[29] Juan Jaramillo, _Relation du Voyage fait a la Nouvelle-Terre sous

les Ordres du General Francisco Vasquez de Coronado_, in _Voyage de

Cibola_, Append. vi. pp. 365, 366, 367.

[30] Castaneda, i. cap. ix. pp. 40, 41, ii. cap. iii. p. 162. The word

is composed of _chichiltic_, a red object, and _calli_, house. Molina,

ii. pp. 11, 19.

[31] General Simpson locates the "Casas Grandes" on the Gila, in lat.

33 deg. 4' 21" and lon. 111 deg. 45' Greenwich. _Coronado's March_, p. 326.

[32] _Relation_, etc., p. 365. "Nous souffrimes quelques fatigues,

jusqu'a ce que nous eussions atteint une chaine de montagnes dont

j'avais entendu parler a la Nouvelle-Espagne, a plus de trois-cents

lieues de la. Nous donnames a l'endroit ou nous passames le nom de

Chichiltic-Calli, parce que nous avions su par des Indiens que nous

laissions derriere nous, qu'ils l'appelaient ainsi," etc. Id. "On nous

dit qu'elle se nommait Chichiltic-Calli. Apres avoir franchi ces

montagnes." ...

[33] Jaramillo, _Relation_, etc., p. 367. Simpson, p. 325. For

descriptions of the "Casas Grandes," I refer to Castaneda, i. cap. ix.

pp. 40, 41, ii. cap. iii. pp. 161, 162, to be compared with Mateo Mange,

_Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, serie 4, vol. i. cap. v. p.

282, describing Father Kino's visit there in 1697, cap. x. pp. 362, 363.

Cristobal Martin Bernal, Francisco de Acuna, Eusebio Francisco Kino,

etc., _Relacion_, in _Documentos_, 3 serie, vol. ii. p. 884; this bears

date, 4 Dec., 1697. Fray Tomas Ignacio Lizazoin, _Informe sobre las

Provincias de Sonora y Nueva-Vizcaya, Documentos_, 3 serie, ii. p. 698.

Segundo Media, _Rudo Ensayo Tentativo de una Prevencional Descripcion de

la Provincia de Sonora, sus Terminos y Confines_, written by a Jesuit

about 1761 or 1762, and published by Buckingham Smith at S. Augustine in

1863, cap. ii. sec. 3, p. 18. Padre Font, in _Relation de Cibola_,

Append, vii. pp. 383-386. Of more recent descriptions, I enumerate

Lieut. W. H. Emory, _Notes of a Military Reconnaissance, etc., Executive

Documents_, 41, pp. 80, 81; Capt. A. R. Johnston, _Journal_, etc., id.

pp. 582, 584, 596, 597; John R. Bartlett, _Personal Narrative of

Explorations and Incidents_, etc., vol. ii. cap. xxxii. pp. 265-280.

While we can easily identify the "Casas Grandes," seen in 1846-47 and

1852, with those described in 1697, 1761, and 1775, in regard to the

earliest description of "Chichilticalli," we are inclined to agree with

Mr. L. H. Morgan, _Seven Cities of Cibola_, that "there is no ruin on

the Gila at the present time that answers the above description."

[34] _Relation de Cibola_, part ii. cap. iii. p. 163, and especially

part iii. cap. ix. p. 243. "On fit d'abord cent dix lieues vers l'ouest,

en partant de Mexico; Ton se dirigea ensuite vers le nord-est pendant

cent lieues; puis pendant six cent cinquante vers le nord, et l'on

n'etait encore arrive qu'aux ravins des bisons. De sorte qu'apres avoir

fait plus de huit cent cinquante lieues, on n'etait pas en definitive a

plus de quatre cents de Mexico."

The "Casas Grandes" in Chihuahua are on the river of the same name,

north-west of the city of Chihuahua, and nearly south of Janos. I have

been unable as yet to ascertain when they first came to notice.

