"thought by some to be too gorgeous for a Wilderness, and yet too mean
in others apprehensions for a Colledg" (Johnson, _Wonder-Working
Providence_, p. 201), had partly tumbled down in 1677. The building
now visited was the "New College," the second Harvard Hall, built with
difficulty 1672-1682 and destroyed by fire in 1764. Edward Randolph,
in a report of October 12, 1676, writes: "New-colledge, built at the
publick charge, is a fair pile of brick building covered with tiles,
by reason of the late Indian warre not yet finished. It contains 20
chambers for students, two in a chamber; a large hall which serves for
a chappel; over that a convenient library." A picture of the building
may be seen in the _Proceedings_ of the Massachusetts Historical
Society, XVIII. 318.]
[Footnote 426: Rev. Urian Oakes, minister of Cambridge, was at this
time acting president, and was installed as president in the next
month. There were apparently seventeen students in the college at this
time who subsequently graduated, and perhaps a few others. The library
no doubt contained more than a thousand, perhaps more than fifteen
hundred books.]
[Footnote 427: The allusion is to the printing-office at Wieuwerd,
which Dittelbach, _Verval en Val der Labadisten_ (Amsterdam, 1692), p.
50, says was a very costly one. The Labadists had everywhere
maintained their own printer, Loureins Autein going with them in that
capacity from Amsterdam to Herford. As to the building occupied by the
famous Cambridge press, Randolph mentions "a small brick building
called the Indian colledge, where some few Indans did study, but now
it is a printing house." Printing here was this year at a low ebb;
nothing is known to have been printed but the second edition of
Eliot's Indian New Testament.]
_10th, Wednesday._ We heard that our captain expected to be ready the
first of the week.
_11th, Thursday._ Nothing occurred.
_12th, Friday._ We went in the afternoon to Mr. John Teller's, to
ascertain whether he had any good wine, and to purchase some for our
voyage, and also some brandy. On arriving at his house, we found him a
little cool; indeed, not as he was formerly. We inquired for what we
wanted, and he said he had good Madeira wine, but he believed he had
no brandy, though he thought he could assist us in procuring it. We
also inquired how we could obtain the history and laws of this place.
At last it came out. He said we must be pleased to excuse him if he
did not give us admission to his house; he durst not do it, in
consequence of there being a certain evil report in the city
concerning us; they had been to warn him not to have too much
communication with us, if he wished to avoid censure; they said we
certainly were Jesuits, who had come here for no good, for we were
quiet and modest, and an entirely different sort of people from
themselves; that we could speak several languages, were cunning and
subtle of mind and judgment, had come there without carrying on any
traffic or any other business, except only to see the place and
country; that this seemed fabulous as it was unusual in these parts;
certainly it could be for no good purpose. As regards the voyage to
Europe, we could have made it as well from New York as from Boston, as
opportunities were offered there. This suspicion seemed to have gained
more strength because the fire at Boston over a year ago was caused by
a Frenchman. Although he had been arrested, they could not prove it
against him; but in the course of the investigation, they discovered
he had been counterfeiting coin and had profited thereby, which was a
crime as infamous as the other. He had no trade or profession; he was
condemned; both of his ears were cut off; and he was ordered to leave
the country.[428] Mr. Tailler feared the more for himself,
particularly because almost all strangers were addressed to him, as we
were, in consequence of his speaking several languages, French, some
Dutch, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, etc., and could aid them. There
had also some time ago a Jesuit arrived here from Canada, who came to
him disguised, in relation to which there was much murmuring, and they
wished to punish this Jesuit, not because he was a Jesuit, but because
he came in disguise, which is generally bad and especially for such as
are the pests of the world, and are justly feared, which just hate we
very unjustly, but as the ordinary lot of God's children, had to
share. We were compelled to speak French, because we could not speak
English, and these people did not understand Dutch. There were some
persons in New York who could speak nothing but French, and very
little English. The French was common enough in these parts, but it
seemed that we were different from them. Of all this we disabused Mr.
