CHAPTER XV

NEWTOWN

Manufacture of cloth and flannel--Fine screen and ugly modern

church--Sir John Pryce--Aberhafesp Church--S. Mark’s Eve--Bed

of an ancient lake--Caersws--Legend of Swsan--Obligations of a

chieftain--How a tribe would increase--How to reduce the difficulty

of providing land--Llanwnog--S. Gwynnog--Consequences to his

family of the publication of the letter of Gildas--View from

Llanwnog--Llanidloes Church--Richard Gwynn--Chartist riots--Poetical

description of them--Robert Owen--Henry Williams--Richard Davies.

NEWTOWN is new in every particular except in its manufacture, and that

of cloth and flannel was old enough in Wales, if we may judge by the

spindle-whorls and shuttles found in camp and cairn; but the business

once spread over the Principality is now concentrated at Newtown.

The ugly white brick church has taken the place of one that was old,

and contained a magnificent screen. This has not been destroyed, but is

preserved in a barn at the rectory. There is some talk of placing it

once more in the church, where it would be like the proverbial jewel of

gold in a swine’s snout.

Sir John Pryce, fifth baronet, of Newtown Hall, was born in 1698, and

succeeded to the title and estates on the death of his father in 1720.

He married first his first cousin Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Thomas

Powell. She died in 1731.

One day Sir John was overtaken by a storm of rain whilst out shooting,

and took refuge under a tree, and to the same shelter ran a girl, Mary,

daughter of a small farmer of Berriew, named John Morris. As the rain

continued to fall, Sir John Pryce was given plenty of time to make the

girl’s acquaintance, to fall in love with her, and to propose. This led

to a second marriage.

But the humble origin of Lady Pryce led to much spiteful comment, and

some people would assert that she had not been married to Sir John.

This was absolutely untrue, but falsehood is believed if venomous.

Whether it were this, or that she could not accommodate herself to

her new situation, or the fact that the first Lady Pryce was kept,

embalmed, by the bedside, or perhaps all together combined to weigh on

her spirits, and she died of despondency after two years of married

life. This was in 1739.

In July, 1741, the Rev. W. Felton, curate of Newtown, was dying, when,

two days before his death, he received a long letter from Sir John

Pryce, from which a few passages may be extracted:--

“DEAR MR. FELTON,--I waited an opportunity yesterday of conferring

with you in private; but, not finding the room in which you sat clear

a minute, I am forced to communicate this way my thoughts. I have

abundant reason to believe that you will immediately enter upon a

happier state when you make an exchange, and I desire that you will do

me the favour to acquaint my two Dear Wives, that I retain the same

tender Affections and the same Honour and Esteem for their Memories

which I ever did for their persons, and to tell the latter, that I

earnestly desire, if she can obtain the Divine permission, that she

will appear to me, to discover the persons who have wronged her, and

put me into a proper method of vindicating those wrongs which robbed

her of her life and me of all my happiness in this world.

“I heartily wish you the Divine protection and assistance, and am

“Your Friend and Humble Servant,

“JON PRYCE.

“P.S.--I have sent you a Bottle of Mint Water, which, if you find too

strong, you may dilute with Spring Water to what size you please.”

Sir John wrote an elegy of a thousand lines on his second wife, in

which he affirmed that with his latest breath he would “lisp Maria’s

name.”

Ere long, however, he fell in love again, and this time with a widow,

Eleanor Jones, and married her.

But when the lady found the bodies of his two preceding wives embalmed,

one on each side of the matrimonial bed, she absolutely refused to

enter it, and ordered their burial “before she would supply their

vocation.”

She also died, in 1748. Immediately Sir John wrote off to one Bridget

Bostock, “the Cheshire Pythoness,” who pretended to heal the sick by

the faith-cure and with her “fasting spittle,” which she supplied in

corked and sealed bottles:--

“MADAM,--Being very well informed by very creditable people that you

have done several wonderful cures, even when Physicians have failed

... why may not God enable you to raise the Dead as well as to heal

the Sick, give sight to the Blind and hearing to the Deaf? Now I

have lost a wife whom I most dearly loved, and I entreat you for God

Almighty’s sake that you would be so good as to come here, if your

actual presence is absolutely requisite, to raise up my dear wife,

Dame Eleanor Pryce, from the Dead.... Pray let me know by return

of the Post, that I may send you a Coach and Six and Servants to

attend you here, with orders to defray your expenses in a manner most

suitable to your desires.

