[Headnote: THE GOOD OLD TIMES OF SMOKE AND FILTH.]

To return from this digression on Education. Enough has been said to

show that the progress of Education, in our sense of the word, was

rather from below upwards, than from above downwards; and I conclude

that the young people to whom the _Babees Boke_, &c., were addressed,

were the children of our nobility, knights, and squires, and that the

state of their manners, as left by their home training, was such as to

need the inculcation on them of the precepts contained in the Poems. If

so, dirty, ill-mannered, awkward young gawks, must most of these

hopes-of-England have been, to modern notions. The directions for

personal cleanliness must have been much needed when one considers the

small stock of linen and clothes that men not rich must have had; and if

we may judge from a passage in Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger_, even

the King himself did not use his footpan every Saturday night, and would

not have been the worse for an occasional tubbing:--

“This barbour shall have, every satyrday at nyght, _if_ it please

the Kinge to cleanse his head, legges, or feet, and for his

shaving, two loves, one picher wyne. And the ussher of chambre

ought to testyfye if this is necessaryly dispended or not.”

So far as appears from Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger Domus_, soap was

used only for washing clothes. The yeoman lavender, or washerman, was to

take from the Great Spicery ‘as muche whyte soape, greye, and blacke, as

can be thought resonable by proufe of the Countrollers,’ and therewith

‘tenderly to waysshe ... the stuffe for the Kinges propyr persone’ (_H.

Ord._ p. 85); but whether that cleansing material ever touched His

Majesty’s sacred person (except doubtless when and if the barber shaved

him), does not appear. The Ordinances are considerate as to sex, and

provide for “weomen lavendryes” for a Queen, and further that “these

officers oughte to bee sworne to keepe the chambre counsaylle.” But it

is not for one of a nation that has not yet taken generally to tubbing

and baths, or left off shaving, to reproach his forefathers with want of

cleanliness, or adherence to customs that involve contradiction of the

teachings of physiologists, and the evident intent of Nature or the

Creator. Moreover, reflections on the good deeds done, and the high

thoughts thought, by men of old dirtier than some now, may prevent us

concluding that because other people now talk through their noses, and

have manners different from our own, they and their institutions must be

wholly abominable; that because others smell when heated, they ought to

be slaves; or that eating peas with a knife renders men unworthy of the

franchise. The temptation to value manners above morals, and

pleasantness above honesty, is one that all of us have to guard against.

And when we have held to a custom merely because it is old, have refused

to consider fairly the reasons for its change, and are inclined to

grumble when the change is carried out, we shall be none the worse for

thinking of the people, young and old, who, in the time of Harrison and

Shakspere, the “Forgotten Worthies”[82] and Raleigh, no doubt ‘hated

those nasty new oak houses and chimnies,’ and sighed for the good old

times:

“And yet see the change, for when our houses were builded of

willow, then had we oken men; but now that our houses are come to

be made of oke, our men are not onlie become willow, but a great

manie through Persian delicacie crept in among vs, altogither of

straw, which is a sore alteration.... Now haue we manie chimnies,

and yet our tenderlings complaine of rheumes, catarhs and poses.

Then had we none but reredosses, and our heads did neuer ake.[83]

For as the smoke in those daies was supposed to be a sufficient

hardning for the timber of the house; so it was reputed a far

better medicine to keepe the goodman and his familie from the

quack or pose, wherewith as then verie few were oft acquainted.”

_Harrison_, i. 212, col. 1, quoted by Ellis.

If rich men and masters were dirty, poor men and servants must have been

dirtier still. William Langlande’s description of Hawkyn’s one

metaphorical dress in which he slept o’ nightes as well as worked by

day, beslobbered (or by-_moled_, bemauled) by children, was true of the

real smock; flesh-moths must have been plentiful, and the sketch of

Coveitise, as regards many men, hardly an exaggeration:

... as a bonde-man of his bacon · his berd was bi-draveled,

With his hood on his heed · a lousy hat above,

And in a tawny tabard · of twelf wynter age

Al so torn and baudy · and ful of lys crepyng,

But if that a lous[84] couthe · han lopen the bettre,

She sholde noght han walked on that welthe · so was it thred-bare.

(_Vision_, Passus V. vol. 1, l. 2859-70, ed. Wright.)

In the _Kinge and Miller_, Percy Folio MS., p. 236 (in vol. ii. of the

print), when the Miller proposes that the stranger should sleep with

their son, Richard the son says to the King,

“Nay, first,” q{uo}th Richard, “good fellowe, tell me true,

hast thou noe creep{er}s in thy gay hose?

art thou not troabled w{i}th the Scabbado?”

The colour of washerwomen’s legs was due partly to dirt, I suppose. The

princess or queen Clarionas, when escaping with the laundress as her

assistant, is obliged to have her white legs reduced to the customary

shade of grey:

Right as she should stoupe a-douñ,

The quene was tukked wel on high;

The lauender p{er}ceiued wel therbigh

Hir white legges, and seid “ma dame,

Youre shin boones might doo vs blame;

Abide,” she seid, “so mot I thee,

More slotered thei most be.”

Asshes with the water she menged,

And her white legges al be-sprenged.

ab. 1440 A.D., _Syr Generides_, p. 218, ll. 7060-8.

[Headnote: NAKED SCULLIONS AND DIRTY STREETS.]

If in Henry the Eighth’s kitchen, scullions lay about naked, or tattered

and filthy, what would they do elsewhere? Here is the King’s Ordinance

against them in 1526:

“And for the better avoydyng of corruption and all uncleannesse

out of the Kings house, which doth ingender danger of infection,

and is very noisome and displeasant unto all the noblemen and

others repaireing unto the same; it is ordeyned by the Kings

Highnesse, that the three master cookes of the kitchen shall have

everie of them by way of reward yearly twenty marks, to the intent

they shall prouide and sufficiently furnish the said kitchens of

such scolyons as shall not goe _naked or in garments of such

vilenesse as they now doe, and have been acustomed to doe, nor lie

in the nights and dayes in the kitchens or ground by the

fireside;_ but that they of the said money may be found with

honest and whole course garments, without such uncleannesse as may

be the annoyance of those by whom they shall passe”...

That our commonalty, at least, in Henry VIII.’s time did stink (as is

the nature of man to do) may be concluded from Wolsey’s custom, when

going to Westminster Hall, of

“holding in his hand a very fair orange, whereof the meat or

substance within was taken out, and filled up again with the part

of a sponge, wherein was vinegar, and other confections against

the pestilent airs; the which he most commonly smelt unto, passing

among the press, or else when he was pestered with many suitors.”

(_Cavendish_, p. 43.)

On the dirt in English houses and streets we may take the testimony of

a witness who liked England, and lived in it, and who was not likely to

misrepresent its condition,--Erasmus. In a letter to Francis, the

physician of Cardinal Wolsey, says Jortin,

“Erasmus ascribes the plague (from which England was hardly ever

free) and the sweating-sickness, partly to the incommodious form

and bad exposition of the houses, to the filthiness of the

streets, and to the sluttishness within doors. The floors, says

he, are commonly of clay, strewed with rushes, under which lies

unmolested an ancient collection of beer, grease (?), fragments,

bones, spittle, excrements [t.i. urine] of dogs and cats [t.i.

men,] and every thing that is nasty, &c.” (_Life of Erasmus_, i.

69, ed. 1808, referred to in Ellis, i. 328, note.)

The great scholar’s own words are,

Tum sola fere sunt argilla, tum scirpis palustribus, qui subinde

sic renovantur, ut fundamentum maneat aliquoties annos viginti,

sub se fovens sputa, vomitus, mictum canum et hominum, projectam

cervisiam, et piscium reliquias, aliasque sordes non nominandas.

Hinc mutato cœlo vapor quidam exhalatur, mea sententia minime

salubris humano corpori.

After speaking also _De salsamentis_ (rendered ‘_salt meat_, beef,

pork, &c.,’ by Jortin, but which _Liber Cure Cocorum_ authorises us in

translating ‘Sauces’[85]), _quibus vulgus mirum in modum delectatur_, he

says the English would be more healthy if their windows were made so as

to shut out noxious winds, and then continues,

“Conferret huc, si vulgo parcior victus persuaderi posset, ac

salsamentorum moderatior usus. Tum si publica cura demandaretur

Ædilibus, ut viæ mundiores essent a cœno, mictuque: Curarentur et

ea quæ civitati vicina sint. _Jortin’s Life of Erasmus_, ed. 1808,

iii. 44 (Ep. 432, C. 1815), No. VIII. Erasmus Rot. Francisco.

Cardinalis Eboracencis Medico, S.

If it be objected that I have in the foregoing extracts shown the dark

side of the picture, and not the bright one, my answer is that the

bright one--of the riches and luxury in England--must be familiar to

all our members, students (as I assume) of our early books, that the

Treatises in this Volume sufficiently show this bright side, and that to

me, as foolometer of the Society, this dark side seemed to need showing.

But as _The Chronicle_ of May 11, 1867, in its review of Mr Fox Bourne’s

_English Merchants_, seems to think otherwise, I quote its words,

p. 155, col. 2.

“All the nations of the world, says Matthew of Westminster, were

kept warm by the wool of England, made into cloth by the men of

Flanders. And while we gave useful clothing to other countries, we

received festive garments from them in return. For most of our

information on these subjects we are indebted to Matthew Paris,

who tells us that when Alexander III. of Scotland was married to

Margaret, daughter of Henry III., one thousand English knights

appeared at the wedding in _cointises_ of silk, and the next day

each knight donned a new robe of another kind. This grand

entertainment was fatal to sixty oxen, and cost the then

Archbishop of York no less a sum than 4000 marks. Macpherson

remarks on this great display of silk as a proof of the wealth of

England under the Norman kings, a point which has not been

sufficiently elaborated. In 1242 the streets of London were

covered or shaded with silk, for the reception of Richard, the

King’s brother, on his return from the Holy Land. Few Englishmen

are aware of the existence of such magnificence at that early

period; while every story-book of history gives us the reverse of

the picture, telling us of straw-covered floors, scarcity of body

linen, and the like. Long after this, in 1367, it is recorded, as

a special instance of splendour of costume, that 1000 citizens of

Genoa were clothed in silk; and this tale has been repeated from

age to age, while the similar display, at an earlier date, in

England, has passed unnoticed.”

For a notice of the several pieces in the present volume, I refer the

reader to the Preface to Russell’s _Boke of Nurture_, which follows

here.

It only remains for me to say that the freshness of my first interest

in the poems which I once hoped to re-produce in these Forewords, has

become dulled by circumstances and the length of time that the volume

has been in the press--it having been set aside (by my desire) for the

_Ayenbite_, &c.;--and that the intervention of other work has prevented

my making the collection as complete as I had desired it to be. It is,

however, the fullest verse one that has yet appeared on its subject,

and will serve as the beginning of the Society’s store of this kind of

material.[86] If we can do all the English part of the work, and the

Master of the Rolls will commission one of his Editors to do the Latin

part, we shall then get a fairly complete picture of that Early English

Home which, with all its shortcomings, should be dear to every

Englishman now.

3, _St George’s Square, N.W._,

5th _June_, 1867.

[Footnote 1: The first sentence of Aristotle’s _Metaphysics_ is

‘All men by nature are actuated by the desire of knowledge.’ Mr

Skeat’s note on l. 78 of _Partenay_, p. 228.]

[Footnote 2: Lawrens Andrewe. _The noble lyfe & natures of man, of

bestes_, &c. Johñes Desborrowe. Andewarpe.]

[Footnote 3: The woodcuts are Messrs Virtue’s, and have been used

in Mr Thomas Wright’s _History of Domestic Manners and Customs_,

&c.]

[Footnote 4: If any one thinks it a bore to read these Prefaces,

I can assure him it was a much greater bore to have to hunt up the

material for them, and set aside other pressing business for it.

But the Boke of Curtasye binding on editors does not allow them to

present to their readers a text with no coat and trowsers on. If

any Members should take offence at any expressions in this or any

future Preface of mine, as a few did at some words in the last I

wrote, I ask such Members to consider the first maxim in their

Boke of Curtasye, _Don’t look a gift horse in the mouth_. Prefaces

are gift horses; and if mine buck or shy now and then, I ask their

riders to sit steady, and take it easy. On the present one at

least they’ll be carried across some fresh country worth seeing.]

[Footnote 5: scholars?]

[Footnote 6: Sir H. Nicolas, in his Glossary to his _Privy Purse

Expenses of Henry VIII._, p. 327, col. 2, says, “No word has been

more commented upon than ‘Henchmen’ or Henxmen. Without entering

into the controversy, it may be sufficient to state, that in the

reign of Henry the Eighth it meant the pages of honour. They were

the sons of gentlemen, and in public processions always walked

near the monarch’s horse: a correct idea may be formed of their

appearance from the representation of them in one of the pictures

in the meeting room of the Society of Antiquarians. It seems from

these entries (p. 79,[*] 125, 182, 209, 230, 265) that they lodged

in the house of Johnson, the master of the king’s barge, and that

the rent of it was 40_s_. per annum. Observations on the word will

be found in Spelman’s _Etymol._, Pegge’s _Curialia_, from the

Liber Niger, Edw. IV., Lodge’s _Illustrations_, vol. i. p. 359,

the _Northumberland Household Book_, Blount’s _Glossary_.”

The _Promptorium_ has “Heyncemann (henchemanne) _Gerolocista,

duorum generum, (gerolocista)_,” and Mr Way in his note says, “The

pages of distinguished personages were called henxmen, as Spelman

supposes, from Ger. _hengst_, a war-horse, or according to Bp.

Percy, from their place being at the side or _haunch_ of their

lord.” See the rest of Mr Way’s note. He is a most provokingly

careful editor. If ever you hit on a plum in your wanderings

through other books you are sure to find it afterwards in one of

Mr Way’s notes when you bethink yourself of turning to the

Promptorium.

In Lord Percy’s Household (_North. H. Book_, p. 362) the Henchemen

are mentioned next to the Earl’s own sons and their tutor (?) in

the list of “Persones that shall attende upon my Lorde at his

Borde Daily, ande have no more but his Revercion Except Brede and

Drynk.”

My Lordes Secounde Son to serve as Kerver.

My Lordes Thurde Son as Sewer.

A Gentillman that shall attende upon my Lord’s Eldest Son in the

rewarde, and appoynted Bicause he shall allwayes be with my Lord’s

Sonnes for seynge the Orderynge of them.

My Lordes first _Hauneshman_ to serve as Cupberer to my Lorde.

My Lords ij^de _Hanshman_ to serve as Cupberer to my Lady.

See also p. 300, p. 254, The _Hansmen_ to be at the fyndynge of my

Lord, p. 47]

[Footnote 6*: p. 79, It{e}m the same daye paied to Johnson the

mayster of the king{is} barge for the Rent of the house where

the henxe men lye xl s.]

[[Footnote 6a: ‘Your Bele Babees are very like the _Meninos_ of

the Court of Spain, & _Menins_ of that of France, young nobles

brought up with the young Princes.’ H. Reeve.]]

[Footnote 7: When writing this I had forgotten Warton’s section on

the Revival of Learning in England before and at the Reformation,

_Hist. English Poetry_, v. iii. ed. 1840. It should be read by all

who take an interest in the subject. Mr Bruce also refers to

Kynaston’s _Museum Minervæ_. P.S.--Mr Bullein and Mr Watts have

since referred me to Henry, who has in each volume of his _History

of England_ a regular account of learning in England, the Colleges

and Schools founded, and the learned men who flourished, in the

period of which each volume treats. Had I seen these earlier I

should not have got the following extracts together; but as they

are for the most part not in Henry, they will serve as a

supplement to him.]

[Footnote 8: First of these is Mr Charles H. Pearson, then the

Rev. Prof. Brewer, and Mr William Chappell.]

[Footnote 9: Mr Wm. Chappell gave me the reference.]

[Footnote 10: In the Romance of Blonde of Oxford, Jean of

Dammartin is taken into the service of the Earl of Oxford as

_escuier_, esquire. He waits at table on knights, squires, valets,

boys and messengers. After table, the ladies keep him to talk

French with them.]

[[Footnote 10a: This is not intended to confine the definition of

Music as taught at Oxford to its one division of _Harmonica_, to

the exclusion of the others, _Rythmica, Metrica_, &c. The

Arithmetic _said_ to have been studied there in the time of Edmund

the Confessor is defined in his Life (MS. about 1310 A.D.) in my

_E. E. Poems & Lives of Saints_, 1862, thus,

Arsmetrike is a lore: þat of figours al is

& of drauȝtes as me draweþ in poudre: & in numbre iwis.]]

[Footnote 11: It was in part a principle of Anglo-Saxon society at

the earliest period, and attaches itself to that other universal

principle of fosterage. A Teuton chieftain always gathered round

him a troop of young retainers in his hall who were voluntary

servants, and they were, in fact, almost the only servants he

would allow to touch his person. T. Wright.]

[Footnote 12: Compare Skelton’s account of Wolsey’s treatment of

the Nobles, in _Why come ye not to Courte_ (quoted in Ellis’s

_Letters_, v. ii. p. 3).

--“Our barons be so bolde,

Into a mouse hole they wold

Runne away and creep

Like a mainy of sheep:

Dare not look out a dur

For drede of the maystife cur,

For drede of the boucher’s dog

“For and this curre do gnarl,

They must stande all afar

To holde up their hand at the bar.

For all their noble bloude,

He pluckes them by the hood

And shakes them by the eare,

And bryngs them in such feare;

He bayteth them lyke a beare,

Like an Ox or a Bul.

Their wittes, he sayth, are dul;

He sayth they have no brayne

Their estate to maintaine:

And make to bowe the knee

Before his Majestie.”]

[Footnote 13: Compare also the quotation from Piers Plowman’s

Crede, under No. 5, p. xlv, and Palsgrave, 1530 A.D., ‘I mase,

I stonysshe, _Je bestourne_. You mased the boye so sore with

beatyng that he coulde not speake a worde.’ See a gross

instance of cruelty cited from Erasmus’s Letters, by Staunton, in

his _Great Schools of England_, p. 179-80.]

[Footnote 14: “And therfore do I the more lament that soch [hard]

wittes commonlie be either kepte from learning by fond fathers, or

_bet from learning by lewde scholemasters_,” ed. Mayor, p. 19. But

Ascham reproves parents for paying their masters so badly: “it is

pitie, that commonlie more care is had, yea and that emonges verie

wise men, to finde out rather a cunnynge man for their horse than

a cunnyng man for their children. They say nay in worde, but they

do so in deede. For, to the one they will gladlie give a stipend

of 200. Crounes by yeare, and loth to offer to the other, 200.

shillinges. God, that sitteth in heauen, laugheth their choice to

skorne, and rewardeth their liberalitie as it should: for he

suffereth them to have tame and well ordered horse, but wilde and

unfortunate Children.” _Ib._ p. 20]

[Footnote 15-15: _Sanctæ memoriæ _Robertum_ Cognominatum

_Grodsted_ dudum _Lincolniendem_ Episcopum, Regi _Henrico_ quasi

admirando, cum interrogavit, ubi Noraturam didicit, quâ Filios

Nobilium Procerum Regni, quos secum habuit Domisellos,

instruxerat, cum non de nobili prosapia, sed de simplicibus

traxisset Originem, fertur intrepide respondisse, In Domo seu

Hospitio Majorum Regum quam sit Rex Angliæ; Quia Regum, _David,

Salomonis_, & aliorum, vivendi morem didicerat ex Intelligentia

scripturarum._]

[Footnote 16: DOMICELLUS, Domnicellus, diminutivum a _Domnus_.

