my unqualified approbation in all respects. But it is impossible
not to be struck with the propriety and decency of their manners,
so unlike the clownish impudence of our German wh--. I could not
distinguish them from modest women, otherwise than by their greater
attention and eagerness to shew me civility. My friend used to
laugh at my mistakes, and I could not believe him when he told me
that the lady who had kindly shewed the way to me, a foreigner, was
a votary of Venus. He maintained that English liberty naturally
produced morality and kindness. I still doubted, and he said
that he would convince me by my own experience. These girls are
to be seen in crowds every evening in every quarter of the town.
Although some of them may not have even a shift, they come out in
the evening dressed like princesses, in hired clothes, which are
entrusted to them without any fear of their making off with them.
Their fine shape, their beautiful skin, and dark brown hair, their
bosoms, so prettily set off by their black silk dress, and above
all, the gentle sweetness of their manners, makes an impression in
the highest degree favourable to them. They civilly offer their arm
and say, "My dear, will you give me a glass of wine." If you give
them no encouragement, they pass on, and give no farther trouble.
I went with my friend to Covent Garden, and after admiring the
innumerable beauties we saw in the piazzas, we gave our arm to
three very agreeable girls, and immediately turned into a temple of
the Cytherean Goddess, which is to be found at every second door
in the city, and were shewn into a parlour elegantly carpeted and
furnished, and lighted with wax, with every other accommodation at
hand.--My friend called for a pint of wine, and this was all the
expence for which we received so much civility. The conversation and
other behaviour of the ladies was agreeable in the highest degree,
and _not a word_ passed that would have distinguished them from
nuns, or that was not in the highest degree mannerly and elegant. We
parted in the street--and such is the liberty of England, that my
friend ran not the smallest risk of suffering either in his honour
or usefulness.--Such is the effect of freedom."
We may be sure, the poor man was astonished when he saw his name
before the public as one of the enlighteners of Christian Europe. He
is really a man of worth, and of the most irreproachable character,
and knew that whatever might be the protection of British liberty,
such conduct would ruin him with his own hearers, and in the minds
of all his respectable countrymen. He therefore sent a vindication
of his character from this slanderous abuse to the publishers of
the principal newspapers and literary journals in Germany. The
vindication is complete, and B. is convicted of having related what
he _could not possibly have seen_. It is worthy of remark, that the
vindication did not appear in the _Berlin Monatschrift_, nor in any
of the journals which made favorable mention of the performances of
the Enlighteners.
"Think not, indignant reader," says Arbuthnot, "that this man's
life is useless to mortals." It shews in a strong light the falsity
of all his declamations in favour of his so much praised natural
religion and universal kindness and humanity. No man of the party
writes with more persuasive energy, and, though his petulance and
precipitant self-conceit lead him frequently astray, no man has
occasionally put all the arguments of these philosophers in a
clearer light; yet we see that all is false and hollow. He is a vile
hypocrite, and the real aim of all his writings is to make money,
by fostering the sensual propensities of human nature, although
he sees and feels that the completion of the plan of the German
Union would be an event more destructive and lamentable than any
that can be pointed out in the annals of superstition. I will not
say that all partisans of Illumination are hogs of the sty of
Epicurus like this wretch. But the reader must acknowledge that, in
the institution of Weishaupt, there is the same train of sensual
indulgence laid along the whole, and that purity of heart and life
is no part of the morality that is held forth as the perfection of
human nature. The final abolition of Christianity is undoubtedly
one of its objects--whether as an end of their efforts, or as a
mean for the attainment of some end still more important. Purity
of heart is perhaps the most distinctive feature of Christian
morality. Of this Dr. Bahrdt seems to have had no conception; and
his institution, as well as his writings, shew him to have been a
very coarse sensualist. But his taste, though coarse, accorded with
what Weishaupt considered as a ruling propensity, by which he had
the best chance of securing the fidelity of his subjects.--Craving
desires, beyond the bonds of our means, were the natural
consequences of indulgence; and since the purity of Christian
morality stood in his way, his first care was to clear the road by
rooting it out altogether--What can follow but general dissoluteness
of manners?
Nothing can more distinctly prove the crooked politics of the
Reformers than this. It may be considered as the main-spring of
their whole machine. Their pupils were to be led by means of their
sensual appetites, and the aim of their conductors was not to
inform them, but merely to lead them; not to reform, but to rule
the world.--They would reign, though in hell, rather than serve in
heaven.--Dr. Bahrdt was a true Apostle of Illuminatism; and though
his torch was made of the grossest materials, and "served only to
discover sights of woe," the horrid glare darted into every corner,
rousing hundreds of filthy vermin, and directing their flight to
the rotten carrion where they could best deposit their poison and
their eggs; in the breasts, to wit, of the sensual and profligate,
there to fester and burst forth in a new and filthy progeny; and it
is astonishing what numbers were thus roused into action. The scheme
of Reading Societies had taken prodigiously, and became a very
profitable part of the literary trade of Germany. The booksellers
and writers soon perceived its importance, and acted in concert.