“Your unfortunate afflicted petitioner & hble serv^t.

“JOHN PRYCE.”

In compliance with this invitation Mrs. Bostock visited Buckland,

in Brecknockshire, where Sir John then was, and exerted all her

miracle-working powers, but without effect.

Sir John remained inconsolable--for a while. But from his will, dated

20th June, 1760, it appears that he was then meditating a fourth

marriage. He, however, died before it took place. In his will he speaks

of “that dearest object of my lawful and best and purest Worldly

affections, my most dear and most entirely beloved intended wife,

Margaret Harries, of the parish of S. Martin, Haverfordwest, spinster.”

He died on October 28th, 1761, and was buried at Haverfordwest.

His son, Sir John Powell Pryce, sixth baronet, was an unfortunate man.

Having by some accident injured his eyes, his wife applied to them a

strong acid by mistake for a lotion, which entirely blinded him. But

this was not all. Want of management, and wasteful living, obliged him

to part with one estate after another, and at last he was thrown as a

debtor into King’s Bench, where his faithful wife joined him, and spent

many years with him in the prison, till he died in 1776. With his son

Edward Manley the title expired.

Three miles up the Severn above Newtown are two churches without

villages attached--Penstrowed and Aberhafesp--on opposite sides of the

Severn.

A story is told of the latter, a modern church with very bad glass in

it. Two men, hearing that he who remains in the church porch on S.

Mark’s Eve will see or hear something concerning those who are to die

in the course of the year, resolved to keep watch there over midnight.

One of them, wearied with the day’s work, fell asleep. Presently, in

the dead of night, the one who was awake heard a voice from within the

church calling his fellow by name. He roused him, and said, “Let us

go--it is of no use waiting longer here.”

In the course of a few weeks, there was a funeral from the opposite

parish of Penstrowed, and the departed was to be buried in Aberhafesp

churchyard. There is no bridge nearer than that which spans the river

at Caersws, and to take the body that way would mean a journey of over

five miles. It was determined, therefore, to ford the river opposite

Aberhafesp Church. The person who had fallen asleep in the porch

volunteered to carry the coffin across the river, and it was placed on

the saddle in front of him, and, to prevent it from falling, he was

obliged to grasp it with both arms.

The deceased had died of an infectious fever, and the coffin-bearer

was stricken, and within a fortnight was a dead man, and was the first

parishioner who died in the parish of Aberhafesp that year.

The hills fall back above the two churches and allow of a broad level

basin, once the bed of a fine lake, before it was silted up at the end

of the Glacial Period. Here the Afon Garno, Paranon, and Ceryst, meet

the Severn at Caersws, which was an important Roman station, at the

junction of several roads, and where now the Mid-Wales line falls into

the Cambrian Railway.

Caersws derives its name from a traditional Queen Swsan, that carried

on a war with a prince who reigned over a tribe on the south of the

Severn. One day, seeing the enemy mustered on the Llandinam Hills,

she crossed the river with her forces to give battle to the foe. The

prince, occupying higher ground, was able to repel the attack; and the

queen, seeing that her men were routed and in full flight, rode up to

the prince and demanded to be put to death, that she might be buried in

a great cairn beside her braves who had fallen. The prince replied that

she was too gallant to be thus slain, and that he pardoned her; and

further committed himself to her hands. Thenceforth their quarrels were

fought out in private.

The Roman castrum may still be traced--it covers about seven acres.

Excavations made here have given up coins of Vespasian, Domitian, and

of later emperors, also Samian ware. Roman soldiers must have been very

regardless as to the condition of their pockets, for wherever they

went they dropped their money.

The plain would seem to have been a debatable ground from hoar

antiquity, for every height about it is entrenched.