According to Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, _Letter to the General Francisco

de Gorraez Beaumont_, dated 22 Sept., 1667, in _Mandamiento del Senor

Virey, Marques de Mancora, sobre las Doctrinas de Casas Grandes, que

estaban en las Yumas, Jurisdiccion de San Felipe del Parral_, in

_Documentos_, 4 serie, vol. iii. p. 231, etc., the Padre Pedro de

Aparicio died there, and the General Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont, 1

_Letter_, 25 Oct., 1667, p. 234, adds: "Que en este puesto de las Casas

Grandes era parimo de mineria y segun tradicion antigua y ruinas que se

veian que decian ser del tiempo de Moctezuma." A very good description

of the ruins has been given by Jose Agustin Escudero, _Noticias

Estadisticas del Estado de Chihuahua_, Mexico, 1834, cap. viii. pp. 234,

235, who visited them in 1819. Finally, Mr. J. R. Bartlett, _Personal

Narrative_, etc., vol. ii. cap. xxxv., has furnished excellent

descriptions and plates.

It is hardly possible to determine if these ruins would better

correspond to "Chichilticalli" than those on the Gila. The fact that the

former presented, in 1819, the appearance of one solitary building,

whereas the latter, in 1697, composed a group of _eleven_, is

noteworthy, but far from being a critical point.

[35] _Relation_, etc, ii. cap. iii. p. 165.

[36] _Relation_, etc., p. 370.

[37] Castaneda, i. cap. xi. pp. 58, 63, 64.

[38] _Relation_, i. cap. xii., pp. 69, 70; ii. cap. iii. p. 166.

[39] _Relation_, p. 370. Castaneda, i. cap. xiii. p. 76.

[40] _Relation_, p. 370.

[41] Jaramillo, pp. 370 and 371.

[42] Acoma is always described with particular care by the older Spanish

authors. Antonio de Espejo, Carta, 23 April, 1584, in _Documentos

Ineditos del Archivo de Indias_, vol. xv. p. 179: "Y hallamos un pueblo

que se llama, Acoma, donde nos parecio, habria mas de seis mil animas,

el cual esta asentado sobre una pena alta que tiene mas de cincuenta

estados en alto," etc. Juan de Onate, _Discurso de las Jornadas que hizo

el Campo de Su Magestad desde la Nueva-Espana a la Provincia de la

Nueva-Mexico, Documentos Ineditos_, vol. xvi. pp. 268, 270: "A quatro de

Diciembre [1598?], lo mataron en Acoma, los Indios de aquella fortaleza,

que es la mejor en sitio de toda la cristiandad ..." "dieron el primer

asalto al Penol de Acoma ..." _Obediencia y Vassalaje a Su Magestad por

los Indios del Pueblo de Acoma, Documentos Ineditos_, xvi. p. 127: "Al

pie de una pena muy grande sobre la qual en lo alto della esta fundado y

poblado el Pueblo que llaman de Acoma, ..." dated 27 October, 1598. Fray

Agustin de Vetancurt, _Cronica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de

Mexico_, trat. iii. cap. vi. p. 319. "Al Oriente del Pueblo de Zia esta

el Penol de Acoma, que tiene una legua en Circuito de treinta Estados de

alto." _Menologio Franciscano_, p. 247. Both references are taken from

the edition of 1871. Furthermore, in the anonymous _Relacion del Suceso

de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en el Descubrimiento de

Cibola_, ano de 1531 (should be 1541), in vol. xiv. of the _Documentos

del Archivo de Indias_, we find Acuco (_east_ of Cibola), "el cual ellos

llaman en su lengua _Acuco_, y el padre Marcos le llamaba _Hacus_:" now

Hacus forcibly recalls the proper name of Acoma, which by the Qq'ueres

Indians, to whose stock its inhabitants belong, is called "Ago."

[43] _Carta_, 23 April, 1584, _Documentos Ineditos_, vol. xv. p. 182.

[44] _Discurso de las Jornadas, etc., Documentos Ineditos_, vol. xvi. p.

274. _Obediencia y Vassallaje a Su Magestad por los Indios del Pueblo de

San Joan Baptista_, id. vol. xv. p. 115. That the "Mohoces" were the

Moqui is evidenced by Padre Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, _Relacion de

todas las Provincias que en el Nuevo-Mexico se han visto y sabido asi

por Mar como por Tierra, desde el Ano de 1538, hasta el Ano de 1626.

Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, serie 3, vol. i. p. 30.

[45] Castaneda, i. cap. x. pp. 49, 50. Melchor Diaz reached the Rio del

Tizon, starting from Culhuacan and Sonora. This river emptied into the

Gulf of California, and he found there traces of Fernando de Alarcon.

