Thus was corruption spread over the kingdom under the mask of moral

instruction. For these discourses were full of the most refined and

strained morality, and florid paintings of Utopian felicity, in a

state where all are Brothers and citizens of the world. But alas!

these wire-drawn principles seem to have had little influence on

the hearts, even of those who could best display their beauties.

Read the tragedies of Voltaire, and some of his grave performances

in prose--What man is there who seems better to know his Master's

will? No man expresses with more propriety, with more exactness,

the feelings of a good mind. No man seems more sensible of the

immutable obligation of justice and of truth. Yet this man, in

his transactions with his booksellers, with the very men to whom

he was immediately indebted for his affluence and his fame, was

repeatedly, nay incessantly, guilty of the meanest, the vilest

tricks. When he sold a work for an enormous price to one bookseller,

(even to Cramer, whom he really respected,) he took care that a

surreptitious edition should appear in Holland, almost at the same

moment. Proof-sheets have been traced from Ferney to Amsterdam. When

a friend of Cramer's expostulated with Voltaire on the injustice of

this conduct, he said, grinning, _Oh le bon Cramer--eh bien--il_

_n'a que d' etre du parti_--he may take a share--he will not give

me a livre the less for the first piece I offer him. Where shall

we see more tenderness, more honour, more love of every thing that

is good and fair, than in Diderot's _Pere de Famille_?--Yet this

man did not scruple to sell to the Empress of Russia an immense

library, which he did not possess, for an enormous price, having

got her promise that it should remain in his possession in Paris

during his life. When her ambassador wanted to see it, after a year

or two's payments, and the visitation could be no longer staved off,

Diderot was obliged to set off in a hurry, and run through all the

booksellers shops in Germany, to help him to fill his empty shelves.

He had the good fortune to save appearances--but the trick took air,

because he had been niggardly in his attention to the ambassador's

secretary. This, however, did not hinder him from honouring his

Imperial pupil with a visit. He expected adoration, as the light of

the world, and was indeed received by the Russian courtiers with

all the childish fondness that they feel for every Parisian mode.

But they did not understand him, and as he did not like to lose

money at play, they did not long court his company. He found his

pupil too clear sighted. _Ces philosophes_, said she, _sont beaux,

vús de loin; mais de plus prés, le diamant parait crystal_. He

had contrived a poor story, by which he hoped to get his daughter

married in parade, and portioned by her Majesty--but it was seen

through, and he was disappointed.

When we see the inefficacy of this refined humanity on these two

apostles of philosophical virtue, we see ground for doubting of

the propriety and expediency of trusting entirely to it for the

peace and happiness of a state, and we should be on our guard

when we listen to the florid speeches of the Brother Orator, and

his congratulations on the emancipation from superstition and

oppression, which will in a short time be effectuated by the

_Chevaliers Bienfaisants_, the _Philalethes_, or any other sect of

cosmo-political Brethren.

I do not mean by all this to maintain, that the Mason Lodges were

the sole corrupters of the public mind in France.--No.--In all

nations that have made much progress in cultivation, there is a

great tendency to corruption, and it requires all the vigilance

and exertions of magistrates, and of moral instructors, to prevent

the spreading of licentious principles and maxims of conduct. They

arise naturally of themselves, as weeds in a rich soil; and, like

weeds, they are pernicious, only because they are, where they should

not be, in a cultivated field. Virtue is the cultivation of the

human soul, and not the mere possession of good dispositions; all

men have these in some degree, and occasionally exhibit them. But

virtue supposes exertion; and, as the husbandman must be incited to

his laborious task by some cogent motive, so must man be prompted

to that exertion which is necessary on the part of every individual

for the very existence of a great society: For man is indolent,

and he is luxurious; he wishes for enjoyment, and this with little

trouble. The less fortunate envy the enjoyments of others, and

repine at their own inability to obtain the like. They see the idle

in affluence. Few, even of good men, have the candour, nay, I may

call it the wisdom, to think on the activity and the labour which

had procured those comforts to the rich or to their ancestors; and

to believe that they are idle only because they are wealthy, but

would be active if they were needy.--Such spontaneous reflexions

cannot be expected in persons who are engaged in unceasing labour,

to procure a very moderate share (in their estimation at least) of

the comforts of life. Yet such reflexions would, in the main, be

just, and surely they would greatly tend to quiet the minds of the

unsuccessful.