It was one of the first obligations of a chief of a Celtic tribe to

provide every married man who was subject to him with a farm, with

seven acres of arable land, seven of pasture, seven of woodland, and

a share in commons. Now as the tribe grew and multiplied he was put

to great straits, and the only way out of his difficulties, where all

the available land was appropriated, was for him to oust a neighbour

from his territories. This obligation weighed on a chief to the eighth

generation. Now suppose that a man started to found a tribe, and had

three sons, and each of these sons had three, and all married, and in

each generation had the same number. In the eighth, the tribe would

consist of 2,673 marriageable men clamouring to be provided with

farms of seven acres of arable, land, seven of forest, and seven of

pasture. What could the chief do to satisfy them but lead them against

a neighbour?

One way out of the difficulty was the establishment of monasteries.

This explains the development of monachism on the steppes of Tartary,

as well as in Wales and Ireland. On that high and sterile plateau in

Central Asia, only a limited population can be maintained, and it is

to keep down the growth of the population, as a practical expedient,

that so large a portion of the males is consigned to celibacy. And it

was this practical necessity that provoked the ascetic and celibate

societies of the Druids first, and the Christian monks afterwards. When

no new lands were available for colonisation, when the three-field

system was the sole method of agriculture known, then the land which

would now maintain three families at least, would support but one. To

keep the equipoise there were migration, war, and compulsory celibacy

as alternatives. That this really was a difficulty confronting the old

Celtic communities we can see by a story of what occurred in Ireland

in 657. The population had so increased that the arable land proved

insufficient for the needs of the country. Accordingly an assembly

of clergy and laity was summoned by Dermot and Blaithmac, kings of

Ireland, to take the matter into consideration. It was decided that

the amount of land held by any one householder should be restricted;

and further the elders of the assembly directed that prayers should be

offered to the Almighty to send a pestilence “to reduce the number of

the lower class, that the rest might live in comfort.”

S. Fechin of Fore, on being consulted, approved of this extraordinary

proposal. And the prayer was answered from heaven by a second

visitation of the terrible Yellow Plague; but the vengeance of God

caused the force of the pestilence to fall on the nobles and clergy, of

whom multitudes, including the kings and Fechin of Fore himself, were

carried off.

To this day, in Tyrol, where the farms cannot be subdivided, owing to

the mountainous nature of the land, on the death of the father the sons

draw lots who shall marry and take the farm. The rest work under their

more fortunate brother, and remain single.

[Illustration: GILDAS. A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY STATUE AT LOCMINÉ]

Llanwnog lies under the rounded, heathy mountain of Ddifed, in rear

of which are some tarns lying high. The church has in it a very fine

and well-preserved screen and rood-loft, and an old stained-glass

representation of the patron saint and founder of the church.

His name was Gwynnog, and he was a son of Gildas the historian.

At an early age Gildas committed his son to S. Finnian to be educated.

Leaving his master when his education was complete, Gwynnog settled

in this spot above the plain of Caersws, but the scurrilous pamphlet

issued by his father from his safe retreat in Brittany seems to have

fallen like a bombshell among those of his family who were in Wales

and Cornwall, and obliged them to leave the territories of the princes

against whom Gildas had hurled invectives. Cuneglas (or Cynlas) was

prince of Powys at the time. Gildas called him “a bear, wallowing in

filth, a tawny butcher.”

Cuneglas after this was not likely to deal tenderly with a son of the

pamphleteer, and Gwynnog fled for his life to Brittany, to his father.

It seems not improbable that he was elected Bishop of Vannes, where

there had been sorry doings and ecclesiastical scandals, and the Church

was looking out for a respectable ruler.

The Frank historian Gregory of Tours calls him Eunius, and says that he

was over-fond of the bottle. Weroc II. was Count of Vannes at the time,

and he was engaged in hostilities with Chilperic, king of the Franks,

whom he defeated with great slaughter in 578. Chilperic made terms

with the Breton chief, who undertook to pay tribute, but afterwards

made difficulties about fulfilling his engagement, and sent Bishop

Gwynnog, or Eunius, to Chilperic with a list of complaints. Chilperic

was furious at this breach of engagements, and resented it against the

unoffending prelate, whom he sent into exile. Gwynnog died at Angers in

580, just ten years after his father.