I might fill a volume with extracts from the criticisms which were
published on the _Religion Edict_ so often mentioned already.
The Leipzig catalogue for one year contained 173. Although it
concerned the Prussian States alone, these appeared in every
corner of Germany; nay, also in Holland, in Flanders, in Hungary,
in Switzerland, in Courland, and in Livonia. This shows it to
have been the operation of an Associated Band, as was intimated
to the King, with so much petulance by Mirabeau. There was (past
all doubt) such a combination among the innumerable scribblers who
supplied the fairs of Leipzig and Frankfort. Mirabeau calls it a
_Conjuration des Philosophes_, an expression very clear to himself,
for the myriads of gareteers who have long fed the craving mouth of
Paris (always thirsting after some "new thing") called themselves
philosophers, and, like the gangs of St. Giles's, conversed with
each other in a cant of their own, full of _morale_, of _energie_,
of _bienvillance_, &c. &c. &c. unintelligible or misunderstood by
other men, and used for the purpose of deceit. While Mirabeau lived
too, they formed a _Conjuration_. The 14th of July 1790, the most
solemn invocation of the Divine presence ever made on the face of
this earth, put an end to the propriety of this appellation; for
it became necessary (in the progress of political Illumination) to
declare that oaths were nonsense, because the invoked was a creature
of the imagination, and the grand federation, like Wieshaupt and
Bahrdt's Masonic Christianity, is declared, to those initiated
into the higher mysteries, to be a lie. But if we have no longer a
_Conjuration des Philosophes_, we have a gang of scribblers that
has got possession of the public mind by their management of the
literary Journals of Germany, and have made licentious sentiments in
politics, in morals, and in religion, as familiar as were formerly
the articles of ordinary news. All the sceptical writings of England
put together will not make half the number that have appeared in
Protestant Germany during the last twelve or fifteen years. And, in
the Criticisms on the Edict, it is hard to say whether infidelity or
disloyalty fills the most pages.
To such a degree had the Illuminati carried this favourite and
important point that they obtained the direction even of those
whose office it was to prevent it. There is at Vienna, as at
Berlin, an office for examining and licensing writings before
they can have their course in the market. This office publishes
annually an index of forbidden books. In this index are included
the account of the last _Operations of Spartacus and Philo in the
Order of Illuminati_, and a dissertation on _The Final Overthrow of
Free Masonry_, a most excellent performance, showing the gradual
corruption and final perversion of that society to a seminary of
sedition. Also the Vienna _Magazine of Literature and Arts_, which
contains many accounts of the interferences of the Illuminati in the
disturbances of Europe. The Censor who occasioned this prohibition
was an _Illuminatus_ named _Retzer_. He makes a most pitiful and
Jesuitical defence, showing himself completely versant in all
the chicane of the _Illuminati_, and devoted to their Infidel
principles. (See _Rel. Begebenh._ 1795, p. 493.)
There are two performances which give us much information respecting
the state of moral and political opinions in Germany about this
time. One of them is called, _Proofs of a hidden Combination to
destroy the Freedom of Thought and Writing in Germany_. These
proofs are general, taken from many concurring circumstances in the
condition of German literature. They are convincing to a thinking
mind, but are too abstracted to be very impressive on ordinary
readers. The other is the _Appeal to my Country_, which I mentioned
in page 84. This is much more striking, and in each branch of
literature, gives a progressive account of the changes of sentiment,
all supported by the evidence of the books themselves. The author
puts it past contradiction, that in every species of literary
composition into which it was possible, without palpable absurdity,
to introduce licentious and seditious principles, it was done. Many
romances, novels, journeys through Germany and other countries[18],
are written on purpose to attach praise or reproach to certain
sentiments, characters, and pieces of conduct. The Prince, the
nobleman, is made despotic, oppressive, unfeeling or ridiculous--the
poor, and the man of talents, are unfortunate and neglected--and
here and there a fictitious Graff or Baron is made a divinity,
by philanthropy expressed in romantic charity and kindness, or
ostentatious indifference for the little honours which are so
precious in the eyes of a German.--In short, the system of Weishaupt
and Knigge is carried into vigorous effect over all. In both these
performances, and indeed in a vast number of other pieces, I see
that the influence of Nicholai is much commented on, and considered
as having had the chief hand in all those innovations.
[18] A plan adopted within these few years in our own country,
which, if prosecuted with the same industry with which it has been
begun, will soon render our circulating Libraries so many Nurseries
of Sedition and Impiety. (See Travels into Germany by Este.)