Tailler, assuring him we were as great enemies of that brood as any
persons could be, and were, on the contrary, good Protestants or
Reformed, born and educated in that faith; that we spoke only Dutch
and French, except my companion, who could also speak Latin, and had
not come here to trade, but to examine the country, and perhaps some
morning or evening the opportunity might arrive for us to come over
with our families, when affairs in Europe, and especially in Holland,
might be settled, as the times there had been bad enough; that if they
would be pleased to listen to Mr. Eliot, the minister at Roxbury, he
could give them other testimony concerning us, as we had particularly
conversed with him. This seemed in some measure to satisfy him. I
think this bad report was caused by some persons who came from New
York, truly worldly men, whom we had not sought when we were there,
nor they us, and who, although they knew better, or at least ought to
have known better, yet out of hatred to the truth, and love of sin,
said of us what they conceived, and their corruption inclined them to
say. But the Lord who alone knows us rightly will forgive them, and
make Himself known to them if it pleases Him, and then they will know
us.
[Footnote 428: The case is that of Peter Lorphelin, accused in
connection with the great fire of August 8-9, 1679, computed to have
resulted in a loss of two hundred thousand pounds. Found guilty of
clipping coin, he was punished as above; _Records of the Court of
Assistants_, I. 145. No real evidence seems to have connected him with
the fire.]
_13th, Saturday._ As we had promised Mr. Eliot to call upon him again,
we went to Roxbury this morning. We found him at home, but he excused
himself that he had not much time, and had a great deal to do. He
called his son, who was there, and who also appeared to be a
minister,[429] to speak with us; but we excused ourselves, and said we
would not hinder him and would rather leave. However, several
questions and reasons passed between us in relation to the Confession
which we had given him, and which he praised highly, and in relation
to the professors of it, both pastors and people, in regard to which
we satisfied him; but the son, who was neither as good nor as learned
as his father, had more disposition or inclination to ridicule and
dispute, than to edify and be edified. We told him what was good for
him, and we regretted we could not talk more particularly to him. But
the father remarked that if the professors were truly what they
declared in the Confession, he could not sufficiently thank God for
what He had done. We assured him it was so, and took our leave. He
requested us to stop and dine with him, but we excused ourselves.
[Footnote 429: Doubtless Benjamin Eliot, youngest son of the Apostle,
who assisted his father in his labors as pastor and as translator.]
_14th, Sunday._ We went to church, but heard a most miserable sermon
by a young person, a candidate.
_15th, Monday._ The burgesses drilled and exercised in the presence of
the governor. There were eight companies on foot, and one on
horseback, all which divided themselves into two troops or squadrons,
and operated against each other in a sham battle, which was well
performed.[430] It took place on a large plain on the side of the
city. It did not however terminate so well, but that a commander on
horseback was wounded on the side of his face near the eye, by the
shot of a fusil, as it is usually the case that some accident happens
on such occasions. It was so in New York at the last parade, when two
young men on horseback coming towards each other as hard as they
could, to discharge their pistols, dashed against each other, and fell
instantly with their horses. It was supposed they were both killed,
and also their horses, for there were no signs of life in them; but
they were bled immediately, and after two or three hours they began to
recover, and in two days were able to go out again. One of the horses
died. We went to see John Teller, and paid him for the wine and
brandy. He seemed to have more confidence in us. We gave him to read,
as further proofs, the letters which Mr. Ephraim Hermans and Mr. John
Moll had written to us from the South River, both of whom he knew. He
told us the Reformed of Rochelle had sent some deputies to the colony
of Boston and the Independent church there to request the liberty to
come over and live in a place near them, or among them, and in their
country, which was granted them; and that they returned home three
months ago.[431]
[Footnote 430: Detailed orders for this general training and
sham-fight, as executed in 1686 by eight companies of foot and four
troops of horse, may be seen in the _Proceedings_ of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, XXXIII. 328-330.]
[Footnote 431: A dozen Huguenots came to Boston the next year, and in
1686 a settlement of them was formed at Oxford, Massachusetts.]
_16th, Tuesday._ We packed our goods in readiness to leave.
_17th, Wednesday._ We placed our goods on board ship.