Gloss. antiquæ MSS.: _Heriles, Domini minores, quod possumus

aliter dicere Domnicelli_, Ugutio: _Domicelli et Domicellas

dicuntur, quando pulchri juvenes magnatum sunt sicut servientes._

Sic porro primitus appellabant magnatum, atque adeo Regum filios.

Du Cange.]

[Footnote 17: Mr Bruce sends me the More extracts.]

[Footnote 18: How Wolsey broke off the _insurance_ is very well

told. Mistress Anne was “sent home again to her father for a

season; _whereat she smoked_”; but she “was revoked unto the

Court,” and “after she knew the king’s pleasure and the great love

that he bare her _in the bottom of his stomach_, then she began to

look very hault and stout, having all manner of jewels or rich

apparel that might be gotten with money” (p. 67).]

[Footnote 19: Under the heading “Gentylmen of Houshold, viz.

Kervers, Sewars, Cupberers, and Gentillmen Waiters” in the _North.

Household Book_, p. 40, we find

Item, Gentillmen in Housholde ix, Viz. ij Carvers for my Loords

Boorde, and a Servant bitwixt theym both, _except thai be at their

frendis fyndyng_, and than ather of theym to have a Servant.

--Two Sewars for my Lordis Boorde, and a Servant bitwixt theym,

_except they be at their Frendis fyndynge_, and than ather of

theym to have a Servant.--ij Cupberers for my Lorde and my Lady,

and a Servant allowed bitwixt theym, _except they be at their

Frendis fyndynge_, And than ather of theym to have a Servant

allowid.

Under the next heading “My Lordis Hansmen at the fyndynge of my

Lorde, and Yonge Gentyllmen _at there Frendys fyndynge_,” is

Item, my Lordis Hansmen iij. Yonge Gentyllmen in Houshold _at

their Frendis fyndynge_ ij = v.]

[Footnote 20: Grammar usually means Latin. T. Wright.]

[Footnote 21: The exceptions must have been many and marked.]

[Footnote 22: _Richardi Pacei, invictissimi Regis Angliæ primarii

Secretarii, eiusque apud Elvetios Oratoris, De Fructu qui ex

Doctrinæ percipitur, Liber._

Colophon. _Basileae apud Io. Frobenium, mense VIII. bri.

an._ M.D.XVII.

Restat ut iam tibi explicem, quid me moueat ad libellum hoc titulo

co{n}scribendum _et_ publicandu{m}. Quu{m} duobus annis plus minus

iam præteritis, ex Romana urbe in patriam redijssem, inter-fui

cuida{m} conuiuio multis incognitus. Vbi quu{m} satis fuisset

potatum, unus, nescio quis, ex conuiuis, non imprudens, ut ex

uerbis uultuq{ue} conijcere licuit, cœpit mentionem facere de

liberis suis bene institue{n}dis. Et primu{m} omniu{m}, bonum

præceptorem illis sibi quærendu{m}, & scholam omnino

frequentanda{m} censuit. Aderat forte unus ex his, quos nos

generosos uocamus, & qui semper cornu aliquod a tergo pende{n}s

gestant, acsi etiam inter prandendu{m} uenare{n}tur. Is audita

literaru{m} laude, percitus repe{n}tina ira, furibundus p{ro}rupit

in hæc uerba. Quid nugaris, inquit, amice? abeant in mala{m} rem

istæ stultæ literæ, omnes docti sunt me{n}dici, etia{m} Erasmus

ille doctissimus (ut audio) pauper est, & in quadam sua epistola

vocat την καράρατον πενιαν uxore{m} suam, id est, execrandam

paupertatem, & uehementer conqueritur se son posse illam humeris

suis usq{ue} in βαθυκήτεα πόντον, id est, p{ro}fundum mare

excutere. (Corpus dei iuro) uolo filius meus pendeat potius,

qua{m} literis studeat. Decet e{n}im generosoru{m} filios, apte

inflare cornu, perite uenari, accipitre{m} pulchre gestare &

educare. Studia uero literaru{m}, rusticorum filiis sunt

relinquenda. Hic ego cohibere me no{n} potui, quin aliq{ui}d

homini loquacissimo, in defensione{m} bonaru{m} literaru{m},

respo{n}dere{m}. No{n} uideris, inqua{m}, mihi bone uir recte

sentire, na{m} si ueniret ad rege{m} aliq{ui}s uir exterus, quales

sunt principu{m} oratores, & ei dandu{m} esset responsum, filius

tuus sic ut tu uis, institutus, inflaret du{n}taxat cornu, &

rusticoru{m} filij docti, ad respondendu{m} nocarent{ur}, ac filio

tuo uenatori uel aucupi longe anteponerent{ur}, & sua erudita (usi

libertate, tibi in facie{m} dicere{n}t, Nos malumus docti esse, &

p{er} doctrina{m} no{n} imprudentes, q{uam} stulta gloriari

nobilitate. Tu{m} ille hincinde circu{m}spiciens, Quis est iste,

inquit, q{ui} hæc loquit{ur}? homine{m} non cognosco. Et quu{m}

diceret{ur} in aure{m} ei quisna{m} essem, nescio q{ui}d submissa

uoce sibimet susurra{n}s, & stulto usus auditore, illico arripuit

uini poculu{m}. Et quu{m} nihil haberet respo{n}dendu{m}, cœpit

bibere, & in alia sermone{m} transferre. Et sic me liberauit, non

Apollo, ut Horatiu{m} a garrulo, sed Bacchus a uesani hominis

disputatione, qua{m} diutius longe duraturam ueheme{n}ter

timeba{m}.

Professor Brewer gives me the reference.)]

[Footnote 23: As to agricultural labourers and their children A.D.

1388-1406, see below, p. xlvi.]

[Footnote 24: Readers will find it advisable to verify for

themselves some of the statements in this Editor’s notes, &c.]

[[Footnote 24a: The regular Cathedral school would have existed at

St David’s.]]

[Footnote 25: The foregoing three extracts are sent me by a

friend.]

[Footnote 26: From a fragment of the Computus Camerarii Abbat.

Hidens. in Archiv. Wulves. apud Winton. ut supr. (? Hist. Reg.

Angl. edit. Hearne, p. 74.)]

[Footnote 27: Hist. and Antiq. of Glastonbury. Oxon. 1722, 8vo,

p. 98.]

[Footnote 28: Reyner, Apostolat. Benedict. Tract. 1, sect. ii.

p. 224. Sanders de Schism. page 176.]

[Footnote 29: _utriusque juris_, Canon and Civil.]

[Footnote 30: _Lit. humaniores._ Latin is still called so in

Scotch, and French (I think), universities. J. W. Hales.]

[[Footnote 30a: “There are no French universities, though we

find every now and then some humbug advertising himself in the

_Times_ as possessing a degree of the Paris University. The old

Universities belong to the time before the Deluge--that means

before the Revolution of 1789. The University of France is the

organized whole of the higher and middle institutions of learning,

in so far as they are directed by the State, not the clergy. It is

an institution more governmental, according to the genius of the

country, than our London University, to which, however, its

organization bears some resemblance. To speak of it in one breath

with Oxford or Aberdeen is to commit the ... error of confounding

two things, or placing them on the same line, because they have

the same name.” --E. Oswald, in _The English Leader_, Aug. 10,

1867.]]

[Footnote 31: (Pace _de Fructu_, p. 27.) Exigit iam suu{m} musica

quoq{ue} doctrina locu{m}, a me præsertim, que{m} puer{um} inter

pueros illustravit. Na{m} Thomas Langton Vyntoniensis episcopus,

decessor huius qui nunc [1517 A.D.] uiuit, cui eram a manu

minister, quum notasset me longex supra ætatem (ut ipse nimis

fortasse amans mei iudicabat, & dictitabat) in musicis proficere,

Huius, inquit, pueri ingeniu{m} ad maiora natum est. & paucos post

dies in Italia{m} ad Patauinu{m} gymnasium, quod tu{n}c

flore{n}tissimu{m} erat, ad bonas literas discendas me misit,

annuasq{ue} impensas benigne suppeditauit, ut omnibus literatis

mirifice fauebat, & ætate sua alterum Mecenatem agebat, probe

memor (ut freque{n}ter dictitabat) sese doctrinæ causa ad

episcopalem dignitate{m} prouectum. Adeptus enim fuerat per summam

laudem, utriusq{ue} iuris (ut nu{n}c loquu{n}tur) insignia. Item

humaniores literas tanti æstimabat, ut domestica schola pueros &

iuuenes illis erudiendos curarit. Et summopere oblectabat{ur}

audire scholasticos dictata interdiu a præceptore, sibi nocta

reddere. In quo certamine qui præclare se gesserat, is aliqua re

personæ suæ acco{m}modata, donatus abibat, & humanissimis uerbis

laudatus. Habebet e{n}im semper in ore ille optimus Præsul,

uirtutem laudatam crescere.]

[Footnote 32: Ascham praises most the practice of double

translation, from Latin into English, and then back from English

into Latin.--_Scholemaster_, p. 90, 178, ed. Giles.]

[Footnote 33: Mr Wm. Chappell gives me the reference, and part of

the extract.]

[Footnote 34: When did _breakfast_ get its name, and its first

notice as a regular meal? I do not remember having seen the name

in the early part of _Household Ordinances_, or any other work

earlier than the _Northumberland Household Book_.]

[Footnote 35: On Musical Education, see the early pages of Mr

Chappell’s _Popular Music_, and the note in Archæol., vol. xx, p.

60-1, with its references. ‘Music constituted a part of the

_quadrivium_, a branch of their system of education.’]

[[Footnote 35a: “The first William de Valence married Joan de

Monchensi, sister-in-law to one Dionysia, and aunt to another.”

_The Chronicle_, Sept. 21, 1867.]]

[Footnote 36: Le treytyz ke moun sire Gauter de Bibelesworthe fist

à MA DAME DYONISIE DE MOUNCHENSY, pur aprise de langwage.]

[Footnote 37: Later on, the proportions of poor and rich changed,

as may be inferred from the extract from Harrison below. In the

‘exact account of the whole number (2920) of Scholars and Students

in the University of Oxford taken anno 1612 in the Long Vacation,

the _Studentes_ of Christ Church are 100, the _Pauperes Scholares

et alii Servientes_ 41; at Magdalene the latter are 76; at New

College 18, to 70 _Socii_; at Brasenose (Æneasense Coll.) the

_Communarii_ are 145, and the _Pauperes Scholares_ 17; at Exeter,

the latter are 37, to 134 _Communarii_; at St John’s, 20 to 43; at

Lincoln the _Communarii_ are 60, to 27 _Batellatores et Pauperes

Scholares_.’ Collectanea Curiosa, v. i. p. 196-203.]

[Footnote 38: Was this in return for the raised rents that Ascham

so bitterly complains of the new possessors of the monastic lands

screwing out of their tenants, and thereby ruining the yeomen? He

says to the Duke of Somerset on Nov. 21, 1547 (ed. Giles, i. p.

140-1),

Qui auctores sunt tantæ miseriæ?... Sunt illi qui hodie

passim, in Anglia, prædia monasteriorum gravissimis annuis

reditibus auxerunt. Hinc omnium rerum exauctum pretium; hi

homines expilant totam rempublicam. Villici et coloni universi

laborant, parcunt, corradunt, ut istis satisfaciant.... Hinc

tot familiæ dissipatæ, tot domus collapsæ.... Hinc, quod

omnium miserrimum est, nobile illud decus et robur Angliæ,

nomen, inquam, _Yomanorum Anglorum_, fractum et collisum est

... NAM VITA, QUÆ NUNC VIVITUR A PLURIMIS, NON VITA, SED

MISERIA EST.

When will these words cease to be true of our land? They should be

burnt into all our hearts.]

[[Footnote 38a: One of the inquiries ordered by the Articles

issued by Archbishop Cranmer, in A.D. 1548, is, “Whether Parsons,

Vicars, Clerks, and other beneficed men, having yearly to dispend

an hundred pound, do not find, competently, one scholar in the

University of Cambridge or Oxford, or some grammar school; and for

as many hundred pounds as every of them may dispend, so many

scholars likewise to be found [supported] by them; and what be

their names that they so find.” Toulmin Smith, _The Parish_,

p. 95. Compare also in Church-Wardens Accompts of St Margaret’s,

Westminster (ed. Jn. Nichols, p. 41).

1631.

Item, to Richard Busby, a king’s scholler of Westminster, towards

enabling him to proceed master of arts at Oxon, by consent of the

vestrie £6. 13. 4.

1628.

Item, to Richard Busby, by consent of the vestry, towards enabling

him to proceed bachelor of arts £5. 0. 0.

Nichols, p. 38. See too p. 37.]]

[Footnote 39: “He placed Æthelweard, his youngest son, who was

fond of learning, together with the sons of his nobility, and of

many persons of inferior rank, in schools which he had established

with great wisdom and foresight, and provided with able masters.

In these schools the youth were instructed in reading and writing

both the Saxon and Latin languages, and in other liberal arts,

before they arrived at sufficient strength of body for hunting,

and other manly exercises becoming their rank.” Henry, _History of

England_, vol. ii. pp. 354-5 (quoted from Asser).]

[Footnote 40: None were so. T. Wright.]

[Footnote 41: Gervaise of Canterbury says, in his account of

Theobald in the Acts of the Archbishops, “quorum primus erat

magister Vacarius. Hic in Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.”

[[‘The truth is that, in his account of Oxford and its early days,

Mr Hallam quotes John of Salisbury, not as asserting that Vacarius

taught there, but as making “no mention of Oxford at all”; while

he gives for the statement about the law school no authority

whatever beyond his general reference throughout to Anthony Wood.

But the fact is as historical as a fact can well be, and the

authority for it is a passage in one of the best of the

contemporary authors, Gervaise of Canterbury. “Tunc leges et

causidici in Angliam primo vocati sunt,” he says in his account

of Theobald in the Acts of the Archbishops, “quorum primus era{t}

magister Vacarius. Hic in Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.”’ E. A. F.]] ]

[[Footnote 41a: Roger Bacon died, perhaps, 11 June, 1292, or in

1294. _Book of Dates._]]

[Footnote 42: This College is said to have been founded in the

year 872, by Alfred the Great. It was restored by William of

Durham, said to have been Archdeacon of Durham; but respecting

whom little authentic information has been preserved, except that

he was Rector of Wearmouth in that county, and that he died in

1249, bequeathing a sum of money to provide a permanent endowment

for the maintenance of a certain number of “Masters.” The first

purchase with this bequest was made in 1253, and the first

Statutes are dated 1280.-- _Oxford Univ. Calendar_, 1865, p. 167.]

[Footnote 43: I refer to the modernized edition published by

Charles Knight in two volumes.]

[Footnote 44: Other well-born men, in the _Ath. Cant._, then

connected with the University, or supposed to be, were,

1504

Sir Roger Ormston, knight, died. Had been High Steward of the

University.

1504

Sir John Mordaunt, High Steward.

1478

George Fitzhugh, 4th son of Henry lord Fitzhugh, admitted B.A.

1488

Robert Leyburn, born of a knightly family, Fellow of

Pembroke-hall, and proctor.

1457

John Argentine, of an ancient and knightly family, was elected

from Eton to King’s.

1504

Robert Fairfax, of an ancient family in Yorkshire, took the degree

of Mus. Doc.

1496

Christopher Baynbrigg, of a good family at Hilton, near Appleby,

educated at and Provost of Queen’s, Oxford, incorporated of

Cambridge.

1517

Sir Wm. Fyndern, knight, died, and was a benefactor to Clare Hall,

in which it is supposed he had been educated.

1481

Robert Rede, of an ancient Northumbrian family, was sometime of

Buckingham College, and the Fellow of King’s-hall (?), and was

autumn reader at Lincoln’s Inn in 1481.

ab. 1460

Marmaduke Constable, son of Sir Robert Constable, knight, believed

to have been educated at Cambridge.

„

So, Edward Stafford, heir of Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham,

is also believed to have been educated at Cambridge, because his

father was a munificent patron of the University, constantly

maintaining, or assisting to maintain, scholars therein.

„

So, Thomas Howard, son of Sir John Howard, knight, and afterwards

Duke of Norfolk, who defeated the Scots at Flodden, is believed,

&c.

1484

John Skelton, the poet, probably of an ancient Cumberland family.

1520?

Henry Howard, son of Lord Thomas Howard, ultimately Duke of

Norfolk. Nothing is known as to the place of his education. If it

were either of the English Universities, the presumption is in

favour of Cambridge.

The only tradesman’s son mentioned is,

1504

Sir Richard Empson, son of Peter Empson, a sieve-maker,

High-Steward.]

[Footnote 45: Whitgift himself, born 1530, was educated at St.

Anthony’s school, then sent back to his father in the country, and

sent up to Cambridge in 1548 or 1549.]

[Footnote 46: No proof of this is given.]

[Footnote 47: Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, son and heir of Thomas

Duke of Norfolk, ‘was for a time student in Cardinal Coll. as the

constant tradition has been among us.’ p. 153, col. 1.]

[Footnote 48: Andrew Borde, who writes himself _Andreas

Perforatus_, was born, as it seems, at Pevensey, commonly called

Pensey [now Pemsey], in Sussex, and not unlikely educated in

Wykeham’s school near to Winchester, brought up at Oxford (as he

saith in his _Introduction to Knowledge_, cap. 35), p. 170, col.

2, and note.]

[Footnote 49: See Mat. Paris, p. 665, though he speaks there

chiefly of monks[*] beyond sea.]

[Footnote 49*: As appears from Wood’s _Fasti Oxon._

The following names of Oxford men educated at monkish or friars’

schools, or of their bodies, occur in the first volume of Wood’s

_Athenæ Oxon._, ed. Bliss:

p. 6, col. 2.

William Beeth, educated among the Dominicans or Black Friers

from his youth, and afterwards their provincial master or chief

governor.

p. 7, col. 2.

Richard Bardney, a Benedictine of Lincolnshire.

p. 11, col. 2.

John Sowle, a Carme of London.

p. 14, col. 1.

William Galeon, an Austin friar of Lynn Regis.

p. 18, col. 2.

Henry Bradshaw, one of the Benedictine monks of St Werberg’s,

Chester.

p. 19, col. 1.

John Harley, of the order of the Preaching or Dominican,

commonly called Black, Friars

p. 54, col. 2.

Thomas Spenser, a Carthusian at Henton in Somersetshire; ‘whence

for a time he receded to Oxford (as several of his order did) to

improve himself, or to pass a course, in theology.’

p. 94, col. 2.

John Kynton, a Minorite or Grey-friar

p. 101, col. 1.

John Rycks, „ „

p. 107, col. 1.

John Forest, a Franciscan of Greenwich.

p. 189, col. 1.

John Griffen, a Cistercian.

p. 278, col. 2.

Cardinal Pole, educated among the Carthusians, and Carmelites or

‘White-fryers.’

p. 363, col. 2.

William Barlowe, an Austin of St Osith in Essex.

p. 630, col. 2.

Henry Walpoole and Richard Walpoole, Jesuits.

The 5th Lord Percy, he of the _Household Book_, in the year 1520

founded an annual stipend of 10 marcs for 3 years, for a

_Pedagogus sive Magister, docens ac legens Grammaticam et

Philosophiam canonicis et fratribus_ of the monastery of Alnwick

(Warton, ii. 492).]

[Footnote 50: It was customary then at Oxford for the Religious to

have schools that bore the name of their respective orders; as the

Augustine, Benedictine, Carmelite, and Franciscan schools; and

there were schools also appropriated to the benefit of particular

Religious houses, as the Dorchester and Eynsham schools, &c. The

monks of Gloucester had Gloucester convent, and the novices of

Pershore an apartment in the same house. So likewise the young

monks of Canterbury, Westminster, Durham, St Albans, &c. Kennet’s

Paroch. Antiq., p. 214. So also Leland saith, Itin. vol. vi. p.