This excellent purpose may be greatly forwarded by a national

establishment for moral instruction and admonition; and if the

public instructors should add all the motives to virtuous moderation

which are suggested by the considerations of genuine religion,

every advice would have a tenfold influence. Religious and moral

instructions are therefore, in their own nature, unequivocal

supports to that moderate exertion of the authority arising from

civil subordination, which the most refined philanthropist or

cosmo-polite acknowledges to be necessary for the very existence

of a great and cultivated society. I have never seen a scheme of

Utopian happiness that did not contain some system of education, and

I cannot conceive any system of education of which moral instruction

is not a principal part. Such establishments are dictates of nature,

and obtrude themselves on the mind of every person who begins to

form plans of civil union. And in all existing societies they have

indeed been formed, and are considered as the greatest corrector

and soother of those discontents that are unavoidable in the minds

of the unsuccessful and the unfortunate. The magistrate, therefore,

whose professional habits lead him frequently to exert himself for

the maintenance of public peace, cannot but see the advantages of

such stated remembrancers of our duty. He will therefore support and

cherish this public establishment, which so evidently assists him in

his beneficent and important labours.

But all the evils of society do not spring from the discontents

and the vices of the poor. The rich come in for a large and a

conspicuous share. They frequently abuse their advantages. Pride

and haughty behaviour on their part rankle in the breasts, and

affect the tempers of their inferiors, already fretted by the

hardships of their own condition. The rich also are luxurious; and

are often needy. Grasping at every mean of gratification, they are

inattentive to the rights of inferiors whom they despise, and,

despising, oppress. Perhaps their own superiority has been acquired

by injustice. Perhaps most sovereignties have been acquired by

oppression. Princes and Rulers are but men; as such, they abuse many

of their greatest blessings. Observing that religious hopes make the

good resigned under the hardships of the present scene, and that

its terrors frequently restrain the bad; they avail themselves of

these observations, and support religion as an engine of state, and

a mean of their own security. But they are not contented with its

real advantages; and they are much more afraid of the resentment and

the crimes of the offended profligate, than of the murmurs of the

suffering worthy. Therefore they encourage superstition, and call to

their aid the vices of the priesthood. The priests are men of like

passions as other men, and it is no ground of peculiar blame that

they also frequently yield to the temptations of their situation.

They are encouraged to the indulgence of the love of influence

natural to all men, and they heap terror upon terror, to subdue

the minds of men, and darken their understandings. Thus the most

honourable of all employments, the moral instruction of the state,

is degraded to a vile trade, and is practised with all the deceit

and rapacity of any other trade; and religion, from being the honour

and the safeguard of nation, becomes its greatest disgrace and curse.

When a nation has fallen into this lamentable state, it is extremely

difficult to reform. Although nothing would so immediately and so

completely remove all ground of complaint, as the re-establishing

private virtue, this is of all others the least likely to be

adopted. The really worthy, who see the mischief where it actually

is, but who view this life as the school of improvement, and know

that man is to be made perfect through suffering, are the last

persons to complain. The worthless are the most discontented, the

most noisy in their complaints, and the least scrupulous about

the means of redress. Not to improve the nation, but to advance

themselves, they turn the attention to the abuses of power and

influence. And they begin their attack where they think the place

most defenceless, and where perhaps they expect assistance from a

discontented garrison. They attack superstition, and are not at all

solicitous that true religion shall not suffer along with it. It is

not perhaps, with any direct intention to ruin the state, but merely

to obtain indulgence for themselves and the co-operation of the

wealthy. They expect to be listened to by many who wish for the same

indulgence; and thus it is that religious free-thinking is generally

the first step of anarchy and revolution. For in a corrupted state,

persons of all ranks have the same licentious wishes, and if

superstitious fear be really an ingredient of the human mind, it

requires some _struggle_ to shake it off. Nothing is so effectual as

mutual encouragement, and therefore all join against priest-craft;

even the rulers forget their interest, which should lead them to

support it. In such a state, the pure morality of true religion

vanishes from the sight. There is commonly no remains of it in the

religion of the nation, and therefore all goes together.

Perhaps there never was a nation where all these co-operating

causes had acquired greater strength than in France. Oppressions

of all kinds were at a height. The luxuries of life were enjoyed

exclusively by the upper classes, and this in the highest degree

of refinement; so that the desires of the rest were whetted to the

utmost. Religion appeared in its worst form, and seemed calculated

solely for procuring establishments for the younger sons of the

insolent and useless noblesse. The morals of the higher orders

of the clergy and of the laity were equally corrupted. Thousands

of literary men were excluded by their station from all hopes of

advancement to the more respectable offices in the church. These

vented their discontents as far as there was safety, and were

encouraged by many of the upper classes, who joined them in their

satires on the priesthood. The clergy opposed them, it is true,

but feebly, because they could not support their opposition by

examples of their own virtuous behaviour, but were always obliged

to have recourse to the power of the church, the very object of

hatred and disgust. The whole nation became infidel; and when in

a few instances a worthy Curé uttered the small still voice of

true religion, it was not heard amidst the general noise of satire

and reproach. The misconduct of administration, and the abuse of

the public treasures, were every day growing more impudent and

glaring, and exposed the government to continual criticism. But it

was still too powerful to suffer this to proceed to extremities;