The latter went up the Rio Colorado, and learned many details about

Cibola from Indians living along the river. _Relation de la Navigation

et de la Decouverte faite par le Capitaine Fernando Alarcon, Voyage de

Cibola_, Ternaux-Compans, Append, iv. cap. i. p. 302: "Nous y trouvames

un tres grand fleuve dont le courant etait si rapide, qu'a peine

pouvions nous nous y maintenir," cap. v. pp. 324-326; cap. vi. p. 331.

Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. xi. p. 212. Fray Juan de Torquemada,

_Monarchia Indiana_, lib. v. cap. xi. p. 609, ed. of 1723. While Alarcon

was endeavoring to meet Coronado by sailing or boating up the Colorado

from its mouth, the latter sent Garci-Lopez de Cardenas to explore a

river which the Indians of "Tusayan" had mentioned to Pedro de Tobar;

and he reached this river after twenty days' march. It is described as

follows by Castaneda (i. cap. xi. p. 62): "After these twenty days'

marching, they indeed reached this river, whose shores are so high that

they thought themselves at least three or four leagues up in the air.

The country is covered with low and crippled pines; it is exposed to the

north, and the cold is so severe that, although it was summer, it could

hardly be supported. The Spaniards for three days marched along these

mountains, hoping to find a place where they could reach the river,

which, from above, appeared to be about one fathom in width, while the

Indians said it was wider than one-half league; but it was found to be

impossible," etc. This is a fair picture of the canons of the Colorado

River of the West, the only one emptying into the head of the Gulf of

California; and Castaneda adds (p. 65): "This river was the del Tizon."

[46] _Carta, Documentos Ineditos_, vol. xv. p. 180: "Una provincia, que

son seis pueblos, que la provincia llaman Zuni, y por otro nombre

Cibola. Richard Hackluyt, _The Third and last Volume of the Voyages,

Navigations, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation_." _El

Viaie que hizo Antonio de Espeio en el Ano de ochenta y tres_, pp.

457-464, has "dieron con una Provincia, que se nombra en lengua de los

naturales Zuny, y la llaman los Espanoles Cibola, ay en ella cantidad de

Indios ..."

[47] Castaneda, i. cap. xii. pp. 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73.

[48] Jaramillo, pp. 370, 371. Castaneda, p. 69.

[49] Castaneda, p. 71.

[50] _Coronado's March_, pp. 333-336.

[51] _The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, cap. xxiv. p. 185, note I;

cap. xxv. p. 198, note I; also p. 199. I attach particular importance to

the opinions of Mr. Davis. He visited New Mexico at a time when it was

still "undeveloped," and his writings on the country show thorough

knowledge, and much documentary information. It is to be regretted that

he fails absolutely to mention his sources in any satisfactory manner, a

defect which might deprive his valuable book of much of its

unquestionable reliability and importance. The attentive student,

however, finds, after going seriously through the mass of material still

on hand, that Mr. Davis has been so painstaking and honest, that he is

very much inclined to forgive the lack of citations.

[52] From Bernalillo or Sandia, the easiest way, and the one which

Alvarado, by Coronado's order, must certainly have taken, is south of

Galisteo. This would have led him to Pecos, either by the Canon de San

Cristobal or, as I presume, to the lower valley, and thence up the river

to the Pueblo. Castaneda (ii. cap. v. p. 176) speaks of abandoned

villages along the route. There is a ruin at the place called "Pueblo,"

one at San Jose, and another at Kingman; all along the line of the

"Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad." I presume, therefore, that he

took this route. At all events, he went _south_ of the Tanos, else he

would have struck the villages called later San Lazaro and San

Cristobal, both then occupied.

[53] The belief has been expressed to me at Santa Fe, by authority which

I have learned to respect, that on the site of the present city there

stood the old town of Tiguex. This belief has been strengthened by the

popular tale, that the old adobe house, of two low stories, adjoining

the ancient chapel of San Miguel, was an ancient Indian home. Personal

inspection has, however, satisfied me of the fact that this building,

while certainly very old, is certainly not one of an Indian "pueblo." It

forms a rectangle: _Met._ 20.71' from east to west, and 4.80' from north

to south. Its front has five doors, and the upper story as many windows.