28, that at Stamford the names of Peterborough Hall, Semplingham,

and Vauldey yet remain, as places whither the Religious of those

houses sent their scholars to study. Tanner, Notitia Monastica,

Preface, p. xxvi. note _w_.]

[Footnote 51: The abuse was of far earlier date than this. Compare

Mr Halliwell’s quotation in his ‘Merton Statutes,’ from his

edition of ‘the Poems of John Awdelay, the blind poet of Haghmon

Monastery in the 14th century,’

Now ȝif a pore mon set hys son to Oxford to scole,

Bothe the fader and the moder hyndryd they schal be;

And ȝif ther falle a benefyse, hit schal be ȝif a fole,

To a clerke of a kechyn, ore into the chaunceré . .

Clerkys that han cunyng,

. . thai mai get no vaunsyng

Without symony.]

[Footnote 52: Compare Chaucer: ‘wherfore, as seith Senek, ther is

nothing more covenable to a man of heigh estate than debonairté

and pité; and therfore thise flies than men clepen bees, whan thay

make here king, they chesen oon that hath no pricke wherwith he

may stynge.’--_Persones Tale_, Poet. Works, ed. Morris, iii. 301.]

[Footnote 53: Ascham complains of the harm that rich men’s sons

did in his time at Cambridge. Writing to Archbp. Cranmer in 1545,

he complains of two _gravissima impedimenta_ to their course of

study: (1.) that so few old men will stop up to encourage study by

their example; (2.) “quod illi fere omnes qui hue Cantabrigiam

confluunt, pueri sunt, divitumque filii, et hi etiam qui nunquam

inducunt animum suum, ut abundanti aliqua perfectaque eruditione

perpoliantur, sed ut ad alia reipublicæ munera obeunda levi aliqua

et inchoata cognitione paratiores efficiantur. Et hic singularis

quædam injuria bifariam academiæ intentata est; vel quia hoc modo

omnis expletæ absolutæque doctrinæ spes longe ante messem, in ipsa

quasi herbescenti viriditate, præciditur; vel quia omnis pauperum

inopumque expectatio, quorum ætates omnes in literarum studio

conteruntur, ab his fucis eorum sedes occupantibus, exclusa

illusaque præripitur. Ingenium, enim, doctrina, inopia judicium,

nil quicquam domi valent, ubi gratia, favor, magnatum literæ, et

aliæ persimiles extraordinariæ illegitimæque rationes vim foris

adferunt. Hinc quoque illud accedit incommodum, quod quidam

prudentes viri nimis ægre ferunt partem aliquam regiæ pecuniæ in

collegiorum socios inpartiri; quasi illi non maxime indigeant, aut

quasi ulla spes perfectæ eruditionis in ullis aliis residere

potest, quam in his, qui in perpetuo literarum studio perpetuum

vitæ suæ tabernaculum collocarunt.” Ed. Giles, i. p. 69-70. See

also p. 121-2.]

[Footnote 54: _Antea enim_ Cornelius Vitellius, _homo_ Italus

Corneli, _quod est maritimum_ Hetruriæ _Oppidum, natus nobili

Prosapia, vir optimus gratiosusque, omnium primus_ Oxonii _bonas

literas docuerat_. [Pol. Verg. _lib._ xxvi.]]

[Footnote 55: _Ante annos ferme triginta, nihil tradebatur in

schola_ Cantabrigiensi, _præter_ Alexandri Parva Logicalia, _ut

vocant, & vetera illa_ Aristotelis _dictata, Scoticasque

Quæstiones. Progressu temporis accesserunt bonæ literæ; accessit

Matheseos Cognitio; accessit novus, aut certe novatus_,

Aristoteles; _accessit_ Græcarum _literarum peritia; accesserunt

Autores tam multi, quorum olim ne nomina quidem tenebantur, &c._

[Erasmi _Epist._ Henrico Bovillo, _Dat._ Roffæ _Cal._ Sept.

1516.]]

[Footnote 56: Sir John Fortescue’s description of the study of law

at Westminster and in the Inns of Chancery is in chapters 48-9 of

his _De laudibus legum Angliæ_.]

[Footnote 57:

Mores habent barbarus, Latinus et Græcus;

Si sacerdos, ut plebs est, cæcum ducit cæcus:

Se mares effeminant, et equa fit equus,

Expectes ab homine usque ad pecus.

Et quia non metuunt animæ discrimen,

Principes in habitum verterunt hoc crimen,

Varium viro turpiter jungit novus hymen,

Exagitata procul non intrat fœmina limen.]

[Footnote 58:

Pixus et ablutus tandem progressus in urbem,

Intrat in ecclesiam, vota precesque facit.

Inde scholas adiens, secum deliberat, utrum

Expediat potius illa vel ista schola.

Et quia subtiles sensu considerat Anglos,

Pluribus ex causis se sociavit iis.

Moribus egregii, verbo vultuque venusti,

Ingenio pollent, consilioque vigent.

Dona pluunt populis, et detestantur avaros,

Fercula multiplicant, et sine lege bibunt.

A. Wood, _Antiq. Oxon._, p. 55, in Henry’s Hist. of Eng.,

vol. iii. p. 440-1.]

[Footnote 59: That Colet used his travels abroad, A.D. 1493-7, for

a different purpose, see his life by Dr Knight, pp. 23-4.]

[Footnote 60: Fuller, book vi. p. 297. Collier, vol. ii. p. 165.

Stillingfleet’s Orig. Britan. p. 206. Bishop Lloyd of Church

Government, p. 160. This was provided for as early as A.D. 747, by

the seventh canon of council of Clovesho, as Wilkins’s Councils,

vol. i. p. 95. See also the notes upon that canon, in Johnson’s

Collection of canons, &c. In Tavistock abbey there was a Saxon

school, as Willis, i. 171. Tanner. (Charlemagne in his

Capitularies ordained that each Monastery should maintain a

School, where should be taught ‘la grammaire, le calcule, et la

musique.’ See Démogeot’s _Histoire de la Littérature Française_,

p. 44, ed. Hachette. R. Whiston.) Henry says “these teachers of

the cathedral schools were called _The scholastics_ of the

diocess; and all the youth in it who were designed for the church,

were intitled to the benefit of their instructions.[*] Thus, for

example, William de Monte, who had been a professor at Paris, and

taught theology with so much reputation in the reign of Henry II.,

at Lincoln, was the scholastic of that cathedral. By the

eighteenth canon of the third general council of Lateran, A.D.

1179, it was decreed, That such scholastics should be settled in

all cathedrals, with sufficient revenues for their support; and

that they should have authority to superintend all the

schoolmasters of the diocess, and grant them licences, without

which none should presume to teach. The laborious authors of the

literary history of France have collected a very distinct account

of the scholastics who presided in the principal cathedral-schools

of that kingdom in the twelfth century, among whom we meet with

many of the most illustrious names for learning of that age....

The sciences that were taught in these cathedral schools were such

as were most necessary to qualify their pupils for performing the

duties of the sacerdotal office, as Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic,

Theology, and Church-Music.” --_Ibid._ p. 442.]

[Footnote 60*: Du Cange, Gloss. voc. _Scholasticus_.]

[Footnote 61: Fuller and Collier, as before; Bishop Burnet

(Reform, vol. i. p... ) saith so of Godstow. Archbishop Greenfield

ordered that young gentlewomen who came to the nunneries either

for piety or breeding, should wear white veils, to distinguish

them from the professed, who wore black ones, 11 Kal. Jul. anno

pontif. 6. M. Hutton. ex registr. ejus, p. 207. In the accounts of

the cellaress of Carhow, near Norwich, there is an account of what

was received “pro prehendationibus,” or the board of young ladies

and their servants for education “rec. de domina Margeria Wederly

prehendinat, ibidem xi. septimanas xiii s. iv d. ... pro mensa

unius famulæ dictæ Margeriæ per iii. septimanas viii d. per

sept.” &c. Tanner.]

[Footnote 62: Morley’s _English Writers_, vol. ii. Pt. I. p. 421.]

[Footnote 63: Edited by Mr Halliwell in his ‘Selection from the

Minor Poems of Dan John Lydgate.’ Percy Society, 1840, quoted by

Prof. Morley.]

[[Footnote 63a: ‘Fitz-Stephen says on the parents of St Thomas,

“Neque fœnerantibus neque officiose negotiantibus, sed de

redditibus suis honorifice viventibus.”’ E. A. F.]]

[Footnote 64: Mr Skeat’s readings. The _abbot_ and _abbots_ of Mr

Wright’s text spoil the alliteration.]

[Footnote 65: Compare the previous passages under heading 1,

p. vi.]

[Footnote 66: May Mr Skeat bring the day when it will be done!]

[Footnote 67: Later on, men’s games were settled for them as well

as their trades. In A.D. 1541, the 33 Hen. VIII., cap. 9, § xvi.,

says,

“Be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid, That no manner

of Artificer or Craftsman of any Handicraft or Occupation,

Husbandman, Apprentice, Labourer, Servant at Husbandry,

Journeyman or Servant of Artificer, Mariners, Fishermen,

Watermen or any Serving man, shall from the said feast of the

Nativity of St John Baptist play at the Tables, Tennis, Dice,

Cards, Bowls, Clash, Coyting, Logating, or any other unlawful

Game out of Christmas, under the Pain of xx s. to be forfeit

for every Time; (2) and in Christmas to play at any of the

said Games in their Master’s Houses, or in their Master’s

Presence; (3) and also that no manner of persons shall at any

time play at any Bowl or Bowls in open places out of his

Garden or Orchard, upon the Pain for every Time so offending

to forfeit vi s. viiii d.” (For _Logating_, &c., see

Strutt.)]

[Footnote 68: Translated from the Latin copy in the British

Museum, MS. Harl. 1197, art. 15, folio 319 b.]

[Footnote 69: Duodecim pauperes de sumptibus dictæ Ecclesiæ

_alendi_.]

[Footnote 70: Duo _unus_ Pincernæ, et _unus subpincerna_, duo unus

cociquus, et unus subcoquus. Sic in MS]

[Footnote 71: MS. No. 688 in Lambeth Library. MS. Harl. cod. 1594,

art. 38, in Brit. Mus.]

[Footnote 72:

Farewell, in Oxford my college cardynall!

Farewell, in _Ipsewich, my schole gramaticall!_

Yet oons farewell! I say, I shall you never see!

Your somptious byldyng, what now avayllethe me?

_Metrical Visions_ [Wolsey.] by George Cavendish, in his Life of

Wolsey, (ed. Singer, ii. 17). Wolsey’s Letter of Directions about

his school should be consulted. It is printed.]

[Footnote 73: Colet’s Statutes for St Paul’s School are given in

Howard Staunton’s _Great Schools of England_, p. 179-85.]

[Footnote 74: ‘That there was a school at Rochester before Henry

VIII.’s time is proved by our Statutes, which speak of the _Schola

Grammaticalis_ as being _ruinosa & admodum deformis_.’ R.

Whiston.]

[Footnote 75: Pegge concludes these to have been St Paul’s, Bow,

and Martin’s le Grand.]

[Footnote 76: The custom of boys bringing cocks to masters has

left a trace at Sedburgh, where the boys pay a sum every year on a

particular day (Shrove-Tuesday?) as “cock-penny.” Quick.]

[Footnote 77: On the London Schools, see also Sir George Buc’s

short _cap._ 36, “Moore of other Schooles in London,” in his

_Third Vniuersitie of England_ (t.i. London). He notices the old

schools of the monasteries, &c., ‘in whose stead there be some few

founded lately by good men, as the Merchant Taylors, and Thomas

Sutton, founder of the great new Hospitall in the Charter house,

[who] hath translated the Tenis court to a Grammar Schoole ... for

30 schollers, poore mens children.... There be also other Triuiall

Schooles for the bringing up of youth in good literature, _viz._,

in S. _Magnus_, in S. _Michaels_, in S. _Thomas_, and others.’]

[Footnote 78: Udall became Master of Eton about 1534. He was sent

to prison for sodomy.]

[Footnote 79: The perversion of these elections by bribery is

noticed by Harrison in the former extract from him on the

Universities.]

[Footnote 80: See p. 273-4, ‘all of a fourme to name who is the

best of their fourme, and who is the best next him’.]

[Footnote 81: ? key of the Campo, see pp. 299 and 300, or a club,

the holder of which had a right to go out.]

[Footnote 82: See Mr Froude’s noble article in _The Westminster

Review_, No. 3, July, 1852 (lately republished by him in a

collection of Essays, &c.).]

[Footnote 83: Their eyes must have smarted. The natives’ houses in

India have (generally) no chimneys still, and Mr Moreshwar says

the smoke _does_ make your eyes water.]

[Footnote 84: Mouffet is learned on the Louse.

“In the first beginning whilest man was in his innocency, and free

from wickednesse, he was subject to no corruption and filth, but

when he was seduced by the wickednesse of that great and cunning

deceiver, and proudly affected to know as much as God knew, God

humbled him with divers diseases, and divers sorts of Worms, with

Lice, Hand-worms, Belly-worms, others call _Termites_, small Nits

and Acares ... a Lowse ... is a beastly Creature, and known better

in Innes and Armies then it is wellcome. The profit it bringeth,

_Achilles_ sheweth, _Iliad_ I. in these words: _I make no more of

him then I doe of a Lowse_; as we have an English Proverb of a

poor man, _He is not worth a Lowse_. The Lice that trouble men are

either tame or wilde ones, those the _English_ call _Lice_, and

these _Crab-lice_; the North _English_ call them _Pert-lice_, that

is, a petulant Lowse comprehending both kindes; it is a certain

sign of misery, and is sometimes the inevitable scourge of God.”

Rowland’s _Mouffet’s Theater of Insects_, p. 1090, ed. 1658

(published in Latin, 1634). By this date we had improved. Mouffet

says, “These filthy creatures ... are hated more than Dogs or

Vipers by our daintiest Dames,” _ib._ p. 1093; and again, p. 1097,

“Cardan, that was a fancier of subtilties, writes that the

_Carthusians_ are never vexed with Wall-lice, and he gives the

cause, because they eat no flesh.... He should rather have

alledged their cleanliness, and the frequent washing of their beds

and blankets, to be the cause of it, which when the _French_, the

_Dutch_, and _Italians_ do less regard, they more breed this

plague. But the English that take great care to be cleanly and

decent, are seldom troubled with them.” Also, on p. 1092, he says,

‘As for dressing the body: all _Ireland_ is noted for this, that

it swarms almost with Lice. But that this proceeds from the

beastliness of the people, and want of cleanly women to wash them

is manifest, because the English that are more careful to dress

themselves, changing and washing their shirts often, having

inhabited so long in _Ireland_, have escaped that plague....

Remedies. The _Irish_ and _Iseland_ people (who are frequently

troubled with Lice, and such as will fly, as they say, in Summer)

anoint their shirts with Saffron, and to very good purpose, to

drive away the Lice, but after six moneths they wash their shirts

again, putting fresh Saffron into the Lye.’ Rowland’s Mouffet

(1634), _Theater of Insects_, p. 1092, ed. 1658.]

[Footnote 85: Prof. Brewer says that Erasmus, rejecting the

Mediæval Latin and adopting the Classical, no doubt used

_salsamenta_ in its classical sense of salt-meat, and referred to

the great quantity of it used in England during the winter, when

no fresh meat was eaten, but only that which had been killed at

the annual autumn slaughtering, and then salted down.

Stall-fattening not being practised, the autumn was the time for

fat cattle. _Salsamentum_, however, is translated in White and

Riddle’s Dictionary, “A. Fish-pickle, brine; B. Salted or pickled

fish (so usually in plural).”]

[Footnote 86: If any member or reader can refer me to any other

verse or prose pieces of like kind, unprinted, or that deserve

reprinting, I shall be much obliged to him, and will try to put

them in type.]

Errata (noted by transcriber):

_Capiendo pro_[26]...’” [_missing ’_]

the case is too too evident [_duplication in original_]

sums it up.[59] [_footnote marker missing in text_]

a passage in Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger_ [passaeg]

ab. 1460 ... Marmaduke Constable [460]

In the section “Post-Reformation Cathedral Schools” the attribution of

quotes is sometimes obscure. The text layout has been kept as close

as possible to the original.

* * * * *

* * * *

* * * * *

PREFACE TO RUSSELL.

Though this _Boke of Nurture_ by John Russell is the most complete and

elaborate of its kind, I have never seen it mentioned by name in any of

the many books and essays on early manners and customs, food and dress,

that have issued from the press. My own introduction to it was due to a

chance turning over, for another purpose, of the leaves of the MS.

containing it. Mr Wheatley then told me of Ritson’s reference to it in

his _Bibliographica Poetica_, p. 96; and when the text was all printed,

a reference in _The Glossary of Domestic Architecture_ (v. III. Pt. I.

p. 76, note, col. 2) sent me to MS. Sloane 1315[1]--in the Glossary

stated to have been written in 1452--which proved to be a different and

unnamed version of Russell. Then the Sloane Catalogue disclosed a third

MS., No. 2027[2], and the earliest of the three, differing rather less

than No. 1315 from Russell’s text, but still anonymous. I have therefore

to thank for knowledge of the MSS. that special Providence which watches

over editors as well as children and drunkards, and have not on this

occasion to express gratitude to Ritson and Warton, to whom every lover

of Early English Manuscripts is under such deep obligations, and whose

guiding hands (however faltering) in Poetry have made us long so often

for the like in Prose. Would that one of our many Historians of English

Literature had but conceived the idea of cataloguing the materials for

his History before sitting down to write it! Would that a wise

Government would commission another Hardy to do for English Literature

what the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records is now doing for English

History-- give us a list of the MSS. and early printed books of it! What

time and trouble such a Catalogue would save!

But to return to John Russell and his Boke. He describes himself at the

beginning and end of his treatise as Usher and Marshal to Humphrey, Duke

of Gloucester, delighting in his work in youth, quitting it only when

compelled by crooked age, and then anxious to train up worthy successors

in the art and mystery of managing a well-appointed household. A man

evidently who knew his work in every detail, and did it all with pride;

not boastful, though upholding his office against rebellious cooks[3],

putting them down with imperial dignity, “we may allow and disallow; our

office is the chief!” A simple-minded religious man too,--as the close

of his Treatise shows,--and one able to appreciate the master he served,

the “prynce fulle royalle,” the learned and munificent Humphrey Duke of

Gloucester, the patron of Lydgate, Occleve, Capgrave, Withamstede,

Leonard Aretine, Petrus Candidus, Petrus de Monte, Tito Livio, Antoyne

de Beccara, &c. &c., the lover of Manuscripts, the first great donor to

the Oxford University Library which Bodley revived[4], “that prince

peerless,” as Russell calls him, a man who, with all his faults, loved

books and authors, and shall be respected by us as he was by Lydgate.

But our business is with the Marshal, not the Master, and we will hear

what John Russell says of himself in his own verse,

an vssher{e} y Am / ye may behold{e} /

to a prynce of high{e} degre,

þat enioyeth{e} to enforme & teche /

all{e} þo thatt wille thrive & thee,

Of suche thyng{es} as her{e}-aft{ur}

shall{e} be shewed by my diligence

To them þat nought Can / w{i}t{h}-owt gret exsperience;

Therfor{e} yf any mañ þ{a}t y mete with{e},

þat for fawt of necligence,

y wyll{e} hym enforme & teche, for hurtyng{e} of my Conscience.

To teche vertew and co{n}nyng{e}, me thynketh hit charitable,

for moche youth{e} in co{n}nyng{e} / is bareñ & full{e} vnable.

(l. 3-9.)

