work during the preceding year. The field-work of enrollment of four of the
nations has been completed. I recommend that Congress at an early day make
liberal appropriation for educational purposes in the Indian Territory.
In accordance with the act of Congress approved March 3, 1899. the
preliminary work in connection with the Twelfth Census is now fully under
way. The officers required for the proper administration of the duties
imposed have been selected. The provision for securing a proper enumeration
of the population, as well as to secure evidence of the industrial growth
of the Nation, is broader and more comprehensive than any similar
legislation in the past. The Director advises that every needful effort is
being made to push this great work to completion in the time limited by the
statute. It is believed that the Twelfth Census will emphasize our
remarkable advance in all that pertains to national progress.
Under the authority of the act of Congress approved July 7, 1898, the
commission consisting of the Secretary of the Treasury, the
Attorney-General, and the Secretary of the Interior has made an agreement
of settlement, which has had my approval, of the indebtedness to the
Government growing out of the issue of bonds to aid in the construction of
the Central Pacific and Western Pacific railroads. The agreement secures
to the Government the principal and interest of said bonds, amounting to
$58,812,715.48. There has been paid thereon $11,762,543.12, which has been
covered into the Treasury, and the remainder, payable within ten years,
with interest at the rate Of 3 per cent per annum, payable semiannually, is
secured by the deposit of an equal amount of first-mortgage bonds of the
Pacific Railway companies. The amounts paid and secured to be paid to the
Government on account of the Pacific Railroad subsidy claims are: Union
Pacific, cash - $58,448,223.75
Kansas Pacific, cash - 6,303,000.00
Central and Western Pacific, cash - 11,798,314.14
Notes, secured - 47,050,172.36
Kansas Pacific--dividends for deficiency due United States, cash -
821,897.70 -
***
State of the Union Address
William McKinley
December 3, 1900
To the Senate and House of Representatives:
At the outgoing of the old and the incoming of the new century you begin
the last session of the Fifty-sixth Congress with evidences on every hand
of individual and national prosperity and with proof of the growing
strength and increasing power for good of Republican institutions. Your
countrymen will join with you in felicitation that American liberty is more
firmly established than ever before, and that love for it and the
determination to preserve it are more universal than at any former period
of our history.
The Republic was never so strong, because never so strongly entrenched in
the hearts of the people as now. The Constitution, with few amendments,
exists as it left the hands of its authors. The additions which have been
made to it proclaim larger freedom and more extended citizenship. Popular
government has demonstrated in its one hundred and twenty-four years of
trial here its stability and security, and its efficiency as the best
instrument of national development and the best safeguard to human rights.
When the Sixth Congress assembled in November, 1800, the population of the
United States was 5,308,483. It is now 76,304,799. Then we had sixteen
States. Now we have forty-five. Then our territory consisted Of 909,050
square miles. It is now 3,846,595 square miles. Education, religion, and
morality have kept pace with our advancement in other directions, and while
extending its power the Government has adhered to its foundation principles
and abated none of them in dealing with our new peoples and possessions. A
nation so preserved and blessed gives reverent thanks to God and invokes
His guidance and the continuance of His care and favor.
In our foreign intercourse the dominant question has been the treatment of
the Chinese problem. Apart from this our relations with the powers have
been happy.
The recent troubles in China spring from the antiforeign agitation which
for the past three years has gained strength in the northern provinces.
Their origin lies deep in the character of the Chinese races and in the
traditions of their Government. The Taiping rebellion and the opening of
Chinese ports to foreign trade and settlement disturbed alike the
homogeneity and the seclusion of China.
Meanwhile foreign activity made itself felt in all quarters, not alone on
the coast, but along the great river arteries and in the remoter districts,
carrying new ideas and introducing new associations among a primitive
people which had pursued for centuries a national policy of isolation.
The telegraph and the railway spreading over their land, the steamers
plying on their waterways, the merchant and the missionary penetrating year
by year farther to the interior, became to the Chinese mind types of an
alien invasion, changing the course of their national life and fraught with
vague forebodings of disaster to their beliefs and their self-control.
For several years before the present troubles all the resources of foreign
diplomacy, backed by moral demonstrations of the physical force of fleets
and arms, have been needed to secure due respect for the treaty rights of
foreigners and to obtain satisfaction from the responsible authorities for
the sporadic outrages upon the persons and property of unoffending
sojourners, which from time to time occurred at widely separated points in
the northern provinces, as in the case of the outbreaks in Sze-chuen and
Shan-tung.
Posting of antiforeign placards became a daily occurrence, which the
repeated reprobation of the Imperial power failed to check or punish. These
inflammatory appeals to the ignorance and superstition of the masses,
mendacious and absurd in their accusations and deeply hostile in their
spirit, could not but work cumulative harm. They aimed at no particular
class of foreigners; they were impartial in attacking everything foreign.