It is entirely of adobe, and may indeed have been an Indian house, but

built after their old plan, when Santa Fe had already been founded.

There is no notice of any pueblo on this site. Besides, documentary

evidence regarding the establishment of Santa Fe absolutely ignores the

existence of any Indian settlement at that place in 1598. Juan de Onate,

_Discurso de las Jornadas que hizo el Capitan de Su Magestad desde la

Nueva-Espana a la Provincia de la Nuevo-Mexico_, in _Coleccion de

Documentos del Archivo de Indias_, vol. xvi. pp. 263-266. _Obediencia y

Vasallaje a Su Magestad por los Indios de San Joan Baptista._ Id., Sept

9, 1598, pp. 115, 116: "Al Padre Fray Cristobal de Salazar, la Provincia

de los Tepuas (_Tehuas_) con los pueblos de Triape, Triaque el de Sant

Yldefonso y Santa Clara, y este pueblo de Sant Joan Batista y el de Sant

Gabriele el de Troomaxiaquino, Xiomato, Axol, Comitria, Quiotraco, y

mas, la Cibdad de Sant Francisco de los Espanoles, que al presente se

Edifican."

[54] _Obediencia y Vasallaje a Su Magestad por los Indios de

Santo-Domingo._ Id., p. 102. July 7, 1598. _Obediencia, etc., de S. Joan

Baptista_, pp. 112, 115, "los Chiguas o Tiguas."

[55] _Apuntamientos que sobre el Terreno hizo el Padre Jose Amando Niel,

Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, 3a serie, vol. i. pp. 98, 99:

"Estan pobladas junto a la sierra de Puruai que toma el nombre del

principal pueblo que se llama asi, y orilla del gran rio." There were

then three pueblos: San-Pedro, "rio abajo de Puruai;" Santiago, "rio

arriba." Puaray was destroyed and in ruins in 1711. It was here that

Father Augustin Ruiz was killed in 1581. Fray Geronimo de Zarate

Salmeron, _Relacion_, etc., p. 10. Fray Agustin de Vetancurt, _Menologio

Franciscano_, pp. 412, 413. Jean Blaeu, _Douzieme livre de la Geographie

Blaviane_, Amsterdam, 1667, p. 62, calls the Tiguas "Tebas," and says

they had "quinze bourgades." Vetancurt, _Menologio_, but principally

_Cronica de la provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mexico_, gives the

Tiguas, before 1680, the following stations and pueblos: Isleta,

Alameda, Puray, and Sandia, pp. 310-313.

[56] _Relacion_, etc., p. 10.

[57] A. S. Gatschet, _Zwoelf Sprachen aus dem Suedwesten Nord-Amerika's_,

Weimar, 1876, p. 41.

[58] Castaneda, i. cap. xix. p. 116.

[59] Simpson, _Coronado's March_, pp. 336.

[60] Castaneda, i. cap. xiii. p. 76.

[61] _Spanish Conquest_, cap. xxiii. p. 180, note 5, p. 181, note 6.

[62] Castaneda, p. 76.

[63] Isleta is probably a modern _pueblo_, that is one erected since

1598 and previous to 1680, and I shall treat it as such till I am better

informed. The description by Vetancurt ("_Cronica_," etc., trat. iii.

cap. v. pp. 310 and 311, as in the year 1680) is characteristic:

"Formase un rio de la nieve que se derrite, que con el rio Norte cercan

un campo de cinco leguas ... Es el paso para las provincias de Acoma,

Zunias, Moqui ..." In a straight line, the distance from Bernalillo is

about twenty-five miles.

[64] p. 76. "Le general remonta ensuite la riviere, et visita toute la

province jusqu'a ce qu'il fut arrive a Tiguex."

[65] p. 76. "Ils apprirent qu'en descendant la riviere ils trouveraient

encore d'autres villages."

[66] Castaneda, ii. cap. iv. p. 168.

[67] Cap. vi. p. 182, part ii. In looking at the map, it will be seen

that Bernalillo is, indeed, a central point. Along the Rio Grande it is

almost at equal distances from Taos at the north, and Socorro at the

south, whereas it is little further (in an east-westerly line) from

Bernalillo to Zuni, than from Bernalillo to the plains. The accuracy of

Castaneda becomes more and more wonderful, the closer his narrative is

studied and compared with the country itself. His distance exceeds the

bee-line regularly almost by one-third; a very natural fact, since he

computes the lengths from the routes taken.