The view from Llanwnog across the basin of the Severn at the mountains

up the valleys of the Severn and the streams that pour into it is very

beautiful.

A branch line from Moat Lane leads to Llanidloes at the junction of

the Clywedog and Afon Tylwch with the Severn. Although the mountains

here do not rise to a great height, they are broken and fine, and many

beautiful walks may be taken up the glens of the tributaries of the

Severn and over the heathy moors. The Afon Brochan may be ascended to

a tarn from which the stream flows, or to the pretty lake Llyn Ebyr,

three miles to the north.

Llanidloes possesses one of the finest churches in North Wales, with a

richly carved oak roof, the hammer beams supported by angels bearing

shields.

Richard Gwynn was a native of Llanidloes. He was educated at S. John’s

College, Cambridge, and must have been of poor parentage, for he was a

sizar there. He could not reconcile himself to the religious changes

in the reign of Edward VI., nor to the violence with which fanatics

wrecked the churches; nor would he accept the claim of Queen Elizabeth

to be “Supreme Governor” over the Church in England, the objectionable

title “Supreme Head” having been put aside.

He lived quietly with his wife and children, keeping a school, at one

time at Overton Madog, then at Wrexham, Gresford, and again at Overton;

and had many scholars, as he led an exemplary life, and was well known

for his learning and scholarship. He does not seem to have been mixed

up with any seditious movements, or to have been associated with the

Jesuits. Nevertheless he was arrested in 1580 and cast into prison,

and kept there for four years; he was treated with great harshness, and

frequently tortured to force him to accept the Queen’s supremacy. After

several trials he was finally brought up at Wrexham Assizes in 1584 and

condemned to death for high treason. The sentence was as follows:--

“Richard White (_i.e._ Gwynn) shall be brought to prison from whence

he came, and thence drawn on a hurdle to the place of execution, where

he shall hang half dead, and so be cut down alive, his members cast

into the fire, his belly ripped into the breast, his bowels, liver,

lungs, heart, etc., thrown likewise into the fire, his head cut off,

his body be parted into four quarters.”

“What is all this?” said Gwynn. “Is it any more than one death?”

The sentence was carried out on October 15th, 1584.

Llanidloes was the scene of a Chartist outbreak in 1839. The weavers

armed and requisitioned contributions from the neighbourhood. Lord John

Russell, who was Home Secretary, sent down three police officers to

cope with hundreds of rioters well armed with fowling-pieces, pistols,

and hand grenades. The magistrates then, unsupported properly, took

the matter into their own hands and swore in special constables. The

crisis came on April 30th. A man blowing a horn summoned the Chartists

to assemble on the Bridge, and three men were captured on their way

to the assembly, and were conveyed to the “Trewythen Arms.” The crowd

now rushed to attempt a rescue, but was held at bay by fifty special

constables. However, by weight and numbers, the rioters drove them

away after a struggle, entered the inn, and wrecked it; they liberated

the three men who had been taken, and caught the ex-mayor, who appealed

to the mob to spare his life, as he was a doctor who had brought many

of them into the world. They let him go, and he left the town to give

the alarm. For five days Llanidloes was ruled by mob law, but the

Chartist leaders saw that no gross outrages were committed.

Matters had now become too serious to be dealt with in the mild manner

Lord John Russell had thought might suffice. Military aid was sent. An

old lady has recorded her reminiscences of the time.

“The town,” she says, “was in an uproar. The Chartists had been

drilling in the Dingle. The news came that a regiment of soldiers

was coming to put down the riots, and I can remember watching their

arrival. I was standing in a crowd on the Bank, and the soldiers in

red coats and brass helmets came up the Pool road, the band playing

before them. I shall never forget the scene. The women and children

were crying like wild things, they thought everybody was going to be

slaughtered. The soldiers proceeded to Newtown Hall, followed by a

great and excited crowd. Here they were met by George Arthur Evors,

the chief magistrate, who gave instructions to fire. But the officer

in charge refused. ‘What,’ he said, ‘fire upon a lot of women and

children? Certainly not.’ The soldiers, after all, did no harm, but in

the course of a row one man was killed with clubs. After that we did

not hear much about the Chartists. Many of them left the country, and

never returned. Some were arrested and put into gaol, others managed

to hide till things had quieted down, and then came back. But poor

Frost, Jones, and Williams were transported.”

