

wrapping up the consecrated pipe-stem, and thus enveloped, it is usually

borne by the favourite wife of the dignitary. But it is never allowed to

be uncovered in her presence; and should a woman, even by chance, cast

her eyes on it, its virtues can only be restored by a tedious ceremony.

Among the Indian portraits executed by Mr. Paul Kane, is one of

Kea-keke-sacowaw, head chief of the Crees, whom he met on the

Saskatchewan, engaged in raising a war-party against the Blackfeet. He

had with him eleven medicine pipe-stems, the pledges of different bands

that had joined him. The grim old chief appears decorated with his

war-paint, and holding in his hand one of the pipe-stems adorned with

the head and plumage of an eagle. Before beginning his work, the artist

had to witness the ceremony of “opening the medicine pipe-stem,” in the

course of which he smoked each of the eleven pipes; and, thus enlisted

in the cause, his painting was esteemed a great medicine, calculated to

contribute materially to the success of the war-party.

A young Cree Half-breed confessed to the painter that, in a spirit of

daring scepticism, he had once secretly thrown down the medicine

pipe-stem and kicked it about; but soon after, its official carrier was

slain, and such misfortunes followed as left no doubt on his mind of the

sanctity pertaining to this guardian and avenger of the honour of the

tribe.

But all the ideas and superstitions which such usages illustrate, are

peculiar to the modern Indians. The pipes of the Mound-Builders show

that they used no pipe-stem; and the same appears to have been the case

with the Mexicans before the Conquest. Throughout the whole of Lord

Kingsborough’s great work, traces of the use of the tobacco-pipe are

rare; and where they do occur they tend to confirm the idea that it was

not invested, either in Mexico or Central America, with such sacred

attributes as were attached to it by the ancient race of the Mississippi

Valley: and which, under other but no less peculiar forms, are

maintained among the Indian tribes of the North-west.

Various early writers on the customs of the American Indians refer to

expiatory sacrifices, which present striking, though rude analogies, to

the ancient offerings by fire on the mound-altars. Hearne describes a

custom among the Chippewas, after the shedding of blood, of throwing all

their ornaments, pipes, etc., into a common fire, kindled at some

distance from their lodges; and Winslow narrates of the Nanohiggansets

of New England, that they had a great house ordinarily resorted to by a

few, whom he supposes to be priests; but he adds, “Thither, at certain

times, resort all their people, and offer almost all the riches they

have to their gods, as kettles, skins, hatchets, beads, knives, etc.,

all which are cast by the priests into a great fire that they make in

the midst of the house.”[110] The analogies, however, which appear to be

traceable in such practices of tribes remote from the localities of the

old Mound-Builders, are after all slight, and lack the most important

elements which give a special character to the ancient mound-altars. The

use of tobacco is no longer a characteristic peculiar to the New World;

but it may be that in the mode of indulging in its favourite narcotic,

we have perpetuated as a practice of mere sensual indulgence, what was

once a solemn rite associated with the mysterious worship of the sacred

enclosures and the altar-mounds of the Mississippi Valley. Oviedo, who

is the earliest authority, at least for any minute account of

tobacco-smoking among the native tribes, speaks of it as an evil custom

practised among the Indians of Hispaniola to produce insensibility; and

greatly prized by the Carribees, who called tobacco _kohiba_, and

“imagined, when they were drunk with the fumes of it, the dreams they

had were in some sort inspired.”[111] Again, Girolamo Benzoni narrates

in his travels in America, recently translated from the edition of 1753

by Rear-Admiral Smyth: “In La Española, and the other islands, when

their doctors wanted to cure a sick man, they went to the place where

they were to administer the smoke, and when he was thoroughly

intoxicated by it the cure was mostly effected. On returning to his

senses, he told a thousand stories of his having been at the council of

the gods, and other high visions.”[112]

Many Indian legends ascribe a divine origin to tobacco. A chief of the

Susquehannas told of two hunters of the tribe sharing the venison they

had cooked with a lovely squaw, who suddenly appeared to them; and on

returning to the scene of their feast thirteen moons after, they found

the tobacco plant growing where she had sat. Harriot, who sailed in Sir

Walter Raleigh’s expedition of 1584, states that the Indians of Virginia

regarded tobacco as a means of peculiar enjoyment, in which the Great

Spirit was wont freely to indulge, and that he bestowed it on them that

they might share in his delights. Repeated allusions also refer to its

intoxicating effects as an influence analogous to that which produced

the visions and inspirations of their fasting dreams. It seems,

therefore, by no means improbable, that the original practice of

inhaling the fumes of tobacco was associated exclusively with

superstitious rites and divination; so that the tobacco-plant may have

played a part in the worship of the ancient Mound-Builders, analogous to

that of the inspiring vapour over which the Delphic tripod was placed,

when the priestess of Apollo prepared to give utterance to the divine

oracles.

-----

[100] Vide _Prehistoric Annals of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 496-498.

[101] _Prehistoric Races of the United States_, p. 293.

[102] This collection has since been acquired for the Blackmore Museum.

[103] _Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_, p. 245, fig. 145.

[104] _Indigenous Races of the Earth_, p. 183.

[105] _Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_ (No. 143).

[106] _Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_, p. 152.

[107] This derivation from the Spanish _Mano_ is rejected by some

etymologists for a native Carib one, _Manattoüi_.

[108] _Archæology of the United States_, p. 122.

[109] _Illustrations of the Manners, etc., of the North American

Indians._ By Geo. Catlin. Eighth edition. Vol. ii. p. 167. _Vide

Proceed. Amer. Philosoph. Soc._, vol. x. p. 274.

[110] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, Second Series, vol. ix. p. 94.

[111] _Historia General de las Indias_, second edit. p. 74.

[112] _History of the New World._ By Girolamo Benzoni. Hakluyt Society,

1857.

THE END

PRINTED BY T. AND A. CONSTABLE, PRINTERS TO HER MAJESTY,

AT THE EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY PRESS.

TRANSCRIBER NOTES

Misspelled words and printer errors have been corrected. Where multiple

spellings occur, majority use has been employed.

Some illustrations were moved to facilitate page layout.

[The end of _Prehistoric Man: Researches into the Origin of Civilization

in the Old and the New World_, by Daniel Wilson.]