At the end of his Boke he gives us a few more details about himself and

his work in life:

Now good soñ, y haue shewed the / & brought þe in vre,

to know þe Curtesie of court / & these þow may take in cur{e},

In pantry / botery / or celler{e} /

& in kervyng{e} a-for{e} a sovereyn{e} demewr{e},

A sewer / or a m{er}shall{e}: in þes science /

y suppose ye byñ sewr{e},

Which in my dayes y lernyd with{e} a prynce full{e} royall{e},

with whom̅ vscher{e} in chambur was y, & m{er}shalle also in hall{e},

vnto whom̅ all{e} þese officer{es} for{e}seid /

þey eu{er} ente{n}de shall{e},

Evir to fulfill{e} my co{m}maundement wheñ þat y to þem call{e}:

For we may allow & dissalow / our{e} office is þe cheeff

In celler{e} & spicery / & the Cooke, be he looth{e} or leeff.

(l. 1173-82.)

Further on, at line 1211, he says,

“Moor{e} of þis co{n}nyng{e} y Cast not me to contreve:

my tyme is not to tary, hit drawest fast to eve.

þis tretyse þat y haue entitled, if it ye entende to p{re}ve,

y assayed me self in youth{e} w{i}t{h}-outeñ any greve.

while y was yong{e} y-nough{e} & lusty in dede,

y enioyed þese maters foreseid / & to lerne y toke good hede;

but croked age hath{e} co{m}pelled me / & leue court y must nede.

þerfor{e}, son{e}, assay thy self / & god shall{e} be þy spede.”

And again, at line 1227,

“Now, good soñ, thy self, w{i}t{h} other þ{a}t shall{e} þe succede,

which{e} þus boke of nurtur{e} shall{e} note / lerne, & ou{er} rede,

pray for the sowle of Iohñ Russell{e}, þat god do hym mede,

Som tyme s{er}uaunde w{i}t{h} duke vmfrey,

duc[A] of Glowcet{ur} in dede.

For þat prynce pereles prayeth{e} / & for suche other mo,

þe sowle of my wife / my fadur and modir also,

vn-to Mary modyr and mayd / she fende us from owr{e} foe,

and bryng{e} vs all{e} to blis wheñ we shall{e} hens goo. =AMEN=.”

[Text Note:

The _duc_ has a red stroke through it, probably to cut it out.]

As to his Boke, besides what is quoted above, John Russell says,

Go forth{e} lytell{e} boke, and lowly þow me co{m}mende

vnto all{e} yong{e} gentilmeñ / þ{a}t lust to lerne or entende,

and specially to þem þat han exsperience,

p{ra}yng{e} þe[m] to amend{e}

and correcte þat is amysse, þer{e} as y fawte or offende.

And if so þat any be founde / as þrouȝ myñ necligence,

Cast þe cawse oñ my copy / rude / & bar{e} of eloquence,

which{e} to d{ra}we out [I] haue do my besy diligence,

redily to reforme hit / by resoñ and bettur sentence.

As for ryme or resoñ, þe for{e}wryter was not to blame,

For as he founde hit aforne hym̅, so wrote he þe same,

and þaugh{e} he or y in our{e} mater{e} digres or degrade,

blame neithur of vs / For we neuyr{e} hit made;

Symple as y had insight / somwhat þe ryme y correcte;

blame y cowde no mañ / y haue no persone suspecte.

Now, good god, graunt vs grace / our{e} sowles neu{er} to Infecte!

þañ may we regne in þi regiou{n} / et{er}nally w{i}t{h} thyne electe.

(l. 1235-50.)

If John Russell was the writer of the Epilogue quoted above, lines

1235-50, then it would seem that in this Treatise he only corrected and

touched up some earlier Book of Norture which he had used in his youth,

and which, if Sloane 2027 be not its original, may be still extant in

its primal state in Mr Arthur Davenport’s MS., “How to serve a Lord,”

_said_ to be of the fourteenth century[6], and now supposed to be stowed

away in a hayloft with the owner’s other books, awaiting the rebuilding

and fitting of a fired house. I only hope this MS. may prove to be

Russell’s original, as Mr Davenport has most kindly promised to let me

copy and print it for the Society. Meantime it is possible to consider

John Russell’s Book of Norture as his own. For early poets and writers

of verse seem to have liked this fiction of attributing their books to

other people, and it is seldom that you find them acknowledging that

they have imagined their Poems on their own heads, as Hampole has it in

his _Pricke of Conscience_, p. 239, l. 8874 (ed. Morris, Philol. Soc.).

Even Mr Tennyson makes believe that Everard Hall wrote his _Morte d’

Arthur_, and some Leonard his _Golden Year_. On the other hand, the

existence of the two Sloane MSS. is more consistent with Russell’s own

statement (if it is his own, and not his adapter’s in the Harleian MS.)

that he did not write his Boke himself, but only touched up another

man’s. Desiring to let every reader judge for himself on this point,

I shall try to print in a separate text[7], for convenience of

comparison, the Sloane MS. 1315, which differs most from Russell, and

which the Keeper of the MSS. at the British Museum considers rather

earlier (ab. 1440-50 A.D.) than the MS. of Russell (ab. 1460-70 A.D.),

while of the earliest of the three, Sloane MS. 2027 (ab. 1430-40 A.D.),

the nearer to Russell in phraseology, I shall give a collation of all

important variations. If any reader of the present text compares the

Sloanes with it, he will find the subject matter of all three alike,

except in these particulars:

Sloane 1315.

--Sloane 2027.

Omits lines 1-4 of Russell.

--Contains these lines.

Inserts after l. 48 of R. a passage about behaviour which it nearly

repeats, where Russell puts it, at l. 276, _Symple Condicions_.

--Inserts and omits as Sl. 1315 does, but the wording is often

different.

Omits Russell’s stanza, l. 305-8, about ‘these cuttid galauntes with

their codware.’

Omits a stanza, l. 319-24, p. 21.2, b.).

--Contains this stanza (fol. 42, b.).

Contracts R.’s chapter on Fumositees, p. 23-4.

--Contracts the Fumositees too (fol. 45 and back).

Omits R.’s _Lenvoy_, under Fried Metes, p. 33-4.

--Has one verse of _Lenvoy_ altered (fol. 45 b.).

Transfers R.’s chapters on _Sewes on Fische Dayes_ and _Sawcis for

Fishe_, l. 819-54, p. 55-9, to the end of his chapter on _Kervyng of

Fishe_, l. 649, p. 45.

--Transfers as Sl. 1315 does (see fol. 48).

Gives different Soteltes (or Devices at the end of each course), and

omits Russell’s description of his four of the Four Seasons, p. 51-4;

and does not alter the metre of the lines describing the Dinners as

he does, p. 50-5.

--Differs from R., nearly as Sl. 1315 does.

Winds up at the end of the _Bathe or Stewe_, l. 1000, p. 69, R.,

with two stanzas of peroration. As there is no _Explicit_, the MS.

may be incomplete, but the next page is blank.

--Has 3 winding-up stanzas, as if about to end as Sloane 1315 does,

but yet goes on (omitting the _Bathe Medicinable_) with the

_Vssher and Marshalle_, R. p. 69, and ends suddenly, at l. 1062,

p. 72, R., in the middle of the chapter.

In occasional length of line, in words and rhymes, Sloane 1315 differs

far more from Russell than Sloane 2027, which has Russell’s long lines

and rhymes throughout, so far as a hurried examination shows.

But the variations of both these Sloane MSS. are to me more like those

from an original MS. of which our Harleian Russell is a copy, than of an

original which Russell altered. Why should the earliest Sloane 2027

start with

“An vsschere .y. am / as ye may se : to a prynce Of hygh{e} degre”

if in its original the name of the prince was not stated at the end, as

Russell states it, to show that he was not gammoning his readers? Why

does Sloane 1315 omit lines in some of its stanzas, and words in some of

its lines, that the Harleian Russell enables us to fill up? Why does it

too make its writer refer to the pupil’s lord and sovereign, if in its

original the author did not clench his teaching by asserting, as Russell

does, that he had served one? This Sloane 1315 may well have been copied

by a man like Wynkyn de Worde, who wished not to show the real writer of

the treatise. On the whole, I incline to believe that John Russell’s

Book of Norture was written by him, and that either the Epilogue to it

was a fiction of his, or was written by the superintender of the

particular copy in the Harleian MS. 4011, Russell’s own work terminating

with the _Amen!_ after line 1234.

But whether we consider Russell’s Boke another’s, or as in the main his

own,--allowing that in parts he may have used previous pieces on the

subjects he treats of, as he has used _Stans Puer_ (or its original) in

his _Symple Condicions_, l. 277-304,--if we ask what the Boke contains,

the answer is, that it is a complete Manual for the Valet, Butler,

Footman, Carver, Taster, Dinner-arranger, Hippocras-maker, Usher and

Marshal of the Nobleman of the time when the work was written, the

middle of the fifteenth century.--For I take the date of the composition

of the work to be somewhat earlier than that of the MS. it is here

printed from, and suppose Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, “imprisoned and

murdered 1447,” to have been still alive when his Marshal penned

it.--Reading it, we see “The Good Duke” rise and dress[8], go to Chapel

and meals, entertain at feasts in Hall, then undress and retire to rest;

we hear how his head was combed with an ivory comb, his stomacher

warmed, his petycote put on, his slippers brown as the waterleech got

ready, his privy-seat prepared, and his urinal kept in waiting; how his

bath was made, his table laid, his guests arranged, his viands carved,

and his salt smoothed[9]; we are told how nearly all the birds that fly,

the animals that walk the earth, the fish that swim in river and sea,

are food for the pot: we hear of dishes strange to us[10], beaver’s

tail, osprey, brewe, venprides, whale, swordfish, seal, torrentyne, pety

perveis or perneis, and gravell of beef[11]. Bills of fare for flesh and

fish days are laid before us; admired Sotiltees or Devices are

described; and he who cares to do so may fancy for himself the Duke and

all his brilliant circle feasting in Hall, John Russell looking on, and

taking care that all goes right.[12] I am not going to try my hand at

the sketch, as I do not write for men in the depths of that deducated

Philistinism which lately made a literary man say to one of our members

on his printing a book of the 15th century, “Is it possible that you

care how those barbarians, our ancestors, lived?” If any one who takes

up this tract, will not read it through, the loss is his; those who do

work at it will gladly acknowledge their gain. That it is worthy of the

attention of all to whose ears tidings of Early England come with

welcome sound across the wide water of four hundred years,

I unhesitatingly assert. That it has interested me, let the time its

notes have taken on this, a fresh subject to me, testify. If any should

object to the extent of them[13], or to any words in them that may

offend his ear, let him excuse them for the sake of what he thinks

rightly present. There are still many subjects and words insufficiently

illustrated in the comments, and for the names _venprides_ (l. 820);

_sprotis_, (? sprats, as in Sloane 1315), and _torrentille_ (l. 548);

almond _iardyne_ (l. 744); ginger _colombyne_, _valadyne_, and

_maydelyne_ (l. 132-3); leche _dugard_, &c., I have not been able to

find meanings. Explanations and helps I shall gladly receive, in the

hope that they may appear in another volume of like kind for which I

trust soon to find more MSS. Of other MSS. of like kind I also ask for

notice.

The reason for reprinting Wynkyn de Worde’s _Boke of Keruynge_, which I

had not at first thought of, was because its identity of phrase and word

with many parts of Russell,--a thing which came on me with a curious

feeling of surprise as I turned over the leaves,--made it certain that

de Worde either abstracted in prose Russell’s MS., chopping off his

lines’ tails,--adding also bits here[14], leaving out others there,--or

else that both writers copied a common original. The most cursory

perusal will show this to be the case. It was not alone by happy chance

that when Russell had said

O Fruture viant / Fruter sawge byñ good /

bett{ur} is Frut{ur} powche;

Appulle fruture / is good hoot / but þe cold ye not towche

(l. 501-2)

Wynkyn de Worde delivered himself of

“Fruyter vaunte, fruyter say be good; better is fruyter pouche;

apple fruyters ben good good hote / and all colde fruters, touche

not,”

altering _not’s_ place to save the rhyme; or that when Russell had said

of the Crane

The Crane is a fowle / that strong{e} is w{i}t{h} to far{e};

þe whyng{es} ye areyse / full{e} large evyñ thar{e};

of hyr{e} trompe in þe brest / loke þ{a}t ye beware

Wynkyn de Worde directed his Carver thus: “A crane, reyse the wynges

fyrst, & beware of the trumpe in his brest.” Let any one compare the

second and third pages of Wynkyn de Worde’s text with lines 48-137 of

Russell, and he will make up his mind that the old printer was either

one of the most barefaced plagiarists that ever lived, or that the same

original was before him and Russell too. May Mr Davenport’s hayloft, or

some learned antiquarian, soon decide the alternative for us! The

question was too interesting a “Curiosity of Literature” not to be laid

before our Members, and therefore _The Boke of Keruynge_ was

reprinted--from the British Museum copy of the second edition of

1513--with added side-notes and stops, and the colophon as part of the

title.

Then came the necessary comparison of Russell’s Boke with the _Boke of

Curtasye_, edited by Mr Halliwell from the Sloane MS. 1986 for the Percy

Society. Contrasts had to be made with it, in parts, many times in a

page; the tract was out of print and probably in few Members’ hands; it

needed a few corrections[15], and was worthy of a thousand times wider

circulation than it had had; therefore a new edition from the MS. was

added to this volume. Relying on Members reading it for themselves,

I have not in the notes indicated all the points of coincidence and

difference between this Boke and Russell’s. It is of wider scope than

Russell’s, takes in the duties of outdoor officers and servants as well

as indoor, and maybe those of a larger household; it has also a _fyrst

Boke_ on general manners, and a _Second Book_ on what to learn at

school, how to behave at church, &c., but it does not go into the great

detail as to Meals and Dress which is the special value of Russell’s

Boke, nor is it associated with a writer who tells us something of

himself, or a noble who in all our English Middle Age has so bright a

name on which we can look back as “good Duke Humphrey.” This personality

adds an interest to work that anonymity and its writings of equal value

can never have; so that we may be well content to let the _Curtasye_ be

used in illustration of the _Nurture_. The MS. of the _Curtasye_ is

about 1460 A.D., Mr Bond says. I have dated it wrongly on the

half-title.

_The Booke of Demeanor_ was “such a little one” that I was tempted to

add it to mark the general introduction of handkerchiefs. Having printed

it, arose the question, ‘Where did it come from?’ No Weste’s _Schoole of

Vertue_ could I find in catalogues, or by inquiring of the Duke of

Devonshire, Mr W. C. Hazlitt, at the Bodleian, &c. Seager’s _Schoole of

Vertue_ was the only book that turned up, and this I accordingly

reprinted, as Weste’s Booke of Demeanor seemed to be little more than an

abstract of the first four Chapters of Seager cut down and rewritten. We

must remember that books of this kind, which we look on as sources of

amusement, as more or less of a joke, were taken seriously by the

people they were written for. That _The Schoole of Vertue_, for

instance--whether Seager’s or Weste’s--was used as a regular school-book

for boys, let Io. Brinsley witness. In his _Grammar Schoole_ of 1612,

pp. 17, 18, he enumerates the “Bookes to bee first learned of

children”:-- 1. their Abcie, and Primer. 2. The Psalms in metre,

‘because children wil learne that booke with most readinesse and delight

through the running of the metre, as it is found by experience. 3. Then

the Testament.’ 4. “If any require any other little booke meet to enter

children; _the Schoole of Vertue_ is one of the principall, and easiest

for the first enterers, being full of precepts of ciuilitie, and such as

children will soone learne and take a delight in, thorow the roundnesse

of the metre, as was sayde before of the singing Psalmes: And after it

_the Schoole of good manners_[16], called, _the new Schoole of Vertue_,

leading the childe as by the hand, in the way of all good manners.”

I make no apology for including reprints of these little-known books in

an Early English Text. _Qui s’excuse s’accuse_; and if these Tracts do

not justify to any reader their own appearance here, I believe the fault

is not theirs.

A poem on minding what you say, which Mr Aldis Wright has kindly sent

me, some Maxims on Behaviour, &c., which all end in _-ly_, and Roger

Ascham’s Advice to his brother-in-law on entering a nobleman’s service,

follow, and then the Poems which suggested the _Forewords_ on Education

in Early England, and have been partly noticed in them, p. i-iv. I have

only to say of the first, _The Babees Boke_, that I have not had time to

search for its Latin original, or other copies of the text. Its

specialty is its attributing so high birth to the Bele Babees whom it

addresses, and its appeal to Lady Facetia to help its writer. Of the

short alphabetic poems that follow,--_The A B C of Aristotle_,--copies

occur elsewhere; and that in the Harleian Manuscript 1304, which has a

different introduction, I hope to print in the companion volume to this,

already alluded to. _Vrbanitatis_, I was glad to find, because of the

mention of _the booke of urbanitie_ in Edward the Fourth’s Liber Niger

(p. ii. above), as we thus know what the Duke of Norfolk of “Flodden

Field” was taught in his youth as to his demeanings, how mannerly he

should eat and drink, and as to his communication and other forms of

court. He was not to spit or snite before his Lord the King, or wipe his

nose on the table-cloth. The next tracts, _The Lytylle Chyldrenes Lytil

Boke or Edyllys Be_[17] (a title made up from the text) and _The Young

Children’s Book_, are differing versions of one set of maxims, and are

printed opposite one another for contrast sake. _The Lytil Boke_ was

printed from a later text, and with an interlinear French version, by

Wynkyn de Worde in ‘_Here begynneth a lytell treatyse for to lerne

Englisshe and Frensshe_.’ This will be printed by Mr Wheatley in his

Collection of Early Treatises on Grammar for the Society, as the copy in

the Grenville Library in the Brit. Mus. is the only one known. Other

copies of this Lytil Boke are at Edinburgh, Cambridge, and Oxford. Of

two of these Mr David Laing and Mr Henry Bradshaw have kindly given me

collations, which are printed at the end of this Preface. Of the last

Poem, _Stans Puer ad Mensam_, attributed to Lydgate-- as nearly

everything in the first half of the 15th century was-- I have printed

two copies, with collations from a third, the Jesus (Cambridge) MS.

printed by Mr Halliwell in _Reliquiæ Antiquæ_, v. 1, p. 156-8, and

reprinted by Mr W. C. Hazlitt in his _Early Popular Poetry_, ii. 23-8.

Mr Hazlitt notices 3 other copies, in Harl. MS. 4011, fol. 1, &c.;

Lansdowne MS. 699; and Additional MS. 5467, which he collated for his

text. There must be plenty more about the country, as in Ashmole MS. 61,

fol. 16, back, in the Bodleian.[18] Of old printed editions Mr Hazlitt

notes one “from the press of Caxton, but the only copy known is

imperfect. It was printed two or three times by Wynkyn de Worde. Lowndes

mentions two, 1518, 4to, and 1524, 4to; and in the public library at

Cambridge there is said by Hartshorne (_Book Rarities_, 156) to be a

third without date. It is also appended to the various impressions of

the _Boke of Nurture_ by Hugh Rhodes.” This _Boke_ has been reprinted

for the Early English Text Society, and its _Stans Puer_ is Rhodes’s own

expansion of one of the shorter English versions of the original

Latin[19].

The woodcuts Messrs Virtue have allowed me to have copies of for a small

royalty, and they will help the reader to realize parts of the text

better than any verbal description. The cuts are not of course equal to

the beautiful early illuminations they are taken from, but they are near

enough for the present purpose. The dates of those from British Museum

MSS. are given on the authority of trustworthy officers of the

Manuscript Department. The dates of the non-Museum MSS. are copied from

Mr Wright’s text. The line of description under the cuts is also from Mr

Wright’s text, except in one instance where he had missed the fact of

the cut representing the Marriage Feast at Cana of Galilee, with its six

water-pots.