A schoolmaster of Newtown named George Thomas wrote a Hudibrastic poem

on the riots, containing allusions and sly hits at local characters

that were much relished at the time.

According to him--

“The rebels had a bullet mould,

A pistol rusty, crack’d and old,

Some bellows, pipes, and lucifers,

Tweezers, card-plates, and goose-oil cans,

With dust and other nameless pans,

Hot water, soapsuds, toasting prongs,

With cat-calls, horns, and women’s tongues.”

All ended with much noise and little harm done.

“When eggs were spent, tongues peace desir’d,

The spoils of war had brought no crust,

The rebels fled, the troops retir’d,

Covered with glory, sweat and dust.”

In the old churchyard of Newtown may be seen the plain slab that covers

the body of Robert Owen, the Socialist. He was born in the place, but

his father was from Welshpool, and had set up business as saddler,

ironmonger, and postmaster. Robert was born in 1771, and was sent to

London to a situation in a haberdasher’s shop. Thence he removed to

Manchester, where he started cotton-spinning. His life is too well

known to be given in full here, but a few points may be mentioned. He

had imbibed very strong anti-religious ideas, and he was persuaded that

the whole social world was topsy-turvy, and required reorganising on

the new principles that he had excogitated.

“Character,” said he, “is formed _for_ and not _by_ the individual,

and society now possesses the most ample means and power to well form

the character of everyone by reconstructing society on its own true

principles”--that is to say, on those devised by Robert Owen.

In 1797 he started the “New Lanark Twist Company,” in which his

theories were to be carried out; but although the system was nominally

and theoretically democratic, Robert Owen ruled as an autocrat, and

having a splendid organising and business head he made the scheme into

a commercial success. Some of the partners could not agree to his

plans, so he bought them out, but took in others, who also declined to

let him rule despotically, and in disgust he went off to America to

found a Socialistic community there on the wreck of an attempted German

Communistic venture. This, however, failed, and when he returned to

Scotland the partners in the New Lanark Twist Company had increased in

number, and gave him to understand that they intended managing it in

their own and not in his way.

Then he founded a Communistic Society at Orbiston, in Scotland, but

this also slipped from his control. He next started a weekly paper,

_The Crisis_, and an “Equitable Labour Exchange.” The latter came to a

disastrous end in 1833. After this little was heard of Robert Owen.

One of his early theories was that the universe was one great

self-acting laboratory, and that all life, movement, thought, were

results of chemical action.

His conception of the formation of character was bound to end in

disappointment. Minds are not mere bits of blank paper on which you may

write what you like; souls are not lumps of putty to be moulded to

what form you will.

My dear father had been impressed with some of Robert Owen’s doctrines,

specially with this, and he set to work to shape my brothers and me

each for a special profession, and to give each a separate bent; and

the result was that we all went in clean opposite directions to what he

purposed, and adopted professions which he had intended the others to

enter.

Owen finally took up with table-rapping and Spiritualism, and supposed

himself to be a medium through whom the Duke of Kent revealed the

mysteries of the other world. Finally, as his health failed, a great

longing came over him to return to his native place and die there.

“And as a hare, when hounds and horns pursue,

Pants for the place from whence at first it flew,”

so did he come back to Newtown, and there shortly after expired.

A little way down the Severn below Newtown is Llanllwchaiarn, a church

founded by a brother of S. Aelhaiarn of Guilsfield. The parish is

not of interest in itself, except as having given birth to, and been

the residence of, a remarkable man, Henry Williams, of Ysgafell, one

of the sturdiest Nonconformists of the time of the Restoration. His

father owned the farm, which had belonged to the family for several

generations.

The Conventicle Act, which came into force in 1664, imposed a penalty

of £5 or three months’ imprisonment on anyone frequenting a dissenting

meeting, for the first offence; £10 or six months’ imprisonment

for a second offence; and for a third offence a fine of £100 or

transportation beyond the seas.