[68] These facts are taken from the following passages of Castaneda: i.

cap. xviii., ii. cap. vi., Queres; i. cap. xxii, ii. cap. vi., Hemes and

Aguas Calientes; ii. cap. iv., Acha; i. cap. xxii., ii. cap. vi., Braba;

i. cap. xviii., Cia; ii. cap. v., Ximera; and i. cap. xxii., ii. cap.

vi., Yuque-Yunque, perhaps Cuyamunque.

[69] Santo Domingo, Cochiti, San Felipe, Santa-Ana, and Cia are the

Queres pueblos near the Rio Grande still remaining. They all then

existed in 1598. _Obediencia, etc., a S. Joan Baptista_, p. 113.

[70] The Jemez or Emmes, in 1598, contained nine "pueblos," or rather

places of habitation. _Obediencia, etc., de Santo Domingo_, p. 102.

Niel, p. 99, mentions five.

[71] Castaneda, i. cap. xxii. It is unmistakable. Compare Simpson,

_Coronado's March_, p. 339. Vetancurt, _Cronica_, etc., p. 319. "Este es

el ultimo pueblo hacia el norte." Jean Blaeu, _Geographie_, etc., p. 62.

[72] This is equally definite. Castaneda, ii. cap. v. p. 177. "Between

Cicuye and the province of Quirix, there exists a small very well

fortified village which the Spaniards have named Ximera, and another one

which appears to have been very large." This shows that the Spaniards

went from Pecos by the San Cristobal canon.

[73] To-day Tezuque, Nambe, Santa Clara, San Juan, San Ildefonso,

Pojuaque, and, besides, Cuyamunque in ruins.

[74] The Piros were totally dispersed during the intertribal wars of

1680-89. Niel, p. 104. Senecu, near Mesilla, is a Piros pueblo, founded

by Fray Antonio de Arteaga in 1630. Fray Balthasar de Medina, _Chronica

de la Provincia de S. Diego de Mexico de Religiosos Descalzos de N. S.

P. S. Francisco de la Nueva-Espana_, Mexico, 1682, lib. iv. cap. vii.

fol. 168. Vetancurt, _Cronica_, p. 309. It is therefore a Spanish

"colony," and not an original pueblo.

[75] Castaneda, i. cap. ix., ii. cap. iii. iv. p. 183, vii. p. 188. Fray

Marcos de Niza, pp. 274-276, Jaramillo, pp. 368, 369.

[76] Antonio Espejo, _Viaje_, etc. Vetancurt, _Cronica_, etc., pp. 302,

303.

[77] Vetancurt, _Cronica_, etc., trat. iii. cap. iv. pp. 302, 303-305,

cap. vi. pp. 324, 325.

[78] Espejo, _Viaje_, etc.

[79] _Coronado's March_, pp. 336-339. Don Jose Cortes, _Memorias sobre

las Provincias del Norte de Nueva-Espana_, 1799. MSS. of the library of

Congress, fol. 87.

[80] Coronado, Letter of Oct. 20, 1541, p. 354. Castaneda, ii. cap.

viii. p. 194, Jaramillo, pp. 376, 377.

[81] He went from Santa Fe N.E. and E.N.E., and struck the

"Escansaques:" might they have been the "Kansas?" Geronimo de Zarate

Salmeron, _Relacion_, etc., pp. 26, 27.

[82] Zarate Salmeron, p. 29.

[83] I append a valuable description of these ruins from the

Surveyor-General's office at Santa Fe, communicated to me by Mr. D. J.

Miller. (See p. 30.)

[84] This is made probable through the statement of Father Jose Amando

Niel (p. 108), to the effect that the Yutas warred against the Pananas

and the Jumanas. The latter were about Socorro, therefore the Yutas must

have descended east to below Pecos. Their arrival east of the Sierra

Madre is placed, through the reports of the Pecos, about 1530.

Castaneda, ii. cap. v., p. 178.

[85] _Obediencia, etc., de S. Joan Baptista_, p. 113, "todos los Apaches

desde la Sierra Nevada hacia la parte del Norte y Poniento," p. 114;

speaking of the Jemez, "y mas, todos los Apaches y cocoyes de sus

sierras y comarcas."