An outbreak in Shan-tung, in which German missionaries were slain, was the
too natural result of these malevolent teachings.
The posting of seditious placards, exhorting to the utter destruction of
foreigners and of every foreign thing, continued unrebuked. Hostile
demonstrations toward the stranger gained strength by organization.
The sect, commonly styled the Boxers, developed greatly in the provinces
north of the Yang-Tse, and with the collusion of many notable officials,
including some in the immediate councils of the Throne itself, became
alarmingly aggressive. No foreigner's life, outside of the protected treaty
ports, was safe. No foreign interest was secure from spoliation.
The diplomatic representatives of the powers in Peking strove in vain to
check this movement. Protest was followed by demand and demand by renewed
protest, to be met with perfunctory edicts from the Palace and evasive and
futile assurances from the Tsung-li Yamen. The circle of the Boxer
influence narrowed about Peking, and while nominally stigmatized as
seditious, it was felt that its spirit pervaded the capital itself, that
the Imperial forces were imbued with its doctrines, and that the immediate
counselors of the Empress Dowager were in full sympathy with the
antiforeign movement.
The increasing gravity of the conditions in China and the imminence of
peril to our own diversified interests in the Empire, as well as to those
of all the other treaty governments, were soon appreciated by this
Government, causing it profound solicitude. The United States from the
earliest days of foreign intercourse with China had followed a policy of
peace, omitting no occasions to testify good will, to further the extension
of lawful trade, to respect the sovereignty of its Government, and to
insure by all legitimate and kindly but earnest means the fullest measure
of protection for the lives and property of our law-abiding citizens and
for the exercise of their beneficent callings among the Chinese people.
Mindful of this, it was felt to be appropriate that our purposes should be
pronounced in favor of such course as would hasten united action of the
powers at Peking to promote the administrative reforms so greatly needed
for strengthening the Imperial Government and maintaining the integrity of
China, in which we believed the whole western world to be alike concerned.
To these ends I caused to be addressed to the several powers occupying
territory and maintaining spheres of influence in China the circular
proposals of 1899, inviting from them declarations of their intentions and
views as to the desirability of the adoption of measures insuring the
benefits of equality of treatment of all foreign trade throughout China.
With gratifying unanimity the responses coincided in this common policy,
enabling me to see in the successful termination of these negotiations
proof of the friendly spirit which animates the various powers interested
in the untrammeled development of commerce and industry in the Chinese
Empire as a source of vast benefit to the whole commercial world.
In this conclusion, which I had the gratification to announce as a
completed engagement to the interested powers on March 20, 1900, I
hopefully discerned a potential factor for the abatement of the distrust of
foreign purposes which for a year past had appeared to inspire the policy
of the Imperial Government, and for the effective exertion by it of power
and authority to quell the critical antiforeign movement in the northern
provinces most immediately influenced by the Manchu sentiment.
Seeking to testify confidence in the willingness and ability of the
Imperial administration to redress the wrongs and prevent the evils we
suffered and feared, the marine guard, which had been sent to Peking in the
autumn of 1899 for the protection of the legation, was withdrawn at the
earliest practicable moment, and all pending questions were remitted, as
far as we were concerned, to the ordinary resorts of diplomatic
intercourse.
The Chinese Government proved, however, unable to check the rising strength
of the Boxers and appeared to be a prey to internal dissensions. In the
unequal contest the antiforeign influences soon gained the ascendancy under
the leadership of Prince Tuan. Organized armies of Boxers, with which the
Imperial forces affiliated, held the country between Peking and the coast,
penetrated into Manchuria up to the Russian borders, and through their
emissaries threatened a like rising throughout northern China.
Attacks upon foreigners, destruction of their property, and slaughter of
native converts were reported from all sides. The Tsung-li Yamen, already
permeated with hostile sympathies, could make no effective response to the
appeals of the legations. At this critical juncture, in the early spring of
this year, a proposal was made by the other powers that a combined fleet
should be assembled in Chinese waters as a moral demonstration, under cover
of which to exact of the Chinese Government respect for foreign treaty
rights and the suppression of the Boxers.
The United States, while not participating in the joint demonstration,
promptly sent from the Philippines all ships that could be spared for
service on the Chinese coast. A small force of marines was landed at Taku
and sent to Peking for the protection of the American legation. Other
powers took similar action, until some four hundred men were assembled in
the capital as legation guards.