_18th, Thursday._ We took leave of Mr. Teller, thanking him for his
attention and kindness, and presented him with a copy of our
_Cantiques Sacres_,[432] for which he was thankful. We would
cheerfully have given him the _Maximes_[433] also, but our goods were
packed on board the ship, and we could not get at them. He was now of
a better mind and well satisfied, returning us our letters with
thanks. While we were sitting at table this noon, it thundered very
hard, whereupon one of the daughters of the woman of the house where
we were staying commenced to scream and cry. We asked her if she were
afraid of the thunder, upon which her mother inquired of us, if we
were not. We said no, but the word had scarcely escaped our lips
before there came a frightful clap, which seemed to cleave the heart
from the body, and entirely changed our ideas. My comrade, Mr.
Vorsman, turned as pale as a white sheet, and could hardly speak. I
was fearful he had met with some mishap, but he recovered himself. It
was said there had scarcely ever been heard there such thunder. One
man was killed, and two others not far from being so. These three
persons were running in a field, and two of them seeing and hearing
the weather lay down flat on the ground under a tree; the third man
played stout and brave, jeering at the others who called to him to
come with them. Soon the lightning struck him dead to the earth, and
separated the other two from each other. There was also a hard rock,
not far from our lodgings, split through.
[Footnote 432: Labadie's _Cantiques Sacres_ are to be found in
_Fragmens de Quelques Poesies et Sentimens d'Esprit de M. Labadie_
(Amsterdam, 1678), but it would seem that they must also have been
issued separately.]
[Footnote 433: Labadie, _Abrege du Veritable Christianisme Theorique
et Pratique, ou Recueil de Maximes Chrestiennes_ (Amsterdam, 1670).]
_19th, Friday, and 20th, Saturday._ Nothing occurred.
_21st, Sunday._ Coming out of the church, Mr. Teller spoke to us, and
invited us to dine with him, but we thanked him.
_22d, Monday._ We took our leave, and went on board the ship, which
was all ready to sail, except that they were waiting for the captain.
_23d, Tuesday._ After some delay the captain came on board with the
rest of the passengers, accompanied by many of their friends. Weighed
anchor at three o'clock in the afternoon, it being almost low water,
and set sail with a southwest and south-southwest wind. In passing the
fort we fired the salvo, which it answered; the pilot and the company
then left us and we put to sea. But before going further to sea we
must give a brief description of New England, and the city of Boston
in particular.
When New Netherland was first discovered by the Hollanders, the
evidence is that New England was not known; because the Dutch East
India Company then sought a passage by the west, through which to sail
to Japan and China; and if New England had been then discovered, they
would not have sought a passage there, knowing it to be the main land;
just as when New Netherland and New England did become known, such a
passage was sought no longer through them, but farther to the north
through Davis and Hudson straits. The Hollanders, when they discovered
New Netherland, embraced under that name and title all the coast from
Virginia or Cape Hinloopen eastwardly to Cape Cod, as it was then and
there discovered by them and designated by Dutch names, as
sufficiently appears by the charts. The English afterwards discovered
New England and settled there.[434] They increased so in consequence
of the great liberties and favorable privileges which the king granted
to the Independents, that they went to live not only west of Cape Cod
and Rhode Island, but also on Long Island and other places, and even
took possession of the whole of the Fresh River,[435] which the
Hollanders there were not able to prevent, in consequence of their
small force in New Netherland, and the scanty population. The English
went more readily to the west, because the land was much better there,
and more accessible to vessels, and the climate was milder; and also
because they could trade more conveniently with the Hollanders, and be
supplied by them with provisions. New England is now described as
extending from the Fresh River to Cape Cod and thence to Kennebec,
comprising three provinces or colonies: Fresh River or Connecticut,
Rhode Island and the other islands to Cape Cod, and Boston, which
stretches from thence north. They are subject to no one, but
acknowledge the king of England for their lord,[436] and therefore no
ships enter unless they have English passports or commissions. They
have free trade with all countries; but the return cargoes from there
to Europe go to England, except those which go secretly to Holland.