Thus I think it clearly appears, that the suppression of the
Illuminati in Bavaria and of the Union in Brandenburgh, were
insufficient for removing the evils which they had introduced. The
Elector of Bavaria was obliged to issue another proclamation in
November 1790, warning his subjects of their repeated machinations,
and particularly enjoining the magistrates to observe carefully the
assemblies in the Reading Societies, which were multiplying in his
States. A similar proclamation was made and repeated by the Regency
of Hanover, and it was on this occasion that Mauvillon impudently
avowed the most anarchical opinions.--But Weishaupt and his agents
were still busy and successful. The habit of plotting had formed
itself into a regular system. Societies now acted every where in
secret, in correspondence with similar societies in other places.
And thus a mode of co-operation was furnished to the discontented,
the restless, and the unprincipled in all places, without even the
trouble of formal initiations, and without any external appearances
by which the existence and occupations of the members could be
distinguished. The hydra's teeth were already sown, and each grew
up, independent of the rest, and soon sent out its own offsets.--In
all places where such secret practices were going on, there did
not fail to appear some individuals of more than common zeal and
activity, who took the lead, each in his own circle. This gave a
consistency and unity to the operations of the rest, and they,
encouraged by this co-operation, could now attempt things which they
would not otherwise have ventured on. It is not till this state
of things obtains, that this influence becomes sensible to the
public. Philo, in his public declaration, unwarily lets this appear.
Speaking of the numerous little societies in which their principles
were cultivated, he says, "we thus begin to be formidable." It may
now alarm--but it is now too late. The same germ is now sprouting in
another place.
I must not forget to take notice that about this time (1787 or
1788,) there appeared an invitation from a Baron or Prince S----,
Governor of the Dutch fortress H----, before the troubles in
Holland, to form a society _for the Protection of Princes_.--The
plan is expressed in very enigmatical terms, but such as plainly
shew it to be merely an odd title, to catch the public eye; for the
Association is of the same seditious kind with all those already
spoken of, viz. professing to enlighten the minds of men, and making
them imagine that all their hardships proceed from superstition,
which subjects them to useless and crafty priests; and from their
own indolence and want of patriotism, which make them submit to
the mal-administration of ministers. The Sovereign is supposed to
be innocent, but to be a cypher, and every magistrate, who is not
chosen by the people actually under him, is held to be a despot,
and is to be bound hand and foot.--Many circumstances concur to
prove that the projector of this insidious plan is the Prince Salms,
who so assiduously fomented all the disturbances in the Dutch and
Austrian Netherlands. He had, before this time, taken into his
service Zwack, the Cato of the Illuminati. The project had gone some
length when it was discovered and suppressed by the States.
Zimmerman, who had been President of the Illuminati in Manheim, was
also a most active person in propagating their doctrines in other
countries. He was employed as a missionary, and erected some Lodges
even in Rome--also at Neufchatel--and in Hungary. He was frequently
seen in the latter place by a gentleman of my acquaintance, and
preached up all the ostensible doctrines of Illuminatism in the most
public manner, and made many proselytes. But when it was discovered
that their real and fundamental doctrines were different from those
which he professed in order to draw in proselytes, Zimmerman left
the country in haste.--Some time after this he was arrested in
Prussia for seditious harangues--but he escaped, and has not been
heard of since.--When he was in Hungary he boasted of having erected
above an hundred Lodges in different parts of Europe, some of which
were in England.
* * * * *
That the Illuminati and other hidden Cosmo-political societies had
some influence in bringing about the French Revolution, or at least
in accelerating it, can hardly be doubted. In reading the secret
correspondence, I was always surprised at not finding any reports
from France, and something like a hesitation about establishing a
mission there; nor am I yet able thoroughly to account for it. But
there is abundant evidence that they interfered, both in preparing
for it in the same manner as in Germany, and in accelerating
its progress. Some letters in the Brunswick Journal from one
_Campe_, who was an inspector of the seminaries of education, a
man of talents, and an _Illuminatus_, put it beyond doubt. He was
residing in Paris during its first movements, and gives a minute
account of them, lamenting their excesses, on account of their
imprudence, and the risk of shocking the nation, and thus destroying
the project, but justifying the motives, on the true principles
of Cosmo-politism. The Vienna Zeitschrift and the Magazine of
Literature and Fine Arts for 1790, and other pamphlets of that
date, say the same thing in a clearer manner. I shall lay together
some passages from such as I have met with, which I think will shew
beyond all possibility of doubt that the Illuminati took an active
part in the whole transaction, and may be said to have been its
chief contrivers. I shall premise a few observations, which will
give a clearer view of the matter.
CHAP. IV.