while therefore infidelity and loose sentiments of morality passed

unpunished, it was still very hazardous to publish any thing against

the state. It was in this respect, chiefly, that the Mason Lodges

contributed to the dissemination of dangerous opinions, and they

were employed for this purpose all over the kingdom. This is not an

assertion hazarded merely on account of its probability. Abundant

proof will appear by and by, that the most turbulent characters in

the nation frequented the Lodges. We cannot doubt, but that under

this covert they indulged their factious dispositions; nay, we shall

find the greatest part of the Lodges of France, converted, in the

course of a very few weeks, into corresponding political societies.

But it is now time to turn our eyes to the progress of Free Masonry

in Germany and the north of Europe; there it took a more serious

turn. Free Masonry was imported into Germany somewhat later than

into France. The first German Lodge that we have any account of is

that at Cologne, erected in 1716, but very soon suppressed. Before

the year 1725 there were many, both in Protestant and Catholic

Germany. Those of Wetzlar, Frankfort on the Mayne, Brunswick, and

Hamburg, are the oldest, and their priority is doubtful. All of

them received their institution from England, and had patents from

a mother Lodge in London. All seem to have got the mystery through

the same channel, the banished friends of the Stuart family. Many of

these were Catholics, and entered into the service of Austria and

the Catholic princes.

The true hospitality, that is no where more conspicuous than in the

character of the Germans, made this institution a most agreeable

and useful passport to these gentlemen; and as many of them were

in military stations, and in garrison, they found it a very easy

matter to set up Lodges in all parts of Germany. These afforded a

very agreeable pastime to the officers, who had little to occupy

them, and were already accustomed to a subordination which did not

affect their vanity on account of family distinctions. As the Ensign

and the General were equally gentlemen, the allegory or play of

universal Brotherhood was neither novel nor disgusting. Free Masonry

was then of the simplest form, consisting of the three degrees of

Apprentice, Fellow-craft, and Master. It is remarkable, that the

Germans had been long accustomed to the word, the sign, and the

gripe of the Masons, and some other handicraft trades. In many

parts of Germany there was a distinction of operative Masons into

Wort-Maurers and Schrift-Maurers. The Wort-Maurers had no other

proof to give of their having been regularly brought up to the trade

of builders, but the word and signs; the Schrift-Maurers had written

indentures to shew. There are extant and in force, borough-laws,

enjoining the Masters of Masons to give employment to journeymen

who had the proper words and sign. In particular it appears, that

some cities had more extensive privileges in this respect than

others. The word given at Wetzlar, the seat of the great council of

revision for the empire, entitled the possessor to work over the

whole empire. We may infer from the processes and decisions in some

of those municipal courts, that a master gave a word and token for

each year's progress of his apprentice. He gave the word of the

incorporated Imperial city or borough on which he depended, and

also a word peculiar to himself, by which all his own pupils could

recognise each other. This mode of recognisance was probably the

only document of education in old times, while writing was confined

to a very small part of the community. When we reflect on the nature

of the German empire, a confederation of small independent states,

we see that this profession cannot keep pace with the other mechanic

arts, unless its practitioners are invested with greater privileges

than others. Their great works exceed the strength of the immediate

neighbourhood, and the workmen must be brought together from a

distance. Their association must therefore be more cared for by the

public.[3]

[3] Note. The Wort or Gruss-Maurer were abolished by an Imperial

edict in 1731, and none were intitled to the privileges of the

corporation but such as could shew written indentures.

When English Free Masonry was carried into Germany, it was

hospitably received. It required little effort to give it

respectability, and to make it the occupation of a gentleman, and

its secrets and mysteries were not such novelties as in France.

It spread rapidly, and the simple topic of Brotherly love was

sufficient for recommending it to the honest and hospitable Germans.