The MS. of Russell is on thick folio paper, is written in a close--and

seemingly unprofessional--hand, fond of making elaborate capitals to the

initials of its titles, and thus occasionally squeezing up into a corner

the chief word of the title, because the _T_ of _The_ preceding has

required so much room.[20] The MS. has been read through by a corrector

with a red pen, pencil, or brush, who has underlined all the important

words, touched up the capitals, and evidently believed in the text.

Perhaps the corrector, if not writer, was Russell himself. I hope it

was, for the old man must have enjoyed emphasizing his precepts with

those red scores; but then he would hardly have allowed a space to

remain blank in line 204, and have left his Panter-pupil in doubt as to

whether he should lay his “white payne” on the left or right of his

knives. Every butler, drill-serjeant, and vestment-cleric, must feel the

thing to be impossible. The corrector was not John Russell.

To all those gentlemen who have helped me in the explanations of words,

&c.,--Mr Gillett, Dr Günther, Mr Atkinson, Mr Skeat, Mr Cockayne,

Mr Gibbs, Mr Way, the Hon. G. P. Marsh--and to Mr E. Brock, the most

careful copier of the MS., my best thanks are due, and are hereby

tendered. Would that thanks of any of us now profiting by their labours

could reach the ears of that prince of Dictionary-makers, Cotgrave, of

Frater Galfridus, Palsgrave, Hexham, Philipps, and the rest of the

lexicographers who enable us to understand the records of the past!

Would too that an adequate expression of gratitude could reach the ears

of the lost Nicolas, and of Sir Frederic Madden, for their carefully

indexed Household Books,--to be contrasted with the unwieldy mass and

clueless mazes of the Antiquaries’ _Household Ordinances_, the two

volumes of the Roxburghe _Howard Household Books_, and Percy’s

_Northumberland Household Book[21]!_--They will be spared the pains of

the special place of torment reserved for editors who turn out their

books without glossary or index. May that be their sufficient reward!

3, _St George’s Square_, N.W.

16 _Dec._, 1866.

HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER.

Mr C. H. Pearson has referred me to a most curious treatise on the state

of Duke Humphrey’s body and health in 1404 (that is, 1424, says Hearne),

by Dr Gilbert Kymer, his physician, part of which (chapters 3 and 19,

with other pieces) was printed by Hearne in the appendix to his _Liber

Niger_, v. ii. p. 550 (_ed. alt._), from a MS. then in Sir Hans Sloane’s

Collection, and now _Sloane_ 4 in the British Museum. It begins at p.

127 or folio 63, and by way of giving the reader a notion of its

contents, I add here a copy of the first page of the MS.

Incipit dietariu{m} de sanitatis custodia p{re}inclitissi{m}o

p{r}incipi ac metuendissimo d{omi}no, d{omi}no humfrido, duci

Gloucestrie, Alijsq{ue} p{re}claris titulis insignito,

Sc{r}iptu{m} & co{m}pilatu{m}, p{er} ven{er}abile{m} doctore{m},

Magistru{m} Gilbertum Kymer, Medicinar{um} p{ro}fessorem, arciu{m}

ac ph{ilosoph}ie Mag{ist}r{u}m & in legib{us} bacallariu{m}

p{re}libati p{r}incipis phisicu{m}, Cui{us} dietarij[A]

c{ol}l{e}cc{i}o{n}em (?) dilucidancia & effectu{m} viginti sex

existu{n}t capit{u}la, q{u}or{um} {con}seque{n}t{er} hic ordo

ponit{ur} Rubricar{um}[B].

[Textnotes:

A: The letters are to me more like cł, or c{ol}l than anything

else, but I am not sure what they are. B: The MS. runs on

without breaks.

[Transcriber’s Note: Marker [A] is printed at the end of

“dietarij”, but must be intended for the following word.]]

Cap{itulu}m 1^m est ep{isto}la de laude sanitat{is}

& vtilitate bone diete.

Cap{itulu}m 2^m est de illis in quib{us} consistit dieta.

Cap{itulu}m 3^m de toci{us} co[r]p{or}is & p{ar}ciu{m} disposi{ci}one.

Cap{itulu}m 4^m est de Ayer{e} eligendo & corrigendo.

Cap{itulu}m 5^m de q{ua}ntitate cibi & potus sumenda.

Cap{itulu}m 6^m de ordine sumendi cibu{m} & potu{m}.

Cap{itulu}m 7^m de temp{or}e sumendi cibu{m} & potu{m}.

Cap{itulu}m 8^m de q{ua}ntitate cibi & potus sumendoru{m}.

Cap{itulu}m 9^m de pane eligendo.

Cap{itulu}m 10^m de gen{er}ib{us} potagior{um} sumendis.

Cap{itulu}m 11^m de carnib{us} vtendis & vitandis.

Cap{itulu}m 12^m de ouis sumendis.

Cap{itulu}m 13^m de lacticinijs vtend{is}.

Cap{itulu}m 14^m de piscib{us} vtendis & vitand{is}.

Cap{itulu}m 15^m de fructib{us} sumendis.

Cap{itulu}m 16^m de co{n}dime{n}t{is} & sp{eci}ebus vtendis.

Cap{itulu}m 17^m de potu eligendo.

Cap{itulu}m 18^m de regimi{n}e replec{i}o{n}is & inanic{i}onis.

Cap{itulu}m 19^m de vsu coitus.

Cap{itulu}m 20^m de excercic{io} & q{u}iete.

Cap{itulu}m 21^m de sompni & vigilie regimi{n}e.

Cap{itulu}m 22^m de vsu acc{ide}nciu{m} anime.

Cap{itulu}m 23^m de bona {con}suetudi{n}e diete tenenda.

Cap{itulu}m 24^m de medic{in}is vicissim vtendis.

Cap{itulu}m 25^m de adu{er}sis nature infortunijs p{re}cauendis.

Cap{itulu}m 26^m de deo semp{er} colendo vt sanitate{m} melius

tueatur.

[“Unpacked” text, omitting signs of abbreviations or ligatures:]

Incipit dietarium de sanitatis custodia preinclitissimo principi

ac metuendissimo domino, domino humfrido, duci Gloucestrie,

Alijsque preclaris titulis insignito, Scriptum & compilatum, per

venerabilem doctorem, Magistrum Gilbertum Kymer, Medicinarum

professorem, arcium ac philosophie Magistrum & in legibus

bacallarium prelibati principis phisicum, Cuius dietarij

colleccionem (?) dilucidancia & effectum viginti sex existunt

capitula, quorum consequenter hic ordo ponitur Rubricarum.

Sharon Turner (_Hist. of England_, v. 498, note 35) says euphemistically

of the part of this treatise printed by Hearne, that “it implies how

much the Duke had injured himself by the want of self-government. It

describes him in his 45th year, as having a rheumatic affection in his

chest, with a daily morning cough. It mentions that his nerves had

become debilitated by the vehemence of his laborious exercises, and from

an immoderate frequency of pleasurable indulgences. It advises him to

avoid north winds after a warm sun, sleep after dinner, exercise after

society, frequent bathings, strong wine, much fruit, the flesh of swine,

and the weakening gratification to which he was addicted. The last

(chapter), ‘De Deo semper colendo, ut sanitatem melius tueatur,’ is

worthy the recollection of us all.” It is too late to print the MS. in

the present volume, but in a future one it certainly ought to appear.

Of Duke Humphrey’s character and proceedings after the Pope’s bull had

declared his first marriage void, Sharon Turner further says:

“Gloucester had found the rich dowry of Jacqueline wrenched from his

grasp, and, from so much opposition, placed beyond his attaining, and he

had become satiated with her person. One of her attendants, Eleanor

Cobham, had affected his variable fancy; and tho’ her character had not

been spotless before, and she had surrendered her honour to his own

importunities, yet he suddenly married her, exciting again the wonder of

the world by his conduct, as in that proud day every nobleman felt that

he was acting incongruously with the blood he had sprung from. His first

wedlock was impolitic, and this unpopular; and both were hasty and

self-willed, and destructive of all reputation for that dignified

prudence, which his elevation to the regency of the most reflective and

enlightened nation in Europe demanded for its example and its welfare.

This injudicious conduct announced too much imperfection of intellect,

not to give every advantage to his political rival the bishop of

Winchester, his uncle, who was now struggling for the command of the

royal mind, and for the predominance in the English government. He and

the duke of Exeter were the illegitimate brothers of Henry the Fourth,

and had been first intrusted with the king’s education. The internal

state of the country, as to its religious feelings and interest,

contributed to increase the differences which now arose between the

prelate and his nephew, who is described by a contemporary as sullying

his cultivated understanding and good qualities, by an ungoverned and

diseasing love of unbecoming pleasures. It is strange, that in so old a

world of the same continuing system always repeating the same lesson,

any one should be ignorant that the dissolute vices are the destroyers

of personal health, comfort, character, and permanent influence.”[24]

After narrating Duke Humphrey’s death, Turner thus sums up his

character:--

“The duke of Gloucester, amid failings that have been before alluded to,

has acquired the pleasing epithet of The Good; and has been extolled for

his promotion of the learned or deserving clergy. Fond of literature,

and of literary conversation, he patronized men of talent and erudition.

One is called, in a public record, his poet and orator; and Lydgate

prefaces one of his voluminous works, with a panegyric upon him, written

during the king’s absence on his French coronation, which presents to us

the qualities for which, while he was living, the poet found him

remarkable, and thought fit to commend him.”

These verses are in the Royal MS. 18 D 4, in the British Museum, and are

here printed from the MS., not from Turner:--

[Fol. 4.]

Eek in this lond--I dar afferme a thyng--

Ther is a prince Ful myhty of puyssau{n}ce,

A kynges sone, vncle to the kynge

Henry the sexte which is now i{n} frau{n}ce,

And is lieftenant, & hath the gouernau{n}ce

Off our breteyne; thoruh was discrecion

He hath conserued in this regiou{n}

Duryng his tyme off ful hih{e}[A] prudence

Pes and quiete, and sustened riht{e}.[A]

Ȝit natwithstandyng his noble prouyde{n}ce

He is in deede prouyd a good knyht,

Eied as argus with reson and forsiht;

Off hih{e} lectrure I dar eek off hym telle,

And treuli deeme that he doth{e} excelle

In vndirstondyng all othir of his age,

And hath gret Ioie with clerkis to co{m}mune;

And no man is mor expert off language.

Stable in studie alwei he doth contune,

Settyng a side alle chau{n}ges[B] of fortune;

And wher he loueth{e}, ȝiff I schal nat tarie,

With{e}oute cause ful loth{e} he is to varie.

Duc off Gloucestre men this prince calle;

And natwithstandyng his staat & dignyte,

His corage neuer doth appalle

To studie in bookis off antiquite;

Therin he hath{e} so gret felicite

Vertuousli hym silff to ocupie,

Off vicious slouth to haue the maistrie.[25]

And with his prudence & wit his manheed

Trouthe to susteyne he fauour set a side;

And hooli chirche meyntenyng in dede,

That in this land no lollard dar abide.

As verrai support, vpholdere, & eek guyde,

Spareth non, but maketh{e} hym silff strong

To punysshe alle tho that do the chirch{e} wrong.

Thus is he both manly & eek wise,

Chose of god to be his owne knyht{e};

And off o thynge he hath a synguler[C] price,

That heretik dar non comen in his siht{e}.

In cristes feith{e} he stant so hol vpriht,

Off hooli chirche defence and [c]hampion

To chastise alle that do therto treson.

And to do plesance to oure lord ih{es}u

He studieht[D] eu{er}e to haue intelligence.

Reedinge off bookis bringth{e} in vertu,--

Vices excludyng, slouthe & necligence,--

Maketh{e} a prince to haue experience

To know hym silff i{n} many sundry wise,

Wher he trespaseth, his errour to chastise.

[Text Notes:

A: These _e_-s represent the strokes through the _h_-s.

B: MS. thau{n}ges.

C: The _l_ is rubbed.

D: So in MS.]

After mentioning that the duke had considered the book of ‘Boccasio, on

the Fall of Princes,’ he adds, ‘and he gave me commandment, that I

should, after my conning, this book translate him to do plesance.’ MS.

18 D 4.--Sharon Turner’s _History of England_, vol. vi. pp. 55--7.

P.S. When printing the 1513 edition of Wynkyn de Worde’s _Boke of

Keruynge_, I was not aware of the existence of a copy of the earlier

edition in the Cambridge University Library. Seeing this copy afterwards

named in Mr Hazlitt’s new catalogue, I asked a friend to compare the

present reprint with the first edition, and the result follows.

NOTE ON THE 1508 EDITION OF

_The Boke of Keruynge_,

By The Rev. Walter Skeat, M.A.

The title-page of the older edition, of 1508, merely contains the words,

“¶ Here begynneth the boke of Keruynge;” and beneath them is--as in the

second edition of 1513--a picture of two ladies and two gentlemen at

dinner, with an attendant bringing a dish, two servants at a side table,

and a jester. The colophon tells us that it was “Enprynted by wynkyn de

worde at London in Flete strete at the sygne of the sonne. The yere of

our lorde M.CCCCC.VIII;” beneath which is Wynkyn de Worde’s device, as

in the second edition.

The two editions resemble each other very closely, running page for page

throughout, and every folio in the one begins at the same place as in

the other. Thus the word “moche” is divided into mo-che in both

editions, the “-che” beginning Fol. A. ii. b. Neither is altogether

free from misprints, but these are not very numerous nor of much

importance. It may be observed that marks of contraction are hardly ever

used in the older edition, the word “y^e” being written “the” at length,

and instead of “hãged” we find “hanged.” On the whole, the first edition

would seem to be the more carefully printed, but the nature of the

variations between them will be best understood by an exact collation of

the first two folios (pp. 151-3 of the present edition), where the

readings of the first edition are denoted by the letter A. The only

variations are these:--

P. 151.

_lyft_ that swanne] _lyfte_ that swanne A (_a misprint_).

_frusshe_ that chekyn] _fruche_ that chekyn A.

thye all maner _of_ small byrdes] A _omits_ of.

_fynne_ that cheuen] _fyne_ that cheuen A.

_transsene_ that ele] _trassene_ that ele A.

Here _hendeth_, &c.] Here _endeth_, &c. A.

_Butler_] Butteler A.

P. 152,

l. 5. _tre{n}choures_] trenchours A.

l. 12. _ha{n}ged_] hanged A.

l. 15. _cannelles_] canelles A.

l. 18, 19. _y^e_] the (_in both places_) A.

l. 20. _seasous_] seasons A.

l. 23. _after_] After A.

l. 27. _good_] goot A.

l. 30. _y^e_] the A.

l. 34. _modo{n}_] modon A.

l. 36. _sourayne_] souerayne A.

P. 153. _ye_] the A (_several times_).

l. 5. _wyll_] wyl A.

l. 9. _rede_] reed A. _reboyle_] reboyle not A.

l. 12. _the_ reboyle] _they_ reboyle A.

l. 17. _lessynge_] lesynge A.

l. 20. _ca{m}polet_] campolet A.

l. 21. _tyer_] tyerre A.

l. 22. _ypocras_] Ipocras A (_and in the next line, and l. 26_).

l. 24. _gy{n}ger_] gynger A.

l. 27. _ren_] hange A.

l. 29. _your_] youre A.

_In l._ 33, A _has_ paradico, _as in the second edition._

It will be readily seen that these variations are chiefly in the

spelling, and of a trivial character. The only ones of any importance

are, on p. 151, _lyste_ (which is a misprint) for _lyft_, and _trassene_

for _transsene_ (cp. Fr. _transon_, a truncheon, peece of, Cot.); on p.

152, _goot_ for _good_ is well worth notice (if any meaning can be

assigned to _goot_), as the direction to beware of _good_ strawberries

is not obvious; on p. 153, we should note _lesynge_ for _lessynge_, and

_hange_ for _ren_, the latter being an improvement, though _ren_ makes

sense, as basins hung by cords on a perch may, like curtains hung on a

rod, be said to _run_ on it. The word _ren_ was probably caught up from

the line above it in reprinting.

The following corrections are also worth making, and are made on the

authority of the first edition:--

P. 155,

l. 10, _For_ treachour _read_ trenchour.

l. 23. _For_ so _read_ se.

l. 24. _For_ se’ _read_ se.

P. 156,

l. 1. _ony_] on A.

l. 7. _For_ it _read_ is.

l. 15. _y^e so_] and soo A.

(_No doubt owing to confusion between & and_ y^e.)

l. 16. _your_] you A.

l. 29. _For_ bo _read_ be.

P. 157,

l. 20. _For_ wich _read_ with.

P. 158,

l. 3. _For_ fumosytces _read_ fumosytees.

l. 7. _For_ pygous _read_ pynyons (whence it appears that

the _pinion_-bones, not _pigeon’s_-bones, are meant).

l. 25. The word “reyfe” is quite plain.

P. 160, ll. 18, &c. There is some variation here; the first edition

has, after the word _souerayne_, the following:--“laye trenchours before

hym / yf he be a grete estate, lay fyue trenchours / & he be of a lower

degre, foure trenchours / & of an other degre, thre trenchours,” &c.

This is better; the second edition is clearly wrong about _five_

trenchers. This seems another error made in reprinting, the words

_lower degre_ being wrongly repeated.

P. 161,

l. 6. It may be proper to note the first edition also has _broche_.

P. 165,

l. 8. _For_ for y^e _read_ for they.

P. 165,

l. 27. _the[y]_; _in_ A they _is printed in full._

P. 166,

l. 18. _For_ raysyus _read_ raysyns.

P. 167,

l. 21. _For_ slytee _read_ slytte.

P. 169,

ll. 10, 18. _carpentes_] carpettes A.

l. 14. _shall_] shake A.

l. 23. _blanked_] blanket A.

Nearly all the above corrections have already been made in the

side-notes. Only two of them are of any importance, viz. the

substitution of _pynyons_ on p. 158, and the variation of reading on

p. 160; in the latter case perhaps neither edition seems quite right,

though the first edition is quite intelligible.

In our Cambridge edition (see p. 170, l. 5) this line about the pope is

carefully struck out, and the grim side-note put “_lower down_”, with

tags to show to what estate he and the cardinal and bishops ought to be

degraded!

NOTE TO p. xxiv. l. 10, “OUR WOMEN,”

AND THEIR KNOWLEDGE OF LANGUAGES, p. xxv-vi.

[These pages can be found under the headnote

“NEGLECT OF EDUCATION BY MOTHERS”.]

The Ladies & Men of Queen Elizabeth’s Court.

“I might here (if I would, or had sufficient disposition of matter

conceiued of the same) make a large discourse of such honorable

ports, of such graue councellors, and noble personages, as giue

their dailie attendance vpon the quéenes maiestie there. I could

in like sort set foorth a singular commendation of the vertuous

beautie, or beautifull vertues of such ladies and gentlewomen as

wait vpon hir person, betweene whose amiable countenances and

costlinesse of attire, there séemeth to be such a dailie conflict

and contention, as that it is verie difficult for me to gesse,

whether of the twaine shall beare awaie the preheminence. This

further is not to be omitted, to the singular commendation of both

sorts and sexes of our courtiers here in England, [a] that there

are verie few of them, which haue not the vse and skill of sundrie

speaches, beside an excellent veine of writing before time not

regarded. Would to God the rest of their liues and conuersations

were correspondent to these gifts! for as our common courtiers

(for the most part) are the best lerned and indued with excellent

gifts, so are manie of them the worst men when they come abroad,

that anie man shall either heare or read of. Trulie it is a rare

thing with vs now, to heare of a courtier which hath but his owne

language. [b] And to saie how many gentlewomen and ladies there

are, that beside sound knowledge of the Gréeke and Latine toongs,

are thereto no lesse skilfull in the Spanish, Italian, and French,

or in some one of them, it resteth not in me: sith I am persuaded,

that as the noble men and gentlemen doo surmount in this behalfe,

so these come verie little or nothing at all behind them for their

parts; which industrie God continue, and accomplish that which

otherwise is wanting!