There is no toll or duty paid upon merchandise exported or imported,
nor is there any impost or tax paid upon land. Each province chooses
its own governor from the magistracy, and the magistrates are chosen
from the principal inhabitants, merchants or planters. They are all
Independents in matters of religion, if it can be called religion;
many of them perhaps more for the purposes of enjoying the benefit of
its privileges than for any regard to truth and godliness. I observed
that while the English flag or color has a red ground with a small
white field in the uppermost corner, where there is a red cross, they
have here dispensed with this cross in their colors, and preserved the
rest.[437] They baptize no children except those of the members of the
congregation. All their religion consists in observing Sunday, by not
working or going into the taverns on that day; but the houses are
worse than the taverns. No stranger or traveller can therefore be
entertained on a Sunday, which begins at sunset on Saturday, and
continues until the same time on Sunday. At these two hours you see
all their countenances change. Saturday evening the constable goes
round into all the taverns of the city for the purpose of stopping all
noise and debauchery, which frequently causes him to stop his search,
before his search causes the debauchery to stop. There is a penalty
for cursing and swearing, such as they please to impose, the witnesses
thereof being at liberty to insist upon it. Nevertheless you discover
little difference between this and other places. Drinking and fighting
occur there not less than elsewhere; and as to truth and true
godliness, you must not expect more of them than of others. When we
were there, four ministers' sons were learning the silversmith's
trade.
[Footnote 434: This is to ignore the voyages of Gosnold, Pring,
Weymouth, etc., and the settlement at Fort St. George in 1607.]
[Footnote 435: The Connecticut.]
[Footnote 436: The reading is _eer_, but _heer_ was of course
intended. The control by the English king was much more real than is
here indicated. The next sentence alludes to the Navigation Acts and
their evasion. As to customs, Edward Randolph had in 1678 been
appointed collector for New England, and had begun his conflict with
the Massachusetts authorities, but with little success thus far.
Land-taxes did in fact exist.]
[Footnote 437: On Endicott's cutting of the cross from the flag, in
1634, see Winthrop's _Journal_, in this series, I. 137, 174, 182.
Since the decision then reached (1636), the cross had been left out of
all ensigns in Massachusetts except that on Castle Island.]
The soil is not as fertile as in the west. Many persons leave there to
go to the Delaware and New Jersey. They manure their lands with heads
of fish. They gain their living mostly or very much by fish, which
they salt and dry for selling; and by raising horses, oxen, and cows,
as well as hogs and sheep, which they sell alive, or slaughtered and
salted, in the Caribbean Islands and other places. They are not as
good farmers as the Hollanders about New York.
As to Boston particularly, it lies in latitude 42 deg. 20' on a very fine
bay. The city is quite large, constituting about twelve companies. It
has three churches, or meeting houses, as they call them.[438] All the
houses are made of thin, small cedar shingles, nailed against frames,
and then filled in with brick and other stuff; and so are their
churches. For this reason these towns are so liable to fires, as have
already happened several times; and the wonder to me is, that the
whole city has not been burnt down, so light and dry are the
materials. There is a large dock in front of it constructed of wooden
piers, where the large ships go to be careened and rigged; the smaller
vessels all come up to the city. On the left-hand side across the
river lies Charlestown, a considerable place, where there is some
shipping. Upon the point of the bay, on the left hand, there is a
block-house, along which a piece of water runs, called the Milk
Ditch.[439] The whole place has been an island, but it is now joined
to the main land by a low road to Roxbury. In front of the town there
are many small islands, between which you pass in sailing in and out.
On one of the middlemost stands the fort, where the ships show their
passports. At low tide the water in the channel between the islands is
three and a half and four fathoms deep, in its shallowest part. You
sail from the city southeasterly to the fort, by passing Governor's
island on the larboard, and having passed the fort, you keep close to
the south, then southeast, and gradually more to the east to the sea.
On reaching the sea we set our course due east, with the wind
south-southeast, and made good progress.
[Footnote 438: The meeting-houses of the First Church, North Church,
and South Church (built 1640, 1650, 1672).]
[Footnote 439: The battery at the foot of Fort Hill, north of which a
cove and creek then ran to the foot of Milk Street. The narrow isthmus
to Roxbury existed when the first settlers came.]
_24th, Wednesday._ The wind and our course continued the same; but it
is to be observed, the compass here is a point and a half
northwesting. We spoke an English ship bound to Virginia. We found our
latitude [42 deg.] 40' north, and the distance we had sailed 96 miles.
