CHAPTER II

THE ENGLISH CONQUEST

The contest with the Saxons--William the Conqueror--The Norman

invasion of Wales--The castles--The Welsh kingdoms--Rhodri the

Great--Llewelyn the Great--The last Llewelyn--Edward I.’s treatment of

the Welsh.

THROUGHOUT the reigns of the Saxon kings the Welsh had to maintain a

contest, on the one hand with the English, and on the other with the

Danes and Northmen hovering round the coast.

The Vikings, who carried devastation through England, did not overlook

Wales. Wherever we find camps of a certain description, there we know

that either Saxon or Dane has been.

These camps consist of earthen tumps or bell-shaped mounds, usually

hollowed out in the middle, and with base-courts attached, protected

by a palisade, and the top of the tump was crowned with a tower-like

structure of timber.

At times the Welsh were in league with one of the kings of the

Heptarchy against another; at others they were in league with the Danes

against the English, and when not so engaged were fighting one another.

When William the Conqueror had subjugated England he was determined

not to leave Wales to its independence.

But the conquest of Wales was not executed by one master mind. Wales

was given over to a number of Norman adventurers to carry out the

conquest in their own way, under no control, with the result that it

was conducted with barbarity, lawlessness, wanton destruction, and

spasmodically. In England, after the battle of Hastings, the Conqueror

set to work to consolidate the kingdom under his sceptre, and blood

ceased to flow. In Wales, in the north, the Earl of Chester and Robert

of Rhuddlan fought and conquered for themselves in Gwynedd. In like

manner the Earl of Shrewsbury raided in Powys from his fortress at

Montgomery. In the south the Earl of Hereford carried sword and fire

into Deheubarth. Frightful cruelties were committed. Ordericus Vitalis,

as he records the glory of “the warlike marquess,” or Lord Marcher,

Robert of Rhuddlan, is forced to admit with honest indignation that his

deeds were such as no Christian warrior ought to commit against his

fellow-Christians.

Seeing the importance of Shrewsbury, William built a strong castle

there. Chester, Worcester, Hereford, and Gloucester were made into

fortresses, and everything was prepared for advance.

In the reign of William Rufus, Deganwy, the old residence of the kings

of Gwynedd, above the mouth of the Conway, was seized and fortified,

and the Welsh king had to remove to Aberffraw, in Anglesey.

“The conquest which now began,” says Mr. Freeman, “that which we call

either the English or Norman conquest of Britain, differed from

the Norman conquest of England. It wrought far less change than the

landing at Ebbfleet; it wrought far more change than the landing at

Pevensey.

“The Britton of these lands, which in the Red King’s day were still

British, was gradually conquered; he was brought gradually under

English rule and English law, but he was neither exterminated nor

enslaved, nor wholly assimilated. He still abides in his ancient land,

still speaking his ancient tongue.

“The English or Norman conquest of Wales was not due to a national

migration like the English conquest of Britain, nor was it a conquest

wrought under the guise of an elaborate legal fiction, like the Norman

conquest of England.”

The process pursued was this. The Norman barons advanced with their

armed men along the shore, and up the basins of the rivers, till they

gained some point of vantage controlling the neighbourhood, and there

they erected castles of stone. This was an art they had acquired in

Normandy, where stone was abundant and easily quarried. It was one

to which the Brittons were strange. By degrees they forced their way

further; they seized the whole sea-board. They strangled the valleys

by gripping them where they opened out; they controlled the fertile

pasture and arable land from their strongholds. Towns sprang up under

the shelter of the castles, and English mechanics and traders were

encouraged to settle in them.

The Welsh had never been city builders or dwellers in cities. They had

suffered the old Roman towns to fall into decay, the walls to crumble

into shapeless heaps of ruins. They lived in scattered farms, and

every farmer had his _hafod_, or summer residence, as well as his

_hendre_, or winter and principal home. Only the retainers of a prince

dwelt about him in his palace, or _caer_. And now they saw strongly

walled and fortified towns starting up at commanding points on the

roads and beside all harbours. The arteries of traffic, the very pores

of the land, were occupied by foreigners.

As Freeman further observes:--

“Wales is, as everyone knows, pre-eminently the land of castles.