Still the peril increased. The legations reported the development of the
seditious movement in Peking and the need of increased provision for
defense against it. While preparations were in progress for a larger
expedition, to strengthen the legation guards and keep the railway open, an
attempt of the foreign ships to make a landing at Taku was met by a fire
from the Chinese forts. The forts were thereupon shelled by the foreign
vessels, the American admiral taking no part in the attack, on the ground
that we were not at war with China and that a hostile demonstration might
consolidate the antiforeign elements and strengthen the Boxers to oppose
the relieving column.
Two days later the Taku forts were captured after a sanguinary conflict.
Severance of communication with Peking followed, and a combined force of
additional guards, which was advancing to Peking by the Pei-Ho, was checked
at Langfang. The isolation of the legations was complete.
The siege and the relief of the legations has passed into undying history.
In all the stirring chapter which records the heroism of the devoted band,
clinging to hope in the face of despair, and the undaunted spirit that led
their relievers through battle and suffering to the goal, it is a memory of
which my countrymen may be justly proud that the honor of our flag was
maintained alike in the siege and the rescue, and that stout American
hearts have again set high, in fervent emulation with true men of other
race and language, the indomitable courage that ever strives for the cause
of right and justice.
By June 19 the legations were cut off. An identical note from the, Yamen
ordered each minister to leave Peking, under a promised escort, within
twenty-four hours. To gain time they replied, asking prolongation of the
time, which was afterwards granted, and requesting an interview with the
Tsung-li Yamen on the following day. No reply being received, on the
morning of the 20th the German minister, Baron von Ketteler, set out for
the Yamen to obtain a response, and oil the way was murdered.
An attempt by the legation guard to recover his body was foiled by the
Chinese. Armed forces turned out against the legations. Their quarters were
surrounded and attacked. The mission compounds were abandoned, their
inmates taking refuge in the British legation, where all the other
legations and guards gathered for more effective defense. Four hundred
persons were crowded in its narrow compass. Two thousand native converts
were assembled in a nearby palace under protection of the foreigners. Lines
of defense were strengthened, trenches dug, barricades raised, and
preparations made to stand a siege, which at once began.
From June 20 until July 17, writes Minister Conger, "there was scarcely
an hour during which there was not firing upon some part of our lines and
into some of the legations, varying from a single shot to a general and
continuous attack along the whole line." Artillery was placed around the
legations and on the over-looking palace walls, and thousands Of 3-inch
shot and shell were fired, destroying some buildings and damaging all. So
thickly did the balls rain, that, when the ammunition of the besieged ran
low, five quarts of Chinese bullets were gathered in an hour in one
compound and recast.
Attempts were made to burn the legations by setting neighboring houses on
fire, but the flames were successfully fought off, although the Austrian,
Belgian, Italian. and Dutch legations were then and subsequently burned.
With the aid of the native converts, directed by the missionaries, to whose
helpful co-operation Mr. Conger awards unstinted praise, the British
legation was made a veritable fortress. The British minister, Sir Claude
MacDonald, was chosen general commander of the defense, with the secretary
of the American legation, Mr. E. G. Squiers, as chief of staff.
To save life and ammunition the besieged sparingly returned the incessant
fire of the Chinese soldiery, fighting only to repel attack or make an
occasional successful sortie for strategic advantage, such as that of
fifty-five American, British, and Russian marines led by Captain Myers, of
the United States Marine Corps, which resulted in the capture of a
formidable barricade on the wall that gravely menaced the American
position. It was held to the last, and proved an invaluable acquisition,
because commanding the water gate through which the relief column entered.
During the siege the defenders lost 65 killed, 135 wounded, and 7 by
disease, the last all children.
On July 14 the besieged had their first communication with the Tsung-li
Yamen, from whom a message came inviting to a conference, which was
declined. Correspondence, however, ensued and a sort of armistice was
agreed upon, which stopped the bombardment and lessened the rifle fire for
a time. Even then no protection whatever was afforded, nor any aid given,
save to send to the legations a small supply of fruit and three sacks of
flour.
Indeed, the only communication had with the Chinese Government related to
the occasional delivery or dispatch of a telegram or to the demands of the
Tsung-li Yamen for the withdrawal of the legations to the coast under
escort. Not only are the protestations of the Chinese Government that it
protected and succored the legations positively contradicted, but
irresistible proof accumulates that the attacks upon them were made by
Imperial troops, regularly uniformed, armed, and officered, belonging to
the command of Jung Lu, the Imperial commander in chief. Decrees
encouraging the Boxers, organizing them tinder prominent Imperial officers,
provisioning them, and even granting them large sums in the name of the
Empress Dowager, are known to exist. Members of the Tsung-li Yamen who
counseled protection of the foreigners were beheaded. Even in the distant
provinces men suspected of foreign sympathy were put to death, prominent
among these being Chang Yen-hoon, formerly Chinese minister in Washington.