_25th, Thursday._ The wind became more southerly, but we held our
course the same as before, or east by south. Latitude 42 deg. 68'.
Distance reckoned to be 136 miles. The English ship which had remained
in company until now, left us. It began to blow so hard in the evening
that we had to reef the topsails and take in the mainsail, and proceed
with the mizzen-sail and foresail.
_26th, Friday._ The wind was due south, although it had been a little
more westerly during the night. We observed the latitude 42 deg. 51';
reckoned the distance run 96 miles.
We had stipulated, when we engaged our passage, to eat in the cabin,
but when we got to sea we did not do so. There were ten passengers
besides us two, and among them two females. These ten had jointly
bought a large quantity of provisions and groceries, and placed them
in the cabin, they having such power over the captain. We were
therefore compelled to remain outside, although we remonstrated. We
saw afterwards that it was the Lord's doings, who would not that we
should be in nearer communion with such wicked persons. We then
arranged to eat with the mate and another passenger above on the half
deck. We four brought together what provisions we had, and were well
satisfied with each other. We had to-day a good topsail breeze and
fine weather.
_27th, Saturday._ It was rainy during the night; and although our bunk
was in the gunner's room, it leaked in there very much. At sunrise it
cleared up a little. We could not obtain any observation, but supposed
the latitude was 43 deg. The course was east-southeast, the distance run
100 miles. As it was Saturday evening a hog was killed, there being
seven or eight on board the ship.
_28th, Sunday._ The weather was fine, with a westerly wind, but not an
entirely clear atmosphere.
Among the passengers in the cabin was a minister, an Independent, who
had formerly been in the East Indies, at Bantam on the island of Java.
He had been visiting his friends in New England, but undoubtedly could
not obtain any situation among them, and was returning to England in
order to sail if he could in the first ships back to the Indies. This
poor minister, every morning and evening, made a prayer, read some
chapters out of the Old and New Testaments, and sang a psalm, all
after the manner of the Independents. On Sundays he preached both in
the morning and afternoon, and we attended in order to avoid scandal
and dissipate as much as possible the breath of calumny.
We could not obtain any altitude to-day, in consequence of the haze.
Our course had been almost the whole night southeast by east and the
course was therefore east by south; the distance was upwards of eighty
miles. At noon it became calm, afterwards rainy, and in the evening
the wind changed to the northwest, but continued still....[440]
[Footnote 440: Several pages are here omitted, narrating nineteen days
of voyaging, but containing nothing of importance or of interest. The
_Dolphin's_ course was over the Newfoundland banks, and then around
the north of Scotland into the North Sea.]
[AUGUST, 1680] _17th, Saturday._ I slept very little last night in
consequence of the noise. We had sailed during the night a little to
the east, because our captain was afraid of falling on the island of
Bus,[441] as he was not much west of it, though according to our
reckoning he was to the east of it. We found our latitude was 57 deg. 30',
and therefore hoped to pass Bus and the rock Rockol.[442] We sailed on
several courses, but the one maintained was northeast by north. The
distance sailed was 100 miles....
[Footnote 441: Buss Island has a curious history. It was reported as
discovered in 1578, and again in 1668 and in 1671. An elaborate map of
it was then published, and for a hundred years it appeared on charts
of the North Atlantic as a considerable island, about lat. 58 deg. N.,
long. 28 deg. W. from Greenwich. But it has no existence and, though
volcanic subsidence is possible, it probably never did exist.]
[Footnote 442: Rockall, a lofty and rocky islet in the North Atlantic,
lat. 57 deg. 36' N., long. 13 deg. 41' W.]
_18th, Sunday._ We took an observation. Latitude 58 deg. 30'. It was very
cold here and the days long. The wind continued northeast and
north-northeast, with hard weather, which caused us to take in our
sails, and about ten o'clock in the evening to tack about. I remained
on deck myself, in order to keep a lookout for the great rock Rockol.
_19th, Monday._ We obtained an observation at 57 deg. 51', and we still
more believed we were before the rock Rockol, which lies in 57 deg. 40':
but we put our hope and trust in God, committing ourselves into His
hands.