[Sidenotes ([b] bracketed in original):

[a] English courtiers the best learned & the worst liuers.

[[b] Ladies learned in languages.]]

“[a] Beside these things I could in like sort set downe the waies

and meanes, wherby our ancient ladies of the court doo shun and

auoid idlenesse, some of them exercising their fingers with the

needle, other in caul-worke, diuerse in spinning of silke, some in

continuall reading either of the holie scriptures, or histories of

our owne or forren nations about vs, and diuerse in writing

volumes of their owne, or translating of other mens into our

English and Latine toong, [b] whilest the yoongest sort in the

meane time applie their lutes, citharnes, prickesong, and all kind

of musike, which they vse onelie for recreation sake, when they

haue leisure, and are frée from attendance vpon the quéenes

maiestie, or such as they belong vnto. [c] How manie of the eldest

sort also are skilfull in surgerie and distillation of waters,

beside sundrie other artificiall practises perteining to the

ornature and commendations of their bodies, I might (if I listed

to deale further in this behalfe) easilie declare, but I passe

ouer such maner of dealing, least I should séeme to glauer, and

currie fauour with some of them. Neuerthelesse this I will

generallie saie of them all, that as [d] ech of them are cuning in

somthing wherby they kéepe themselues occupied in the court, so

there is in maner none of them, but when they be at home, can

helpe to supplie the ordinarie want of the kitchen with a number

of delicat dishes of their owne deuising, [e] wherein the

Portingall is their chéefe counsellor, as some of them are most

commonlie with the clearke of the kitchen, who vseth (by a tricke

taken vp of late) [f] to giue in a bréefe rehearsall of such and

so manie dishes as are to come in at euerie course throughout the

whole seruice in the dinner or supper while: which bill some doo

call a [g] memoriall, other a billet, but some a fillet, bicause

such are commonlie hanged on the file, and kept by the ladie or

gentlewoman vnto some other purpose. But whither am I digressed?”

--1577, W. HARRISON, in _Holinshed’s Chronicles_, vol. I. p. 196,

ed. 1586.

[Sidenotes (all bracketed in original):

[[a] Ancient ladies’ employments.]

[[b] Young ladies’ recreations.]

[[c] Old ladies’ skill in surgery, &c.]

[[d] All are cunning [e] in cookery, helped by the Portuguese.]

[[f] Introduction of the _Carte_, [g] Memorial, Billet or Fillet.]]

[Footnote 1: This MS. contains a copy of “The Rewle of the Moone,”

fol. 49-67, which I hope to edit for the Society.]

[Footnote 2: The next treatise to Russell in this MS. is “The

booke off the gou{er}naunce off Kyngis and Pryncis,” or _Liber

Aristotiles ad Alexandrum Magnum_, a book of Lydgate’s that we

ought to print from the best MS. of it. At fol. 74 b. is a

heading,--

Here dyed this translatour and noble poette Lidgate and the yong

follower gan his prolog on this wys.]

[Footnote 3: One can fancy that a cook like Wolsey’s (described by

Cavendish, vol. i. p. 34), “a Master Cook who went daily in damask

satin, or velvet, with a chain of gold about his neck” (a mark of

nobility in earlier days), would be not _leef_ but _loth_ to obey

an usher and marshal.]

[Footnote 4: Warton, ii. 264-8, ed. 1840. For further details

about the Duke see the Appendix to this Preface.]

[Footnote 5: See one MS., “How to serve a Lord,” ab. 1500 A.D.,

quoted in the notes to the Camden Society’s Italian Relation of

England, p. 97.]

[Footnote 6: For the Early English Text Society.]

[Footnote 7: I have put figures before the motions in the dress

and undress drills, for they reminded me so of “Manual and

Platoon: by numbers.”]

[Footnote 8: Mr Way says that the _planere_, l. 58, is an article

new to antiquarians.]

[Footnote 9: Randle Holme’s tortoise and snails, in No. 12 of his

Second Course, Bk. III., p. 60, col. 1, are stranger still.

“Tortoise need not seem strange to an alderman who eats turtle,

nor to a West Indian who eats terrapin. Nor should snails, at

least to the city of Paris, which devours myriads, nor of Ulm,

which breeds millions for the table. Tortoises are good; snails

excellent.” Henry H. Gibbs.]

[Footnote 10: “It is nought all good to the goost that the gut

asketh” we may well say with William who wrote _Piers Ploughmon_,

v. 1, p. 17, l. 533-4, after reading the lists of things eatable,

and dishes, in Russell’s pages. The later feeds that Phylotheus

Physiologus exclaims against[*] are nothing to them: “What an

_Hodg-potch_ do most that have Abilities make in their Stomachs,

which must wonderfully oppress and distract Nature: For if you

should take _Flesh_ of various sorts, _Fish_ of as many,

_Cabbages_, _Parsnops_, _Potatoes_, _Mustard_, _Butter_, _Cheese_,

a _Pudden_ that contains more then ten several Ingredents,

_Tarts_, _Sweet-meats_, _Custards_, and add to these _Churries_,

_Plums_, _Currans_, _Apples_, _Capers_, _Olives_, _Anchovies_,

_Mangoes_, _Caveare_, _&c._, and jumble them altogether into one

_Mass_, what Eye would not loath, what Stomach not abhor such a

_Gallemaufrey?_ yet this is done every Day, and counted _Gallent

Entertainment_.”]

[Footnote 10*: Monthly Observations for the preserving of

Health, 1686, p. 20-1.]

[Footnote 11: See descriptions of a dinner in Parker’s Domestic

Architecture of the Middle Ages, iii. 74-87 (with a good cut of

the Cupboard, Dais, &c.), and in Wright’s _Domestic Manners and

Customs_. Russell’s description of the Franklin’s dinner, l.

795-818, should be noted for the sake of Chaucer’s Franklin, and

we may also notice that Russell orders butter and fruits to be

served on an empty stomach before dinner, l. 77, as a whet to the

appetite. _Modus Cenandi_ serves potage first, and keeps the

fruits, with the spices and biscuits, for dessert.]

[Footnote 12: The extracts from Bulleyn, Borde, Vaughan, and

Harington are in the nature of notes, but their length gave one

the excuse of printing them in bigger type as parts of a Text. In

the same way I should have treated the many extracts from Laurens

Andrewe, had I not wanted them intermixed with the other notes,

and been also afraid of swelling this book to an unwieldy size.]

[Footnote 13: The Termes of a Kerver so common in MSS. are added,

p. 151, and the subsequent arrangement of the modes of carving the

birds under these Termes, p. 161-3. The Easter-Day feast (p. 162)

is also new, the bit why the heads of pheasants, partridges, &c.,

are unwholesome--’for they ete in theyr degrees foule thynges, as

wormes, todes, and other suche,’ p. 165-6--and several other

pieces.]

[Footnote 14: _do the_, l. 115, is _clothe_ in the MS.; _grayne_,

l. 576 (see too ll. 589, 597,) is _grayue_, Scotch _greive_, A.S.

_gerefa_, a kind of bailiff; _resceyne_, ll. 547, 575, is

_resceyue_, receive; &c.]

[Footnote 15: This is doubtless a different book from Hugh

Rhodes’s _Booke of Nurture & Schoole of Good Manners_, p. 71,

below.]

[Footnote 16: What this _Edyllys Be_ means, I have no idea, and

five or six other men I have asked are in the same condition. A.S.

_æþel_ is noble, _æþeling_, a prince, a noble; that may do for

_edyllys_. _Be_ may be for A B C, alphabet, elementary grammar of

behaviour.]

[Footnote 17: P.S. Mr Hazlitt, iv. 366, notices two others in MS.

Ashmole 59, art. 57, and in Cotton MS. Calig. A II. fol. 13, the

latter of which and Ashmole 61, are, he says, of a different

translation.]

[Footnote 18: See Hazlitt, iv. 366.]

[Footnote 19: The MS. has no title. The one printed I have made up

from bits of the text.]

[Footnote 20: Still one is truly thankful for the material in

these unindexed books.]

[Footnote 21: Sharon Turner’s _History of England_, vol. v. pp.

496-8.]

[Footnote 22: This is the stanza quoted by Dr Reinhold Pauli in

his _Bilder aus Alt-England_, c. xi. p. 349:

“Herzog von Glocester nennen sie den Fürsten,

Der trotz des hohen Rangs und hoher Ehren

Im Herzen nährt ein dauerndes Gelüsten

Nach Allem, was die alten Bücher lehren;

So glücklich gross ist hierin sein Begehren,

Dass tugendsam er seine Zeit verbringt

Und trunkne Trägheit männiglich bezwingt.”

The reader should by all means consult this chapter, which is

headed “Herzog Humfrid von Glocester. Bruchstück eines

Fürstenlebens im fünfzehnten Jahrhunderte” (Humphrey Duke of

Gloucester. Sketch of the life of a prince in the fifteenth

century). There is an excellent English translation of this book,

published by Macmillan, and entitled “Pictures of Old England.”

--W. W. Skeat.]

* * * * *

* * * *

* * * * *

COLLATIONS.

These are given as a warning to other editors either to collate in

foot-notes or not at all. The present plan takes up as much room

as printing a fresh text would, and gives needless trouble to

every one concerned.

[Transcriber’s Note:

Each of these Collations will be repeated in or after the appropriate

selection.]

p. 260. _The A B C of Aristotle_, Harl. MS. 1706, fol. 94, collated

by Mr Brock, omits the prologue, and begins after l. 14 with, “Here

be-gynneth{e} Arystoles A B C. made be mayster Benett.”

A, _for_ argue not _read_ Angre the

B, _omit_ ne; _for_ not to large _read_ thou nat to brode

D, „ „ ; _for_ not _read_ thow nat

E, „ „ ; _for_ to eernesful _read_ ne curyons

F, _for_ fers, famuler, freendli, _read_ Ferde, familier, frenfull{e}

G, _omit_ to; _for_ & gelosie þou hate, _read_ Ne to galaunt never

H, _for_ in þine _read_ off

I, _for_ iettynge _read_ Iocunde;

_for_ iape not to _read_ Ioye thow nat

K, _omit_ to _and_ &; _for_ knaue _read_ knaves

L, _for_ for to leene _read_ ne to lovyng;

_for_ goodis _read_ woordys

M, _for_ medelus _read_ Mellous;

_for_ but as mesure wole it meeue

_read_ ne to besynesse vnleffull{e}

N, _for_ ne use no new iettis _read_ ne nought{e} to neffangle

O, _for_ ouerþwart _read_ ouertwarth{e};

_for_ & ooþis þou hate _read_ Ne othez to haunte

Q, _for_ quarelose _read_ querelous;

_for_ weel ȝoure souereyns _read_ men all{e} abowte

R, _omit the second_ to; _for_ not to rudeli _read_ thou nat but lyte

S, _for_ ne straungeli to stare _read_ Ne starte nat abowte

T, _for_ for temperaunce is best _read_ But temp{er}ate euer{e}

V, _for_ ne &c. _read_ ne violent Ne waste nat to moche

W, _for_ neiþer &c. _read_ Ne to wyse deme the

¶ _for_ is euere þe beste of _read_ ys best for vs

_Add_ =X Y Z= x y wych{e} esed & p{er} se.

Tytell{e} Tytell{e} Tytell{e} thañ Esta Amen.

p. 265, _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke_, with part of the Advocates

Library MS., fol. 84, back (collated by Mr David Laing).

l. 1, _for_ children̅ _read_ childur

l. 2, _dele_ þat

l. 3 _dele_ For

l. 6, _for_ with mary, _read_ oure Lady

l. 7, _for_ arn̅ _read_ byn

l. 9, _prefix_ Forst _to_ Loke

and _for_ wasshe _read_ wasshyd

l. 12, _for_ tylle _read_ to

l. 13, _prefix_ And _to_ Loke

l. 14, _is_, To he y^t reweleth y^e howse y^e bytt

l. 16, _put the_ that _between_ loke _and_ on

l. 17, _for_ without any faylys _read_ withowtte fayle

l. 18, _for_ hungery aylys _read_ empty ayle

l. 20, _for_ ete esely _read_ etett eysely

p. 267,

l. 25, _for_ mosselle _read_ morsselle

l. 26, _for_ in _read_ owt of

l. 30, _for_ Into thy _read_ nor in the

_for_ thy salte _read_ hit

l. 31, _for_ fayre on þi _read_ on a

l. 32, _for_ The byfore _read_ Byfore the

_and dele_ þyne

ll. 33-4, _are_ Pyke not y^i tethe wyth y^i knyfe

Whyles y^u etyst be y^i lyfe

The poem in the Advocates’ MS. has 108 lines, and fills 5 pages of the

MS. (Wynkyn de Worde’s version ends with this, after l. 105, ‘And in

his laste ende wyth the swete Ihesus. Amen. Here endeth the boke of

curtesye.’)

p. 265. _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke_ collated with the Cambridge

University MS., by Mr Henry Bradshaw. _Hem_ is always written for _him_

in this MS., and so with other words.

l. 2, _for_ wrytyne _read_ brekeyd

l. 6, _for_ Elizabeth _read_ cortesey

l. 7, _for_ closide _read_ clodyd

l. 10, _for_ on _read_ yn

l. 11, 12, _for_ þou _read_ ye

l. 14, _for_ hous the bydde _read_ hall þe beyt

l. 15, _for_ þe _read_ they

l. 16, _for_ on _read_ no

l. 17, _for_ any faylys _read_ fayle

l. 18, _for_ aylys _read_ heydyt

l. 19, _for_ Ete ... hastely _read_ yet ... hastey

l. 20, _prefix_ Bot _to_ Abyde

_for_ esely _read_ all yesley

p. 267,

l. 23, _for_ Kerue not thy brede _read_ Kot they bred not

l. 24, _is_ Ne to theke bat be-tweyn

l. 25, _for_ mosselle _read_ mossels;

_for_ begynnysse to _read_ dost

l. 26, _for_ in _read_ owt of

l. 27, _for_ on _read_ yn

ll. 28-30, _are_ Ne yn they met, feys, ne fleys.

Put not thy mete yn þey salt seleyr

l. 32, _is_ Be-fore the, that ys worschep

l. 33, _for_ ne _read_ nother

l. 34, _for_ If _read_ And

_for_ come _read_ comest

l. 35, _for_ And _read_ Seche

_put the_ is _before_ yn

l. 37, _for_ Ete ... by _read_ Kot ... yn

l. 38, _prefix_ And _to_ Fylle; _omit_ done

l. 40, _is_ Weyles thou hetys, bey they leyffe

l. 42, _for_ þow put _read_ take owt

l. 43, _for_ Ne _read_ Nether

l. 44, _is_ For no cortesey het ys not habell

l. 45, _for_ Elbowe ... fyst _read_ Elbowhes ... fystys

l. 46, _for_ whylis þat _read_ wheyle

l. 47, _is_ Bolk not as a bolle yn the crofte

l. 48, _for_ karle þat _read_ charle

_for_ cote _read_ cotte

l. 50, _for_ of hyt or þou art _read_ the or ye be

l. 51, _for_ sterke _read_ lowde

p. 269,

l. 52, _is_ all of curtesy loke ye carpe

l. 53, _for_ at _read_ all

_omit_ loke þou

l. 54, _for_ Loke þou rownde not _read_ And loke ye

l. 55, _omit_ thy

_for_ and _read_ ne

l. 56, _for_ doo _read_ make

l. 57, _for_ laughe not _read_ noþer laughe

l. 58, _for_ with moche speche _read_ thow meche speke

_for_ mayst _read_ may

l. 59, _for_ first ne _read_ ner

and _for the second_ ne _read_ not

l. 60, _for_ fayre and stylle _read_ stere het not

l. 61, _for_ thy _read_ the

l. 66, _omit_ a

l. 67, _for_ I rede of _read_ of j redde þe of

l. 68, _for_ neþer _read_ neuer

_omit_ yn þi _before_ drynk

l. 69, _for_ þat _read_ they

l. 73, _for_ þou see _read_ be saye

l. 76, _for_ þou _read_ yow

_for_ thow art _read_ yow ar

l. 77, _for_ forthe _read_ before yow

l. 78, _omit_ þow not

l. 79, _for_ ynto _read_ yn

p. 271,

l. 83, _for_ ende _read_ hendyng

l. 84, _for_ wasshen _read_ was

l. 85, _for_ worthy _read_ wortheyor

l. 86, _for_ to- _read_ be-

_omit_ &

_for_ þi prow _read_ gentyll cortesey

ll. 87, 88, 89, are omitted.

l. 90, _for_ nether _read_ not

_for_ ne _read_ ne with

l. 91, _omit_ þi

_for_ the hede _read_ they lorde

l. 92, _for_ hyghly _read_ mekeley

l. 93, _for_ togydre ynsame _read_ yn the same manere

p. 271,

l. 94, _for_ no blame _read_ the same

l. 95, _for_ therafter _read_ hereafter

l. 96, _after_ that _add_ he ys

_for_ was heere _read_ þere aftyr

l. 97, _omit_ And

_for_ dispiseth _read_ dispise

l. 99, _for_ Nether _read_ neuer

l. 100, _for_ Ner _read_ ne

l. 101, _after_ for _add_ sent

l. 102, _for_ Louyth this boke _read_ Loren this lesen

l. 103, _omit_ and

_for_ made _read_ wret

l. 106, is omitted.

p. 273,

l. 107, _before_ vs _put_ hem and

l. 108, _for the first_ Amen _read_ Sey all

_for the_ Explicit &c. _read_

Expleycyt the Boke of cortesey.

CORRIGENDA, ADDITIONAL NOTES, &c.

[Transcriber’s Note:

Where appropriate, changes listed have been incorporated into the

e-text; they are marked here in double brackets as [[corrected]].

Conversely, notes and larger corrections have been added to the main

text in [[double brackets]], with added footnotes shown as [[6a]],

[[10a]]... The bracketed paragraph, following, is from the original

text.]

[A few corrections of letters and figures have been made in this

Reprint.]

p. iv. l. 6. ‘Your Bele Babees are very like the _Meninos_ of the Court

of Spain, & _Menins_ of that of France, young nobles brought up with the

young Princes.’ H. Reeve. [[6a]]

p. v. last line. This is not intended to confine the definition of Music

as taught at Oxford to its one division of _Harmonica_, to the exclusion

of the others, _Rythmica, Metrica_, &c. The Arithmetic _said_ to have

been studied there in the time of Edmund the Confessor is defined in his

Life (MS. about 1310 A.D.) in my _E. E. Poems & Lives of Saints_, 1862,

thus,

Arsmetrike is a lore: þat of figours al is

& of drauȝtes as me draweþ in poudre: & in numbre iwis. [[10a]]

p. xviii. l. 16. The regular Cathedral school would have existed at

St David’s. [[24a]]

p. xix., note 4. “There are no French universities, though we find

every now and then some humbug advertising himself in the _Times_ as

possessing a degree of the Paris University. The old Universities belong

to the time before the Deluge--that means before the Revolution of 1789.