With the negotiation of the partial armistice of July 14, a proceeding
which was doubtless promoted by the representations of the Chinese envoy in
Washington, the way was opened for the conveyance to Mr. Conger of a test
message sent by the Secretary of State through the kind offices of Minister
Wu Ting-fang. Mr. Conger's reply, dispatched from Peking on July 18 through
the same channel, afforded to the outside world the first tidings that the
inmates of the legations were still alive and hoping for succor.
This news stimulated the preparations for a joint relief expedition in
numbers sufficient to overcome the resistance which for a month had been
organizing between Taku and the capital. Reinforcements sent by all the
co-operating Governments were constantly arriving. The United States
contingent, hastily assembled from the Philippines or dispatched from this
country, amounted to some 5,000 men, under the able command first of the
lamented Colonel Liscurn and afterwards of General Chaffee.
Toward the end of July the movement began. A severe conflict followed at
Tientsin, in which Colonel Liscurn was killed. The city was stormed and
partly destroyed. Its capture afforded the base of operations from which to
make the final advance, which began in the first days of August, the
expedition being made up of Japanese, Russian, British, and American troops
at the outset.
Another battle was fought and won at Yangtsun. Thereafter the disheartened
Chinese troops offered little show of resistance. A few days later the
important position of Ho-si-woo was taken. A rapid march brought the united
forces to the populous city of Tung Chow, which capitulated without a
contest.
On August 14 the capital was reached. After a brief conflict beneath the
walls the relief column entered and the legations were saved. The United
States soldiers, sailors, and marines, officers and men alike, in those
distant climes and unusual surroundings, showed the same valor, discipline,
and good conduct and gave proof of the same high degree of intelligence and
efficiency which have distinguished them in every emergency.
The Imperial family and the Government had fled a few days before. The city
was without visible control. The remaining Imperial soldiery had made on
the night of the 13th a last attempt to exterminate the besieged, which was
gallantly repelled. It fell to the occupying forces to restore order and
organize a provisional administration.
Happily the acute disturbances were confined to the northern provinces. It
is a relief to recall and a pleasure to record the loyal conduct of the
viceroys and local authorities of the southern and eastern provinces. Their
efforts were continuously directed to the pacific control of the vast
populations under their rule and to the scrupulous observance of foreign
treaty rights. At critical moments they did not hesitate to memorialize the
Throne, urging the protection of the legations, the restoration of
communication, and the assertion of the Imperial authority against the
subversive elements. They maintained excellent relations with the official
representatives of foreign powers. To their kindly disposition is largely
due the success of the consuls in removing many of the missionaries from
the interior to places of safety. In this relation the action of the
consuls should be highly commended. In Shan-tung and eastern Chi-li the
task was difficult, but, thanks to their energy and the cooperation of
American and foreign naval commanders, hundreds of foreigners, including
those of other nationalities than ours, were rescued from imminent peril.
The policy of the United States through all this trying period was clearly
announced and scrupulously carried out. A circular note to the powers dated
July 3 proclaimed our attitude. Treating the condition in the north as one
of virtual anarchy, in which the great provinces of the south and southeast
had no share, we regarded the local authorities in the latter quarters as
representing the Chinese people with whom we sought to remain in peace and
friendship. Our declared aims involved no war against the Chinese nation.
We adhered to the legitimate office of rescuing the imperiled legation,
obtaining redress for wrongs already suffered, securing wherever possible
the safety of American life and property in China, and preventing a spread
of the disorders or their recurrence.
As was then said, "The policy of the Government of the United States is to
seek a solution which may bring about permanent safety and peace to China,
preserve Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect all rights
guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international law, and
safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with all
parts of the Chinese Empire."
Faithful to those professions which, as it proved, reflected the views and
purposes of the other co-operating Governments, all our efforts have been
directed toward ending the anomalous situation in China by negotiations for
a settlement at the earliest possible moment. As soon as the sacred duty of
relieving our legation and its dependents was accomplished we withdrew from
active hostilities, leaving our legation under an adequate guard in Peking
as a channel of negotiation and settlement--a course adopted by others of
the interested powers. Overtures of the empowered representatives of the
Chinese Emperor have been considerately entertained.
The Russian proposition looking to the restoration of the Imperial power in
Peking has been accepted as in full consonance with our own desires, for we
have held and hold that effective reparation for wrongs suffered and an
enduring settlement that will make their recurrence impossible can best be
brought about under an authority which the Chinese nation reverences and
obeys. While so doing we forego no jot of our undoubted right to exact
exemplary and deterrent punishment of the responsible authors and abettors
of the criminal acts whereby we and other nations have suffered grievous
injury.