Through those districts with which we are specially concerned, castles

great and small, or the ruins or traces of castles, meet us at every

step. The churches, mostly small and plain, might themselves, with

their fortified towers, almost count as castles. The towns, almost all

of English foundation, were mostly small; they were military colonies

rather than seats of commerce. As Wales had no immemorial cities like

Exeter and Lincoln, so she had no towns which sprung up into greatness

in later times, like Bristol, Norwich, and Coventry. Every memorial of

former days which we see in the British land reminds us of how long

warfare remained the daily business alike of the men in that land and

of the strangers who had made their way into it at the sword’s point.”

Through the reigns of the Plantagenet kings the oppression and

cruelties to which the Welsh were subjected drove them repeatedly to

reprisals. At times they were successful.

During the commotions caused by the misrule of King John and the

incapacity of Henry III. the Welsh took occasion to stretch their limbs

and recover some of the lands that had been wrested from them, and to

throw down the castles that were an incubus upon them.

There were three Welsh kingdoms, or principalities. Gwynedd, roughly

conterminous with the counties of Anglesey, Carnarvon, Merioneth, and

parts of Denbigh and Flint. Powys, sadly shrunken, still comprised

Montgomeryshire and Radnor and a portion of Denbigh. The third

principality, Deheubarth or Dynevor, composed of Pembrokeshire,

Cardiganshire, Carmarthenshire, and Glamorgan. Brecknock was claimed

as part of it, but was an enclave in which the Normans had firmly

established themselves. Monmouthshire also belonged to Deheubarth.

The king of Gwynedd claimed supremacy as head over the rest, and

although this was allowed as a theory, if practically asserted it

always met with armed resistance. But this was not all that went to

weaken the Welsh opposition. Each prince who left sons carved up his

principality into portions for each, and as the brothers were mutually

jealous and desirous of acquiring each other’s land, this led to

incessant strife and intrigue with the enemy in the heart of each of

the three principalities. A great opportunity had offered. Rhodri the

Great had united all Wales in his own hands, as mentioned already. But

the union lasted only for his life; all flew apart once more at his

death in 877, and that just at the moment when unity was of paramount

importance.

Llewelyn ab Iorwerth, surnamed “the Great,” was king of Gwynedd at the

beginning of the thirteenth century, and he had sufficient wit to see

that the only salvation for Wales was to be found in its reunion, and

he attempted to achieve this. As Powys was obstructive, he had to fight

Gwenwynwyn its king, then to subject Lleyn and Merioneth.

In 1202 Llewelyn was firmly established in Gwynedd, and he married

Joan, the daughter of King John, who proceeded to reinstate Gwenwynwyn

in Powys. In 1211 this prince sided with Llewelyn against John, who,

furious at this act of ingratitude, hanged twenty-eight Welsh hostages

at Nottingham.

Llewelyn now turned his attention to the conquest of South Wales. He

stormed one castle after another, and obtained recognition as prince

of Dynevor. But in 1216 the false and fickle Gwenwynwyn abandoned the

Welsh side and went over to that of the English. After some fighting

Llewelyn submitted to Henry III. at Worcester in 1218.

His grandson, another Llewelyn, was also an able man, but he lacked

just that essential faculty of being able to detect the changes of the

sky and the signs of the times, and that ruined him.

In 1256 Llewelyn was engaged in war against the English. He had done

homage to Henry III. in 1247, but the unrest in England caused by the

feeble rule and favouritism of Henry had resulted in the revolt of the

barons. Llewelyn took advantage of this condition of affairs to recover

Deganwy Castle and to subdue Ceredigion. Then he drove the unpatriotic

son of Gwenwynwyn out of Powys. The same year he entered South Wales,

and was everywhere victorious. Brecon was brought under his rule, and

the castles held by the English were taken and burned. But Llewelyn’s

great difficulty lay with his own people, though his power was used for

the recovery of Wales from English domination.

In 1265 he had received the oaths of fealty throughout Wales, which was

now once more an independent principality. But he made at this point

a fatal mistake. He did not appreciate the strength and determination

of Edward I., the son of the feeble Henry, and in place of making

favourable terms with him he intrigued against him with some revolted

barons.

But Edward was a man of different metal from his father, and he

declared war against Llewelyn, and in 1277 invaded Wales.