But it soon took a very different turn. The German character is the

very opposite of frivolity. It tends to seriousness, and requires

serious occupation. The Germans are eminent for their turn for

investigation; and perhaps they indulge this to excess. We call them

plodding and dull, because we have little relish for enquiry for its

own sake. But this is surely the occupation of a rational nature,

and deserves any name but stupidity. At the same time it must be

acknowledged, that the spirit of enquiry requires regulation as

much as any propensity of the human mind. But it appears that the

Germans are not nice in their choice of their objects; it appears

that singularity, and wonder, and difficulty of research, are to

them irresistible recommendations and incitements. They have always

exhibited a strong predilection for every thing that is wonderful,

or solemn, or terrible; and in spite of the great progress which

men have made in the course of these two last centuries, in the

knowledge of nature, a progress too in which we should be very

unjust if we did not acknowledge that the Germans have been

generally in the foremost ranks, the gross absurdities of magic,

exorcism, witchcraft, fortune-telling, transmutation of metals,

and universal medicine, have always had their zealous partizans,

who have listened with greedy ears to the nonsense and jargon of

fanatics and cheats; and though they every day saw examples of many

who had been ruined or rendered ridiculous by their credulity, every

new pretender to secrets found numbers ready to listen to him, and

to run over the same course.

Free Masonry, professing mysteries, instantly roused all these

people, and the Lodges appeared to the adventurers who wanted

to profit by the enthusiasm or the avarice of their dupes, the

fittest places in the world for the scene of their operations.

The Rosycrucians were the first who availed themselves of the

opportunity. This was not the Society which had appeared formerly

under that name, and was now extinct, but a set of Alchymists,

pretenders to the transmutation of metals and the universal

medicine, who, the better to inveigle their votaries, had mixed

with their own tricks a good deal of the absurd superstitions of

that sect, in order to give a greater air of mystery to the whole,

to protract the time of instruction, and to afford more room for

evasions, by making so many difficult conditions necessary for

perfecting the grand work, that the unfortunate gull, who had thrown

away his time and his money, might believe that the failure was

owing to his own incapacity or unfitness for being the possessor of

the grand secret. These cheats found it convenient to make Masonry

one of their conditions, and by a small degree of art, persuaded

their pupils that they were the only true Masons. These Rosycrucian

Lodges were soon established, and became numerous, because their

mysteries were addressed, both to the curiosity, the sensuality, and

the avarice of men. They became a very formidable band, adopting

the constitution of the Jesuits, dividing the Fraternity into

circles, each under the management of its own superior, known to

the president, but unknown to the individuals of the Lodges. These

superiors were connected with each other in a way known only to

themselves, and the whole was under one General. At least this is

the account which they wish to be believed. If it be just, nothing

but the absurdity of the ostensible motives of their occupations

could have prevented this combination from carrying on schemes big

with hazard to the peace of the world. But the Rosycrucian Lodges

have always been considered by other Free Masons as bad Societies,

and as gross schismatics. This did not hinder, however, their

alchymical and medical secrets from being frequently introduced into

the Lodges of simple Free Masonry; and in like manner, exorcism,

or ghost-raising, magic, and other gross superstitions, were often

held out in their meetings as attainable mysteries, which would

be immense acquisitions to the Fraternity, without any necessity

of admitting along with them the religious deliriums of the

Rosycrucians.

In 1743, Baron Hunde, a gentleman of honourable character and

independent fortune, was in Paris, where he said he had got

acquainted with the Earl of Kilmarnock and some other gentlemen who

were about the Pretender, and learned from them that they had some

wonderful secrets in their Lodges. He was admitted, through the

medium of that nobleman, and of a Lord Clifford, and his Masonic

patent was signed _George_ (said to be the signature of Kilmarnock).

Hunde had attached himself to the fortunes of the Pretender,

in hopes (as he says himself) of rising in the world under his

protection. The mighty secret was this. "When the Order of Knights

Templars was abolished by Philip the Fair, and cruelly persecuted,

some worthy persons escaped, and took refuge in the Highlands of

Scotland, where they concealed themselves in caves. These persons

possessed the true secrets of Masonry, which had always been in that

Order, having been acquired by the Knights, during their services

in the East, from the pilgrims whom they occasionally protected

or delivered. The _Chevaliers de la Rose-Croix_ continued to have

the same duties as formerly, though robbed of their emoluments.

In fine, every true Mason is a Knight Templar." It is very true

that a clever fancy can accommodate the ritual of reception of the

_Chevalier de l'Epée_, &c. to something like the institution of the

Knights Templars, and perhaps this explanation of young Zerobabel's

pilgrimage, and of the rebuilding of the Temple by Ezra, is the most

significant explanation that has been given of the meagre symbols of

Free Masonry.

When Baron Hunde returned to Germany, he exhibited to some friends

his extensive powers for propagating this system of Masonry, and

made a few Knights. But he was not very active. Probably the failure

of the Pretender's attempt to recover the throne of his ancestors

had put an end to Hunde's hopes of making a figure. In the mean

time Free Masonry was cultivated with zeal in Germany, and many

adventurers found their advantage in supporting particular schisms.

Proofs of a Conspiracy against all the Religions and Governments of Europe carried on in the secret meetings of Free Masons, Illuminati, and reading societies. · 第 3 / 29 段