_The French Revolution._
During these dissensions and discontents, and this general
fermentation of the public mind in Germany, political occurrences
in France gave exercise and full scope for the operation of that
spirit of revolt which had long growled in secret in the different
corners of that great empire. The Cosmo-political and sceptical
opinions and sentiments so much cultivated in all the Lodges of the
_Philalethes_ had by this time been openly professed by many of the
sages of France, and artfully interwoven with their statistical
economics. The many contests between the King and the Parliament of
Paris about the registration of his edicts, had given occasion to
much discussion, and had made the public familiarly acquainted with
topics altogether unsuitable to the absolute monarchy of France.
This acquaintance with the natural expectations of the subject,
and the expediency of a candid attention on the part of Government
to these expectations, and a view of Legislation and Government
founded on a very liberal interpretation of all these things, was
prodigiously promoted by the rash interference of France in the
dispute between Great Britain and her colonies. In this attempt to
ruin Britain, even the court of France was obliged to preach the
doctrines of Liberty, and to take its chance that Frenchman would
consent to be the only slaves. But their officers and soldiers, who
returned from America, imported the American principles, and in
every company found hearers who listened with delight and regret
to their fascinating tale of American independence. During the
war, the Minister, who had too confidently pledged himself for the
destruction of Britain, was obliged to allow the Parisians to amuse
themselves with theatrical entertainments, where English law was
represented as oppression, and every fretful extravagance of the
Americans was applauded as a noble struggle for native freedom.--All
wished for a taste of that liberty and equality which they were
allowed to applaud on the stage; but as soon as they came from the
theatre into the street, they found themselves under all their
former restraints. The sweet charm had found its way into their
hearts, and all the luxuries of France became as dull as common life
does to a fond girl when she lays down her novel.
In this irritable state of mind a spark was sufficient for kindling
a flame. To import this dangerous delicacy of American growth,
France had expended many millions, and was drowned in debts. The
mad prodigality of the Royal Family and the Court had drained the
treasury, and forestalled every livre of the revenue. The edicts for
new taxes and forced loans were most unwelcome and oppressive.
The _Avocats au parlement_ had nothing to do with state-affairs,
being very little more than barristers in the highest court of
justice; and the highest claim of the Presidents of this court was
to be a sort of humble counsellors to the King in common matters. It
was a very strange inconsistency in that ingenious nation to permit
such people to touch on those state-subjects; for, in fact, the King
of France was an absolute Monarch, and the subjects were slaves.
This is the result of all their painful research, notwithstanding
that glimmerings of natural justice and of freedom are to be met
with in their records. There could not be found in their history so
much as a tolerable account of the manner of calling the nation
together, to learn from the people how their chains would best
please their fancy. But all this was against nature, and it was
necessary that it should come to an end, the first time that the
monarch confessed that he could not do every thing unless they put
the tools into his hands. As things were approaching gradually but
rapidly to this condition, the impertinent interference (for so a
Frenchman, subject of the Grand Monarch, _must_ think it) of the
advocates of the Parliament of Paris was popular in the highest
degree; and it must be confessed, that in general it was patriotic,
however inconsistent with the constitution. They felt themselves
pleading the cause of humanity and natural justice. This would
embolden honest and worthy men to speak truth, however unwelcome
to the court. In general, it must also be granted that they spoke
with caution and with respect to the sovereign powers; and they had
frequently the pleasure of being the means of mitigating the burdens
of the people. The Parliament of Paris, by this conduct, came to
be looked up to as a sort of mediator between the King and his
subjects; and as the avocats saw this, they naturally rose in their
own estimation far above the rank in which the constitution of their
government had placed them. For it must always be kept in mind, that
the robe was never considered as the dress of a Nobleman, although
the cassock was. An advocate was merely not a rotourier; and though
we can hardly conceive a profession more truly honourable than the
dispensing of distributive justice, nor any skill more congenial to
a rational mind than that of the practical morality which we, in
theory, consider as the light by which they are always conducted;
and although even the artificial constitution of France had long
been obliged to bow to the dictates of nature and humanity, and
confer nobility, and even title, on such of the professors of the
municipal law as had, by their skill and their honourable character,
risen to the first offices of their profession, yet the Noblesse
de la Robe never could incorporate with the Noblesse du Sang, nor
even with the Noblesse de l'Epee. The descendants of a Marquis
de la Robe never could rise to certain dignities in the church
and at court. The avocats de la parlement felt this, and smarted
under the exclusion from court-honours; and though they eagerly
courted such nobility as they could attain, they seldom omitted any
opportunity that occurred during their junior practice, of exposing
the arrogance of the Noblesse, and the dominion of the court. This
increased their popularity, and in the present situation of things,
being certain of support, they went beyond their former cautious
bounds, and introduced in their pleadings, and particularly in their
joint remonstrances against the registration of edicts, all the
wire-drawn morality, and cosmo-political jurisprudence, which they
had so often rehearsed in the Lodges, and which had of late been
openly preached by the economists and philosophers.