Henry Williams was in prison from time to time during nine years. On

one occasion a party of soldiers beset his house, and in the skirmish,

as they attempted to enter, his father was knocked down and killed. On

another the house was fired, and Mrs. Williams, taking one child in

her arms and leading another, attempted to cross the Severn from the

soldiery, when one of them cocked his pistol and vowed to shoot her.

However, the officer knocked the man down, and sent an escort to attend

her to a friend’s house.

Another time when Henry Williams was preaching the soldiers fell on

him, beat, and nearly killed him. They seized his stock and devastated

his farm. There was, however, one field that had been sown with wheat,

not yet sprung up, which they could not or did not harm. That field

throve amazingly, and the crop next summer surpassed in yield every

other in the neighbourhood. Nothing like it had been seen, and at

harvest the produce was so abundant as to repay the family for all its

losses. There were six, seven, and eight full ears upon each stalk. Two

of these stalk-heads have been preserved to the present day; one has on

it seven ears, the other eight. The field where this marvellous crop

was grown is known to this day as Cae’r Fendith, the Field of Blessing.

Some of the principal persecutors of Henry Williams died so strangely

that it was regarded as a judgment of heaven upon them. One dropped

suddenly from his chair dead whilst eating his dinner, a second was

drowned in the Severn when drunk, and a third fell from his horse and

broke his neck close to the house of Henry Williams, which he had

plundered.

About half-way between Caersws and Machynlleth is Llanbrynmair, the

birthplace of Richard Davies, known in Wales by his bardic name of

Mynyddog, who is regarded as the Burns of his native land. He was

born in 1833, and his father was a farmer. At an early age the poetic

faculty displayed itself in him, and he wrote for several Welsh

magazines, and won prizes at local literary meetings. As his education

had been but scanty, he laboured hard as a young man to make up for

this deficiency. He was a tall, fine man, with an open, pleasant face,

was full of a kindly, never caustic, wit; and he speedily became one

of the most popular of Welsh poets. There is a freshness and flavour

of the soil in his compositions, like those of Burns, but none of

the coarseness of the Scotch poet. He died in 1877 at his residence,

Bronygân, in Cemmes. It is hard, almost impossible, to give anything of

the charm of his compositions in a translation, and I venture on one

with the utmost diffidence.

“BOXER.”

“Full many a lusty horse I’ve viewed,

When following father’s team,

Would draw the plough, make furrow and ridge,

With the coulter’s after gleam.

Now, fair befall

Good horses all!

But never a one can I recall

That could compare, in my esteem,

With Boxer, my father’s horse.

“If I to bet were a bit inclined,

One hundred pounds I’d lay

On every hoof old Boxer had,

The best that fed upon hay.

But he would scorn,

As one well born,

To be accounted not worth a thorn.

He’d toss his head and proudly neigh

Unless he were leading horse.

“The chapel choir for a practice came,

It was upon Monday night,

To the glory of God an anthem sing

In harmony and might.

But each would lead,

And each decreed

That not a note would he proceed,

He’d hold it a purposed slur and slight

Unless he were leading horse.

“A deacon to choose at Tal-y-Coed,

Most woeful discord wrought,

For every chapel-member declared

The office was that he sought.

And he would scorn,

For this thing born,

To be set back, as not worth a thorn,

By all the _sciet_, a thing of naught!

For he would be leading horse.

“Our Boxer once was set in the shafts

When flow’ry June was gay,

And ordered to draw a wain, upheaped

With burden of balmy hay.

But he thought scorn

As one well born

To be accounted not worth a thorn,

In second place, and behind our bay,

For he would be leading horse.

“He backed, as stubborn as mule could be,

And, backing over a rock,

Adown he tumbled, with load atop,

A frightful wreckage and shock.

He broke his back,

For he would not hack

As a common cart-horse; and thus, alack!

The haughty Boxer was dead as a stock

Because he’d be leading horse.

“When folks see merit in any man,

That man will be thrust afore.

But he who elbows and pushes his way

Is surely esteemed a bore.

And I declare

Let all beware

Lest they the fall of Boxer share,

For that’s the fate for him in store

Who’ll only be leading horse.”

[Illustration: OWEN GLYNDWR’S HOUSE, MACHYNLLETH]

A Book of North Wales · 第 15 / 16 章