The University of France is the organized whole of the higher and middle

institutions of learning, in so far as they are directed by the State,

not the clergy. It is an institution more governmental, according to the

genius of the country, than our London University, to which, however,

its organization bears some resemblance. To speak of it in one breath

with Oxford or Aberdeen is to commit the ... error of confounding two

things, or placing them on the same line, because they have the same

name.” --E. Oswald, in _The English Leader_, Aug. 10, 1867. [[30a]]

p. xxiv. l. 9, _for_ 1574 _read_ 1577. [[Corrected in reprint.]]

p. xxv. l. 17, related apparently. “The first William de Valence married

Joan de Monchensi, sister-in-law to one Dionysia, and aunt to another.”

_The Chronicle_, Sept. 21, 1867. [[35a]]

p. xxvi. One of the inquiries ordered by the Articles issued by

Archbishop Cranmer, in A.D. 1548, is, “Whether Parsons, Vicars, Clerks,

and other beneficed men, having yearly to dispend an hundred pound, do

not find, competently, one scholar in the University of Cambridge or

Oxford, or some grammar school; and for as many hundred pounds as every

of them may dispend, so many scholars likewise to be found [supported]

by them; and what be their names that they so find.” Toulmin Smith, _The

Parish_, p. 95. Compare also in Church-Wardens Accompts of St

Margaret’s, Westminster (ed. Jn. Nichols, p. 41).

1631.

Item, to Richard Busby, a king’s scholler of Westminster, towards

enabling him to proceed master of arts at Oxon, by consent of the

vestrie £6. 13. 4.

1628.

Item, to Richard Busby, by consent of the vestry, towards enabling

him to proceed bachelor of arts £5. 0. 0.

Nichols, p. 38. See too p. 37. [[38a]]

p. xxvii., last line. Roger Bacon died, perhaps, 11 June, 1292, or in

1294. _Book of Dates._ [[41a]]

p. xxvii., _dele_ note 3 [[41]]. ‘The truth is that, in his account of

Oxford and its early days, Mr Hallam quotes John of Salisbury, not as

asserting that Vacarius taught there, but as making “no mention of

Oxford at all”; while he gives for the statement about the law school no

authority whatever beyond his general reference throughout to Anthony

Wood. But the fact is as historical as a fact can well be, and the

authority for it is a passage in one of the best of the contemporary

authors, Gervaise of Canterbury. “Tunc leges et causidici in Angliam

primo vocati sunt,” he says in his account of Theobald in the Acts of

the Archbishops, “quorum primus era{t} magister Vacarius. Hic in

Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.”’ E. A. F.

p. xxxiii. note [[45]], l. 1, _for_ St Paul’s _read_ St Anthony’s

[[Corrected in reprint.]]

p. xxxiv., _for_ sister _read_ brother [[Corrected in reprint. The word

“brother” appears twice on this page: “brother of Anne Bulleyn” and

“Jane Seymour’s brother”.]]

p. xlv. l. 2, _for_ poor _read_ independent. ‘Fitz-Stephen says on the

parents of St Thomas, “Neque fœnerantibus neque officiose negotiantibus,

sed de redditibus suis honorifice viventibus.”’ E. A. F. [[Corrected;

Footnote 63a]]

p. liii. Thetford. See also p. xli. [[Author’s intention unclear. List

on page liii shows Thetford grammar school, founded 1328. Page xli text

has “between 1091 and 1119 ... schools at Thetford”.]]

p. lxxix. last line. A Postscript of nine fresh pieces has been since

added, on and after p. 349, with ‘The Boris hede furst’ at p. 264*.

[[Section rewritten for reprint.]]

p. 6, l. 77, _for the note on_ plommys, damsons, _see_ p. 91, _note on

l. 177_. [[Note corrected from “177” to “77” in reprint; note

moved in e-text.]]

p. 7, l. 2 of notes, _for_ Houeshold _read_ Household [[Corrected in

reprint.]]

p. 27, l. 418, Areyse. Compare, “and the Geaunte pulled and drough, but

he myght hym not _a-race_ from the sadell.” _Merlin_, Pt. II. p. 346

(E. E. T. Soc. 1866). [[Added to footnote 80.]]

p. 35, note 3 (to l. 521), _for_ end of this volume _read_ p. 145

[[Corrected in reprint.]]

p. 36, l. 536. _Pepper_. “The third thing is Pepper, a sauce for

vplandish folkes: for they mingle Pepper with Beanes and Peason.

Likewise of toasted bread with Ale or Wine, and with Pepper, they make a

blacke sauce, as if it were pap, that is called _pepper_, and that they

cast vpon theyr meat, flesh and fish.” _Reg. San. Salerni_, p. 67.

[[127a]]

p. 58, l. 851; p. 168, l. 13, 14. Green sauce. There is a herb of an

acid taste, the common name for which ... is _green-sauce_ ... not a

dozen miles from Stratford-on-Avon. _Notes & Queries_, June 14, 1851,

vol. iii. p. 474. “of Persley leaues stamped withe veriuyce, or white

wine, is made a _greene sauce_ to eate with roasted meat ... Sauce for

Mutton, Veale and Kid, is _greene sauce_, made in Summer with Vineger or

Verjuyce, with a few spices, and without Garlicke. Otherwise with

Parsley, white Ginger, and tosted bread with Vineger. In Winter, the

same sawces are made with many spices, and little quantity of Garlicke,

and of the best Wine, and with a little Verjuyce, or with Mustard.”

_Reg. San. Salerni_, p. 67-8. [[Added to note 237.]]

p. 62, l. 909, ? _perhaps a comma should go after _hed_, and _‘his cloak

or cape’_ as a side-note. But see _cappe, p. 65, l. 964. [[242a]]

p. 66, l. 969. Dogs. The nuisance that the number of Dogs must have been

may be judged of by the following payments in the Church-Wardens’

Accounts of St Margaret’s, Westminster, in _Nichols_, p. 34-5.

1625 Item paid to the dog-killer for killing of dogs 0. 9. 8.

1625 Item paid to the dog-killer more for killing

14 dozen and 10 dogs in time of visitacion 1. 9. 8.

1625 Item paid to the dog-killer for killing of

24 dozen of dogs 1. 8.

See the old French satire on the Lady and her Dogs, in _Rel. Ant._ i.

155. [[250a]]

p. 67, last line of note, _for_ Hoss _read_ Hog’s [[Corrected in

reprint]]

p. 71, side-note 12, _for_ King’s _read_ chief [[Corrected in reprint]]

p. 84, note to l. 51. Chipping or paring bread. “_Non comedas crustam,

colorem quia gignit adustam_ ... the Authour in this Text warneth vs, to

beware of crusts eating, because they ingender a-dust cholor, or

melancholly humours, by reason that they bee burned and dry. And

therefore great estates the which be [_orig._ the] chollerick of nature,

cause the crustes aboue and beneath to be chipped away; wherfore the

pith or crumme should be chosen, the which is of a greater nourishment

then the crust.” _Regimen Sanitatis Salerni_, ed. 1634, p. 71. Fr.

_chapplis_, bread-chippings. Cotgrave. [[Added to note.]]

p. 85, note to l. 98, _Trencher_, should be to l. 52. [[Note corrected

to “52” in reprint; note moved in e-text.]]

p. 91, last note, on l. 177, should be on l. 77. [[See above under

“p. 6”.]]

p. 92, l. 6, _goddes good_. This, and _barme_, and _bargood_

(= beer-good) are only equivalents for ‘yeast.’ Goddes-good was so

called ‘because it cometh of _the_ grete grace of God’: see the

following extract, sent me by Mr Gillett, from the Book of the Corporate

Assembly of Norwich, 8 Edw. IV.:

“The Maior of this Cite com{m}aundeth on the Kynges bihalve, y^t

alle man{er} of Brewers y^t shall brewe to sale w^tynne this

Cite, kepe y^e assise accordyn to y^e Statute, & upon peyne

ordeyned. And wheras berme, otherwise clepid goddis good,

w^toute tyme of mynde hath frely be goven or delyv{er}ed for

brede, whete, malte, egges, or other honest rewarde, to y^e valewe

only of a ferthyng at y^e uttermost, & noon warned, bicause it

cometh of y^e grete grace of God, Certeyn p{er}sons of this Cite,

callyng themselves com{m}on Brewers, for their singler lucre &

avayll have nowe newely bigonne to take money for their seid

goddis good, for y^e leest parte thereof, be it never so litle and

insufficient to s{er}ve the payer therefore, an halfpeny or a

peny, & ferthermore exaltyng y^e p{ri}ce of y^e seid Goddis good

at their p{ro}p{e}r will, ageyns the olde & laudable custome of

alle Englande, & sp{eci}ally of this Cite, to grete hurte &

slaunder of y^e same Cite. Wherefore it is ordeyned & provided,

That no man{er} of brewer of this Cite shall from this time foorth

take of eny p{er}son for lyvering, gevyng, or grauntyng of y^e s^d

goddis good, in money nor other rewarde, above y^e valewe of a

ferthyng. He shall, for no malice feyned ne sought, colour, warne,

ne restregne y^e s^d goddis good to eny p{er}sone y^t will

honestly & lefully aske it, & paye therefore y^e valewe of a

ferthyng, &c.” [[Added as second footnote to note on l. 178.]]

p. 161, l. 4. Flawnes. ‘Pro Caseo ad _flauns_ qualibet die . panis j’

(allowance of). _Register of Worcester Priory_, fol. 121 _a._ ed. Hale,

1865. [[Added to editor’s Note on this word.]]

p. 296, col. 1, Clof. Can it be “cloth”? [[Added to Index. The entry is

in col. 2, not col. 1; the word occurs on p. 192.]]

p. 181, l. 144, Croscrist. _La Croix de par Dieu._ The

Christs-crosse-row; or, the hornebooke wherein a child learnes it.

Cotgrave. The alphabet was called the _Christ-cross-row_, some say

because a cross was prefixed to the alphabet in the old primers; but as

probably from a superstitious custom of writing the alphabet in the form

of a cross, by way of charm. This was even solemnly practised by the

bishop in the consecration of a church. See Picart’s Religious

Ceremonies, vol. i. p. 131. _Nares_. [[8a.]]

p. 185, l. 267, _for_ be, falle, _read_ be-falle (it befalls, becomes)

[[Corrected]]

p. 189, l. 393, side-note, _Hall,_ should be _Hall._ Fires in Hall

lasted to _Cena Domini_, the Thursday before Easter: see l. 398.

Squires’ allowances of lights ended on Feb. 2, I suppose. These lights,

or _candle_ of l. 839, would be only part of the allowances. The rest

would continue all the year. See _Household Ordinances & North. Hous.

Book_. Dr Rock says that the _holyn_ or holly and _erbere grene_ refer

to the change on Easter Sunday described in the _Liber Festivalis_:--

“In die paschẽ. Good friends ye shall know well that this day is called

in many places God’s Sunday. Know well that it is the manner in every

place of worship at this day _to do the fire out of the hall;_ and the

black winter brands, and all thing that is foul with smoke shall be done

away, and there the fire was, shall be gaily arrayed with fair flowers,

and strewed with green rushes all about, showing a great ensample to all

Christian people, like as they make clean their houses to the sight of

the people, in the same wise ye should cleanse your souls, doing away

the foul brenning (burning) sin of lechery; put all these away, and cast

out all thy smoke, dusts; and strew in your souls flowers of faith and

charity, and thus make your souls able to receive your Lord God at the

Feast of Easter.” --Rock’s _Church of the Future_, v. iii. pt. 2,

p. 250. “The holly, being an evergreen, would be more fit for the

purpose, and makes less litter, than the boughs of deciduous trees.

I know some old folks in Herefordshire who yet follow the custom, and

keep the grate filled with flowers and foliage till late in the autumn.”

--D. R. On Shere-Thursday, or _Cena Domini_, Dr Rock quotes from the

_Liber Festivalis_--“First if a man asked why Sherethursday is called

so, ye may say that in Holy Church it is called ‘Cena Domini,’ our

Lord’s Supper Day; for that day he supped with his disciples openly....

It is also in English called Sherethursday; for in old fathers’ days the

people would that day sheer their heads and clip their beards, and poll

their heads, and so make them honest against Easter-day.” --Rock, _ib._,

p. 235. [[Corrected; 15a. The Sidenote belongs to the Latin line

between 394, 395.]]

p. 192, l. 462-4, _cut out_ . _after_ hete; _put_ ; _after_ sett, _and_

, _after_ let; l. 468-9, _for_ sett, In syce, _read_ sett In syce;

l. 470, ? some omission after this line. [[Corrected; 28a.]]

p. 200, l. 677, side-note, steel spoon _is more likely_ spoon handle

[[Corrected]]

p. 215, l. 14. _The _T_ of _T the_ is used as a paragraph mark in

the MS._

p. 274, l. 143-4, ? sense, reading corrupt. [[Corrected; 63a.]]

p. 275, Lowndes calls the original of _Stans Puer ad Mensam_ the _Carmen

Juvenile_ of Sulpitius. [[Corrected; 63b.]]

p. 312, col. 2, Holyn. Bosworth gives A.S. _holen_, a rush; Wright’s

Vocab., _holin_, Fr. _hous_; and that Cotgrave glosses ‘The Hollie,

Holme, or Huluer tree.’ _Ancren Riwle_, 418 note *, and _Rel. Ant._, ii.

280, have it too. See Stratmann’s Dict.

p. 317, col. 2, _The extract for_ Lopster _should have been under_

creuis _or_ crao.

p. 318, col. 1, Lorely may be _lorel-ly_, like a lorel, a loose,

worthless fellow, a rascal.

p. 339, col. 1, Syles _is_ strains. SILE, _v._, to strain, to purify

milk through a straining dish; Su.-Got. _sila_, colare.--SILE, s.,

a fine sieve or milk strainer; Su.-Got. _sil_, colum. Brockett. See

quotations in Halliwell’s Gloss., and Stratmann, who gives Swed. _sîla_,

colare.

On the general subject of diet in olden time consult “Regimen Sanitatis

Salernitanum, with an Introduction by Sir Alex. Croke, Oxford, 1830.”

H. B. Wheatley. On manners, consult _Liber Metricus Faceti Morosi_.

J. E. Hodgkin.

-> Ten fresh pieces relating more or less to the subjects of this volume

having come under my notice since the Index was printed and the volume

supposed to be finished, I have taken the opportunity of the delay in

its issue--caused by want of funds--to add nine of the new pieces as a

Postscript, and the tenth at p. 264*. An 11th piece, _Caxton’s Book of

Curtesye_, in three versions, too important to be poked into a

postscript, will form No. 3 of the Early English Text Society’s Extra

Series, the first Text for 1868.

POSTSCRIPT, 1894.

[18 Oct. 1894. Much has been done for the history of Education since I

put the foregoing notes together: see Arthur Leach’s articles in the

_Contemp. Review_, Sept. 1892, Nov. 1894; _Fortnightly Review_, Nov.

1892; _Westminster Gazette_, 26 July, 1894; and _National Observer_,

Sept. 1, 1894. Also Herbert Quick’s books, J. Bass Mullinger’s, Maria

Hackett’s (1814, 1816, &c.), and Foster Watson’s forthcoming _Writers on

Education in England_, 1500--1660.[1] See too Foss’s _Lives of the

Judges_; Jn. Smith’s _Lives of the Berkeleys_; the _Life of William of

Wykeham_; Lupton’s _Life of Colet_; articles in Thomassin’s

_Ecclesiastica Disciplina, Vetus et Nova_; Dr. P. Alford’s _Abbots of

Tavistock_, p. 119-120; R. N. Worth’s Calendar of the _Tavistock Parish

Records_ (1588-9), p. 37, 39, &c.; _Dugdale_, i. 82, ii. 142, iii. 10,

iv. 404-5; Leland, _Collectanea_, vol. i, pt. 2, p. 302; Ellis, _Orig.

Let._, 3rd Series, i. 333, ii. 243; Marston’s _Scourge of Villanie_

(1599), Works, ed. 1856, iii. 306; Cavendish’s _Life of Wolsey_,

Kelmscott Press, 1893, p. 24; John of Salisbury, Epist. XIX, ed. Giles;

_Churchwardens’ Accounts_, Somerset Record Soc. (1890), p. xix;

_Glastonbury Abbey Accounts_, p. 249; _Engl. Hist. Rev._, Jan. 1891, p.

24; _Songs & Carols_, Warton Club, 1855, p. 10; Dr. Woodford’s Report on

National Education in Scotland, 1868; _Macmillan’s Mag._, July 1870

(Scotch at Oxford); Essays on Grammar Schools, by members of the Free

Kirk in Scotland; Stevenson’s _Nottingham Boro’ Records_, iv. 272, 299,

302; Dr. Buelbring’s Introduction to Defoe’s _Compleat English

Gentleman_; Bradshaw on the _A B C_ as a School-book, Cambr. Antiq.

Soc., vol. iii.; &c., &c.

Much of my Forewords above, appeard in two numbers of the _Quarterly

Journal of Education_, no. 2, Aug. 1867, vol. i, p. 48-56, and no. 3,

Nov. 1867, p. 97-100.--F. J. F.]

The friend to whom this book was dedicated, C. H. Pearson, died, alas,

this year (1894) after his return from Melbourne, where he had organised

free education thro’ the whole State, and done much other good work.

[Footnote 1: Department of Education, Washington, U.S.A.]

Errata (noted by transcriber):

Collations:

_The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke_ ... (Wynkyn de Worde ...)

[_final parenthesis missing_]

l. 59, _for_ first ne _read_ ner [first]

Corrigenda:

p. 36, l. 536. [l. 356]

* * * * *

* * * *

* * * * *

[Transcriber’s Note:

This second table of contents is as originally printed. Note that

Andrewe on Fish is a separate text, although listed in the Contents

as part of the linenotes to the Boke of Nurture.

To aid in text searching, the Headnotes from the Boke of Nurture are

interlaced with the table of contents. Each note will also appear in

the text at approximately its original location.

Large boldface initials are marked with a double ++ before the letter.

Further details about the transcription are at the beginning of the full

e-text.]

* * * * *

* * * *

The

BOKE OF NURTURE

Folowyng Englondis gise

by me

JOHN RUSSELL,

Sum Tyme Seruande With Duke Vmfrey Of Glowcetur,

A Prynce Fulle Royalle, With Whom Vschere In

Chambur Was Y, And Mershalle Also

In Halle.

_Edited from the Harleian MS. 4011 in the British Museum_

by

FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL,

M.A., Trin. Hall. Camb.; Member of Council of the Philological

and Early English Text Societies; Lover of Old Books.

CONTENTS.

[Line numbers added by transcriber]

Page Line

PROLOGUE 1 1

INTRODUCTION. MEETING OF MASTER AND PUPIL 2-3 13

[Headnote: IOHN RUSSELL MEETS WITH HIS PUPIL.]

THE PANTER OR BUTLER. HIS DUTIES 3-9 41

(And Herein of Broaching Wine, of Fruits and Cheese,

and of the Care of Wines in Wood)

[Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE PANTER OR BUTLER.]

[Headnote: OF FRUITS BEFORE DINNER AND AFTER SUPPER.]

[Headnote: THE TREATMENT OF WINES WHEN FERMENTING.]

NAMES OF SWEET WINES 9 117

HOW TO MAKE YPOCRAS 9-12 121

[Headnote: HOW TO MAKE YPOCRAS.]

THE BOTERY 12-13 177

[Headnote: THE BOTERY.]

HOW TO LAY THE TABLE-CLOTH, ETC. 13-14 185

[Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE CLOTH AND WRAP UP BREAD.]

HOW TO WRAP UP BREAD STATELY 14-16 209

HOW TO MAKE THE SURNAPE 16-17 237

[Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE SURNAPE AND TABLE.]

HOW TO MANAGE AT TABLE 17-18 257

SYMPLE CONDICIONS, 18-21 277

(Or Rules for Good Behaviour for Every Servant)

[Headnote: SYMPLE CONDICIONS: HOW TO BEHAVE.]