Three formidable armies poured in, and Llewelyn was driven to

take refuge among the wilds of Snowdon, where he was starved into

submission. All might have gone smoothly thenceforth had Edward been

just. But he was ungenerous and harsh. He suffered his officials

to treat the Welsh with such brutality that their condition became

intolerable. Appeals for redress that were made to him were

contemptuously set aside, and the Welsh princes and people felt that it

would be better to die with honour than to be treated as slaves.

A general revolt broke out. In 1282 Llewelyn took the castles of Flint,

Rhuddlan, and Hawarden in the north, and Prince Gruffydd rose against

the English in the south.

Edward I. resolved on completely and irretrievably crushing Wales under

his heel. He entered it with a large army, and again drove Llewelyn

into the fastnesses of Snowdon. Llewelyn thence moved south to join

forces with the Welsh of Dyved, leaving his brother David to hold the

king back in North Wales.

The place appointed for the junction was near Builth, in Brecknock, but

he was betrayed into a trap and was surrounded and slain, and his head

sent to Edward, who was at Conway.

Edward ordered that his gallant adversary’s body should be denied a

Christian burial, and forwarded the head to London, where, crowned

in mockery with ivy leaves, it was set in the pillory in Cheapside.

Nor was that all: he succeeded in securing the person of David, had

him tried for high treason, hanged, drawn, and quartered. Llewelyn’s

daughter was forced to assume the veil. Thus ended the line of Cunedda,

and Llewelyn is regarded as the last of the kings of Wales.

Edward was at Carnarvon when his second son Edward was born, 1301, and

soon after he proclaimed him Prince of Wales.

It has been fondly supposed that this was a tactful and gracious act of

the king to reconcile the Welsh to the English Crown. It was nothing of

the kind. His object was to assure the Crown lands of Gwynedd to his

son.

“Edward’s brutal treatment of the remains of Llewelyn, who, though

a rebel according to the laws of the king’s nation, was slain in

honourable war, and his utter want of magnanimity in dealing with

David were long remembered among the Cymry, and helped to keep

alive the hatred with which the Welsh-speaking people for several

generations more regarded the English.”[1]

The principality of Wales indeed remained, but in a new and alien form,

and all was over for ever with the royal Cymric line.

PEDIGREE OF THE PRINCES OF GWYNEDD AND OF POWYS

Rhodri the Great = Angharad

+877 | heiress of Ceredigion

|

GWYNEDD | POWYS DEHEUBARTH

+-------------------------------------+------+------------+

| | |

Anarawd. +918 Mervyn. +901 Cadell. +907

| | |

Idwal Voel. +948 Llewelyn Howell Dda.

| | |

+----------+------------+ | +--+

| | | | |

Iago. +978 Ievan +967 Meurig. +972 Angharad = Owen. +987

| | |

+----------+ | +-----------+

| | | | Einion ancestor of

| | | | the kings of Dynevor

| | | | princes ofCardigan

| | | |

Howel Cadwallon Idwal. +995 Meredydd. +998

| +984 +985 | |

| | |

Cynan. +1003 Iago. +1039 Angharad = Cynvyn

| | ab Gwerystan

| +------+

| |

Cynan. +1005 Bleddyn. +1072

| |

+----------------------+ |

| |

Gruffydd. +1137 Meredydd. +1129

| |

| POWYS VADOG | POWYS WENWYNWYN

Owen Gwynedd. +1169 |

| +-------+-------------+

+---------+--------------+ | |

| | | | |

Howel. +1171 David. +1204 Iorwerth Madog. +1159 Gruffydd. +1125

| | |

+------------------------+ Gruffydd. +1191 Owen Cyveiliog. +1197

| | |

Llewelyn. +1240 Madog. +1236 Gwenwynwyn. +1216

| | |

+------------+ | |

| | Gruffydd. +1270 Gruffydd. +1274

David Gruffydd. +1244 | |

| +-----------------+ |

+------------+-------+ | | Owen. +1282

| | | | |

| | | Madog. +1278 Gruffydd Vychan

Owen Goch Llewelyn David | ancestor of

+1254 +1282 +1283 Gruffydd. +1282 Owen Glyndwr

A Book of North Wales · 第 2 / 16 章