[86] In a subsequent paper, I hope to continue this "Historical

Introduction," in the shape of a discussion of the various expeditions

into New Mexico, and from it to other points north-west and north-east,

up to the year 1605.

II.

A VISIT TO THE ABORIGINAL RUINS IN THE VALLEY OF THE RIO PECOS.

About thirty miles to the south-east of the city of Santa Fe, and in the

western sections of the district of San Miguel (New Mexico), the upper

course of the Rio Pecos traverses a broad valley, extending in width

from east to west about six or eight miles, and in length from

north-west to south-east from twenty to twenty-five. Its boundaries

are,--on the north and north-east, the Sierra de Santa Fe, and the

Sierra de Santa Barbara, or rather their southern spurs; on the west a

high _mesa_ or table land, extending nearly parallel to the river until

opposite or south of the peak of Bernal; on the east, the Sierra de

Tecolote. The altitude of this valley is on an average not less than six

thousand three hundred feet,[87] while the _mesa_ on the right bank of

the river rises abruptly to nearly two thousand feet higher; the

Tecolote chain is certainly not much lower, if any; and the summits of

the high Sierras in the north rise to over ten thousand feet at

least.[88]

The Rio Pecos (which empties into the Rio Grande fully five degrees

more to the south, in the State of Texas) hugs, in the upper part of the

valley, closely to the mountains of Tecolote, and thence runs almost

directly north and south. The high _mesa_ opposite, known as the Mesa de

Pecos, sweeps around in huge semicircles, but in a general direction

from north-west to south-east. The upper part of the valley, therefore,

forms a triangle, whose apex, at the south, would be near San Jose:

whereas its base-line at the north might be indicated as from the Plaza

de Pecos to Baughl's Sidings; or rather from the Rio Pecos, east of the

town, to the foot of the _mesa_ on the west, a length of over six miles.

Nearly in the centre of this triangle, two miles west of the river, and

one and a half miles from Baughl's, there rises a narrow, semicircular

cliff or _mesilla_, over the bed of a stream known as the Arroyo de

Pecos.[89] The southern end of this tabular cliff (its highest point as

well as its most sunny slope) is covered with very extensive ruins,

representing, as I shall hereafter explain, _three distinct kinds of

occupation of the place by man_. These ruins are known under the name of

the Old Pueblo of Pecos.

The tourist who, in order to reach Santa Fe from the north, takes the

Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railroad at La Junta, Colorado,--fascinated

as he becomes by the beauty as well as by the novelty of the landscape,

while running parallel with the great Sierra Madre, after he has

traversed the Ratonis at daybreak,--enters a still more weird country in

the afternoon. The Rio Pecos is crossed just beyond Bernal, and thence

on he speeds towards the west and north: to the left, the towering Mesa

de Pecos, dark pines clambering up its steep sides; to the right, the

broad valley, scooped out, so to say, between the _mesa_ and the

Tecolote ridge. It is dotted with green patches and black clusters of

cedar and pine shooting out of the red and rocky soil. Scarcely a house

is visible, for the _casitas_ of adobe and wood nestle mostly in

sheltered nooks. Beyond Baughl's, the ruins first strike his view; the

red walls of the church stand boldly out on the barren _mesilla_; and to

the north of it there are two low brown ridges, the remnants of the

Indian houses. The bleak summits of the high northern chain seem to rise

in height as he advances; even the distant Trout mountains (Sierra de la

Trucha) loom up solemnly towards the head-waters of the Pecos. About

Glorieta the vale disappears, and through the shaggy crests of the Canon

del Apache, which overlooks the track in awful proximity, he sallies out

upon the central plain of northern New Mexico, six thousand eight

hundred feet above the sea-level. To the south-west the picturesque

Sandia mountains;[90] to the west, far off, the Heights of Jemez and the

Sierra del Valle, bound the level and apparently barren table-land. An

hour more of fearfully rapid transit with astonishing curves, and, at

sunset, he lands at La Villa Real de Santa-Fe.

Historical Introduction to Studies Among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico; Report on the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos Papers Of The Archæological Institute Of America, American Series, Vol. I · 第 2 / 10 段