THE CONNYNGE OF KERVYNGE 21-3 313

[Headnote: HOW TO CARVE, AND TO LAY TRENCHERS.]

FUMOSITEES 23-4 349

[Headnote: FUMOSITEES.]

KERUYNG OF FLESH 24-30 377

[Headnote: KERUYNG OF FLESH.]

BAKE METES (How to Carve) 30-2 477

[Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE ROAST BIRDS,

SWAN, CAPON, &C.]

[Headnote: HOW TO CARVE THE CRANE, FAWN, VENISON, &C.]

[Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE AND SMALL BIRDS.]

[Headnote: HOW TO CARVE DOWCETES AND PAYNE PUFF.]

FRIED METES; WITH L’ENVOY 33-4 501

POTAGES 34-5 517

[Headnote: POTAGES.]

DIUERCE SAWCES 35-7 529

[Headnote: THE SAUCES FOR DIFFERENT DISHES.]

KERVYNG OF FISCH{E} 37-45 546

[Headnote: HOW TO CARVE HERRINGS AND SALT FISH.]

[Headnote: HOW TO CARVE PLAICE AND OTHER FISH.]

[Headnote: HOW TO CARVE CRABS AND CRAYFISH.]

[Headnote: HOW TO CARVE WHELKS AND LAMPREYS.]

OFFICE OF A SEWER 46-7 658

(Or Arranger of the Dishes on the Table, etc.)

[Headnote: THE SEWER’S OR ARRANGER’S DUTIES.]

A DYNERE OF FLESCH{E}:

THE FURST COURSE 48 686

[Headnote: FIRST COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.]

THE SECOND COURSE 49 693

THE iij^D COURSE 49-50 705

[Headnote: 3RD COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.]

A DINERE OF FISCH{E}:

THE FURST COURSE 50-1 719

[Headnote: 1ST COURSE OF A FISH DINNER.]

THE SECOND COURSE 51 731

THE THRID COURSE 52 744

[Headnote: 3RD AND 4TH COURSES OF A FISH DINNER.]

THE .iiij. COURSE OF FRUTE, WITH FOUR SOTELTEES 52-3 757

THE SUPERSCRIPCIOUN OF THE SUTILTEES

ABOUE SPECIFIED 53-4 787

A FEST FOR A FRANKLEN 54-5 795

[Headnote: A FEST FOR A FRANKLEN.]

SEWES ON FISH{E} DAYES 55-6 819

SAWCE FOR FISCH{E} 56-9 831

[Headnote: SAUCE FOR FISH.]

THE OFFICE OFF A CHAMBURLAYNE 59-64 863

(How to Dress Your Lord, Prepare his Pew in Church,

Strip his Bed, Prepare his Privy, etc.)

[Headnote: THE OFFICE OFF A CHAMBURLAYNE.]

THE WARDEROBES 64-6 939

(How to Put Your Lord to Bed,

and Prepare his Bedroom, etc.)

[Headnote: THE CHAMBERLAIN IN THE WARDEROBES.]

[Headnote: TO PUT A LORD TO BED.]

A BATHE OR STEWE SO CALLED 66-7 975

(How to Prepare One for Your Lord)

[Headnote: TO MAKE A BATH.]

THE MAKYNG OF A BATH{E} MEDICINABLE 67-9 991

[Headnote: THE MAKYNG OF A BATHE MEDICINABLE.]

THE OFFICE OF VSSHER & MARSHALL{E} 69-78 1001

(With the Order of Precedency of All Ranks)

[Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: THE ORDER OF

PRECEDENCE OF PERSONS.]

[Headnote: USHER & MARSHAL: WHAT PEOPLE RANK

AND DINE TOGETHER.]

[Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: OF BLOOD ROYAL

AND PROPERTY.]

[Headnote: THE DIFFERENCES OF MEN EQUAL IN RANK.]

THE SUMMARY 78-82 1173

[Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE USHER AND MARSHAL.]

[Headnote: THE USHER AND MARSHAL IS THE

CHIEF OFFICER.]

L’ENVOY 82-3 1235

(The Author Asks the Prayers of his Readers,

and He or the Copier Commends this Book to Them)

[Headnote: IOHN RUSSELLS REQUEST TO THE READER.]

NOTES 84-123

(With Bits from Lawrens Andrewe, on Fish, &c.)

ILLUSTRATIVE EXTRACTS.

WILYAM BULLEYN ON BOXYNG AND NECKEWEEDE 124-7

ANDREW BORDE ON SLEEP, RISING, AND DRESS 128-32

WILLIAM VAUGHAN’S 15 DIRECTIONS TO PRESERVE HEALTH 133-7

SIR JN. HARINGTON’s DYET FOR EVERY DAY 138-9

SIR JN. HARINGTON ON RISING, DIET, AND GOING TO BED 140-3

John Russells

Boke of Nurture.

[_Harl. MS. 4011, Fol. 171._]

[Sidenote: In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, God

keep me! I am an Usher to a Prince, and delight in teaching the

inexperienced.]

++In nomine patris, god kepe me / et filij for charite,

Et spiritus sancti, wher{e} that y goo by lond or els by see!

an vssher{e} y Am / ye may behold{e} /

to a prynce of high{e} degre,

þat enioyeth{e} to enforme & teche /

all{e} þo thatt will{e} thrive & thee[1], 4

Of suche thyng{es} as her{e}-aft{ur} shall{e} be shewed

by my diligence

To them þat nought Can / w{i}t{h}-owt gret exsperience;

Therfor{e} yf any mañ þ{a}t y mete with{e},

þat[2] for fawt of necligence,

y wyll{e} hym enforme & teche,

for hurtyng{e} of my Conscience. 8

[Sidenote: It is charitable to teach ignorant youths. If any such

won’t learn, give them a toy.]

To teche vertew and co{n}nyng{e}, me thynketh{e} hit charitable,

for moche youth{e} in co{n}nyng{e} / is bareñ & full{e} vnable;

þer-for{e} he þ{a}t no good cañ / ne to nooñ will{e} be agreable.

he shall{e} neu{er} y-thryve /

þ{er}for{e} take to hym a babull{e}. 12

[Headnote: IOHN RUSSELL MEETS WITH HIS PUPIL.]

[Sidenote: One May I went to a forest, and by the Forester’s leave

walked in the woodland,]

++As y rose owt of my bed, in a mery sesou{n} of may,

to sporte me in a forest /

wher{e} sightes wer{e} fresch{e} & gay,

y met w{i}t{h} þe forst{er} / y prayed hym to say me not nay,

þat y mygh[t] walke in to his lawnde[3] where þe deer{e} lay. 16

[Sidenote: where I saw three herds of deer in the sunshine.]

as y wandered weldsomly[4] / in-to þe lawnd þat was so grene,

þer lay iij. herdis of deer{e} / a semely syght for to sene;

y behild oñ my right hand / þe soñ þat shoñ so shene;

y saw wher{e} walked / a semely yong{e} mañ,

þat sklendur was & leene; 20

[Sidenote: A young man with a bow was going to stalk them, but I

asked him to walk with me, and inquired whom he served.]

his bowe he toke in hand toward þe deer{e} to stalke;

y prayed hym his shote to leue / & softely w{i}t{h} me to walke.

þis yong{e} mañ was glad / & louyd w{i}t{h} me to talke,

he prayed þat he myȝt with{e} me goo /

in to som herne[5] or halke[6]; 24

[Sidenote: ‘No one but myself, and I wish I was out of this

world.’]

þis yong{e} mañ frayned[7] / w{i}t{h} hoom þ{a}t he wo{n}ned þañ,

“So god me socour{e},” he said / “Sir, y serue myself /

& els nooñ oþ{er} mañ.”

“is þy gou{er}naunce good?” y said, / “soñ, say me ȝiff þow cañ.”

“y wold y wer{e} owt of þis world” / seid he /

“y ne rouȝt how sone whañ.” 28

[Sidenote: ‘Good son, despair is sin; tell me what the matter is.

When the pain is greatest the cure is nearest!’]

“Sey nought so, good soñ, bewar{e} /

me thynketh{e} þow menyst amysse;

for god forbedith{e} wanhope, for þat a horrible synne ys,

þerfor{e} Soñ, opeñ thyñ hert /

for p{er}aveñtur{e} y cowd the lis[8];

“wheñ bale is hext / þañ bote is next” /

good sone, lerne well{e} þis.” 32

[Sidenote: ‘Sir, I’ve tried everywhere for a master; but because I

know nothing, no one will take me.’]

“In certeyñ, sir / y haue y-sought /

Ferr{e} & ner{e} many a wilsom way

to gete mete[9] a mastir; & for y cowd nouȝt /

eu{er}y mañ seid me nay,

y cowd no good, ne nooñ y shewd{e} /

wher{e} eu{er} y ede day by day

but wantouñ & nyce, recheles & lewd{e} /

as Iangelyng{e} as a Iay.” 36

[Sidenote: ‘Will you learn if I’ll teach you? What do you want

to be?’]

++“Now, son, ȝiff y the teche,

wiltow any thyng{e} ler{e}? [Fol. 171b.]

wiltow be a s{er}uaunde, plowȝmañ, or a laborer{e},

Courtyour or a clark / Marchaund /

or masou{n}, or an artificer{e},

Chamburlayn, or buttiller{e} / panter{e} or karver{e}?” 40

[Sidenote: ‘A Butler, Sir, Panter, Chamberlain, and Carver. Teach

me the duties of these.’]

++“The office of buttiler, sir, trewly /

panter{e} or chamburlayne,

The connyng{e} of a kerver{e}, specially /

of þat y wold lerne fayne

all{e} þese co{n}nyng{es} to haue / y say yow in certayñ,

y shuld pray for your{e} sowle nevyr to come in payne.” 44

[Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE PANTER OR BUTLER.]

[Sidenote: ‘I will, if you’ll love God and be true to your

master.’]

++“Son, y shall{e} teche þe with{e} ryght a good will{e},

So þat þow loue god & drede / for þat is ryght and skyll{e},

and to þy mastir be trew /

his good{es} þat þow not spill{e},

but hym loue & drede /

and hys co{m}maundementȝ dew / fulfylle. 48

[Sidenote: A Panter or Butler must have three knives: 1 to chop

loaves, 1 to pare them, 1 to smooth the trenchers.]

The furst yer{e}, my soñ, þow shall{e} be panter{e}

or buttilar{e},

þow must haue iij. knyffes kene /

in pantry, y sey the, eu{er}mar{e}:

Oñ knyfe þe loves to choppe, another{e} them for to pare,

the iij. sharpe & kene to smothe

þe trenchurs and squar{e}.[10] 52

[Sidenote: Give your Sovereign new bread, others one-day-old

bread; for the house, three-day bread; for trenchers four-day

bread;]

alwey thy sou{er}aynes bred thow choppe,

& þat it be newe & able;

se all{e} oþ{er} bred a day old or þ{o}u choppe to þe table;

all{e} howsold bred iij. dayes old / so it is p{ro}fitable;

and trencher bred iiij. dayes is co{n}venyent & agreable. 56

[Sidenote: Have your salt white, and your salt-planer of ivory,

two inches broad, three long.]

loke þy salte be sutill{e}, whyte, fayre and drye,

and þy planer{e} for thy salte / shall{e} be made of yverye /

þe brede þ{er}of ynches two / þen þe length, ynche told thrye;

and þy salt seller{e} lydde / towche not thy salt bye. 60

[Sidenote: Have your table linen sweet and clean, your knives

bright, spoons well washed, two wine-augers some box taps, a

broaching gimlet, a pipe and bung.]

Good soñ, loke þat þy napery be soote / & also feyr{e} & clene,

bordcloth{e}, towell{e} & napkyñ, foldyñ all{e} bydene.

bryght y-pullished your{e} table knyve, semely in syȝt to sene;

and þy spones fayr{e} y-wasch{e} / ye wote well{e} what y meene. 64

looke þow haue tarrers[11] two / a mor{e} & lasse for wyne;

wyne canels[12] accordyng{e} to þe tarrers, of box fetice & fyne;

also a gymlet sharpe / to broche & perce /

sone to turne & twyne,

w{i}t{h} fawcet[13] & tampyne[14] redy /

to stoppe whe{n} ye se tyme. 68

[Sidenote: To broach a pipe, pierce it with an auger or gimlet,

four fingers- breadth over the lower rim, so that the dregs may

not rise.]

So wheñ þow settyst a pipe abroche /

good [sone,] do aft{ur} my lor{e}:

iiij fyngur ou{er} /

þe ner{e} chyne[15] þow may percer or bor{e};

with tarrer{e} or gymlet perce ye vpward þe pipe ashor{e},[16]

and so shall{e} ye not cawse þe lies vp to ryse,

y warne yow eu{er} mor{e}. 72

[Headnote: OF FRUITS BEFORE DINNER AND AFTER SUPPER.]

[Sidenote: Serve Fruit according to the season, figs, dates,

quince-marmalade, ginger, &c.]

Good sone, all{e} man{er} frute /

þat longeth{e} for sesoñ of þe yer{e},

Fygg{es} / reysons / almand{es}, dat{es} /

butt{ur}, chese[17] / nottus, apples, & per{e},

Compost{es}[18] & confit{es}, char{e} de quync{es} /

white & grene gynger{e};

and ffor aft{ur} questyons, or þy lord sytte /

of hym þow know & enquer{e}. 76

[Sidenote: Before dinner, plums and grapes after, pears, nuts, and

hard cheese. After supper, roast apples, &c.]

Serve fastyng{e} / plommys / damsons / cheries /

and grapis to plese; [Fol. 172.]

aft{ur} mete / peer{es}, nottys /

strawberies, wȳneberies,[19] and hardchese,

also blawnderell{es},[20] pepyns / careawey in comfyte /

Compost{es}[21] ar like to þese.

aftur sopper, rosted apples, per{es},

blaunche powd{er},[22] yo{ur} stomak for to ese. 80

[Sidenote: In the evening don’t take cream, strawberries, or

junket, unless you eat hard cheese with them.]

[Footnote *: ‘at eve’ has a red mark through as if to cut it out]

Bewar at eve[*] / of crayme of cowe & also of the goote,

þauȝ it be late,

of Strawberies & hurtilberyes /

w{i}t{h} the cold Ioncate,[23]

For þese may marr{e} many a mañ changyng{e} his astate,

but ȝiff he haue aft{u}r, hard chese /

wafurs, w{i}t{h} wyne ypocrate.[24] 84

[Sidenote: Hard cheese keeps your bowels open.]

hard chese hath{e} þis condiciou{n} in his operaciou{n}:

Furst he will{e} a stomak kepe in the botom opeñ,[25]

the helth{e} of eu{er}y creatur{e} ys in his condiciou{n};

yf he diete hym̅ thus dayly / he is a good co{n}clusiou{n}. 88

[Sidenote: Butter is wholesome in youth and old age,

anti-poisonous, and aperient.]

buttir is an holsom mete / furst and eke last,[26]

For he will{e} a stomak kepe / & helpe poyson a-wey to cast,

also he norisheth{e} a mañ to be laske /

and evy humer{us} to wast,

and w{i}t{h} white bred / he will{e} kepe þy mouthe in tast. 92

[Sidenote: Milk, Junket, Posset, &c., are binding. Eat hard cheese

after them.]

Milke, crayme, and crudd{es}, and eke the Ioncate,[27]

þey close a ma{n}nes stomak / and so doth{e} þe possate;

þerfor{e} ete hard chese aftir, yef ye sowpe late,

and drynk romney modou{n},[28] for feere of chekmate.[29] 96

[Sidenote: Beware of green meat; it weakens your belly.]

bewar{e} of saladis, grene metis, & of frut{es} rawe

for þey make many a mañ haue a feble mawe.

Þ{er}for{e}, of suche fresch lust{es} set not an hawe,

For suche wantou{n} appetit{es} ar not worth a strawe. 100

[Sidenote: For food that sets your teeth on edge, eat almonds and

cheese, but not more than half an ounce.]

all{e} man{er} met{is} þat þy teth{e} oñ egge doth sette,

take almond{es} þ{er}for{e}; & hard chese

loke þ{o}u not for-gette.

hit will{e} voide hit awey /

but looke to moche þ{er}of not þ{o}u ete;

for þe wight of half an vnce w{i}t{h}-owt rompney is gret. 104

[Sidenote: If drinks have given you indigestion, eat a raw apple.

Moderation is best sometimes, at others abstinence.]

Ȝiff dyu{er}se drynk{es} of their{e} fumosite haue þe dissesid,

Ete an appull{e} rawe, & his fumosite will{e} be cesed;

mesur{e} is a mery meene / whañ god is not displesed;

abstyne{n}s is to prayse what body & sowle ar plesed. 108

[Headnote: THE TREATMENT OF WINES WHEN FERMENTING.]

[Sidenote: Look every night that your wines don’t ferment or leak

[the _t_ of the MS. has a _k_ over it.] Always carry a gimlet,

adze, and linen cloths; and wash the heads of the pipes with cold

water.]

Take good hede to þe wynes / Red, white / & swete,

looke eu{er}y nyȝt w{i}t{h} a Candell{e}

þ{a}t þey not reboyle / nor lete;

eu{er}y nyȝt w{i}t{h} cold wat{ur} wash{e} þe pipes hede,

& hit not forgete,

& all{e}-wey haue a gy{m}let, & a dise,[30]

w{i}t{h} lynneñ clowt{es} small{e} or grete. 112

[Sidenote: If the wine boil over, put to it the lees of red wine,

and that will cure it. Romney will bring round sick sweet wine.]

Ȝiff þe wyne reboyle / þow shall{e} know by hys syngyng{e};

þ{er}for{e} a pipe of colour{e} de rose[31] /

þ{o}u kepe þ{a}t was spend in drynkyng{e}

the reboyle to Rakke to þe lies of þe rose /

þ{a}t shall{e} be his amendyng{e}. [Fol. 172b.]

Ȝiff swete wyne be seeke or pallid /

put in a Rompney for lesyng{e}.[32] 116

++Swete Wynes.[33]

[Sidenote: _The names of Sweet Wines._]

++The namys of swete wynes y wold þ{a}t ye them knewe:

Vernage, vernagell{e}, wyne Cute, pyment, Raspise,

Muscadell{e} of grew,

Rompney of modoñ, Bastard, Tyre, Oȝey, Torrentyne of Ebrew.

Greke, Malevesyñ, Caprik, & Clarey whañ it is newe. 120

[Headnote: HOW TO MAKE YPOCRAS.]

++Ypocras.

[Sidenote: _Recipe for making Ypocras._ Take spices thus,

Cinnamon, &c., long Pepper]

++Good soñ, to make ypocras, hit wer{e} gret lernyng{e},

and for to take þe spice þ{er}to aft{ur} þe p{ro}porcionyng{e},

[Sidenote: +for lord{es}[34] [MS].+]

[Sidenote: +fo[r] co{m}mynte+]

Gynger, Synamome / Graynis, Sugur /

Turnesole, þ{a}t is good colouryng{e};

For co{m}myñ peple / Gynger, Canell{e} / long{e} pepur /

hony aft{ur} claryfiyng{e}. 124

[Sidenote: Have three basins and three straining-bags to them;

hang ’em on a perch.]

look ye haue of pewt{ur} basons ooñ, two, & thre,

For to kepe in you{re} powdurs /

also þe lico{ur} þ{er}in to renne wheñ þ{a}t nede be;

to iij. basou{n}s ye must haue iij bagges renners /

so clepe ham we,

& hang{e} þem̅ oñ a p{er}che, & looke þat Sur{e} they be. 128

[Sidenote: Let your ginger be well pared, hard, not worm-eaten,

(Colombyne is better than Valadyne or Maydelyne);]