Produced by David Widger
THE STORY OF POCAHONTAS
By Charles Dudley Warner
The simple story of the life of Pocahontas is sufficiently romantic
without the embellishments which have been wrought on it either by the
vanity of Captain Smith or the natural pride of the descendants of this
dusky princess who have been ennobled by the smallest rivulet of her red
blood.
That she was a child of remarkable intelligence, and that she early
showed a tender regard for the whites and rendered them willing and
unwilling service, is the concurrent evidence of all contemporary
testimony. That as a child she was well-favored, sprightly, and
prepossessing above all her copper-colored companions, we can believe,
and that as a woman her manners were attractive. If the portrait taken
of her in London--the best engraving of which is by Simon de Passe--in
1616, when she is said to have been twenty-one years old, does her
justice, she had marked Indian features.
The first mention of her is in “The True Relation,” written by Captain
Smith in Virginia in 1608. In this narrative, as our readers have seen,
she is not referred to until after Smith's return from the captivity
in which Powhatan used him “with all the kindness he could devise.” Her
name first appears, toward the close of the relation, in the following
sentence:
“Powhatan understanding we detained certain salvages, sent his daughter,
a child of tenne yeares old, which not only for feature, countenance,
and proportion, much exceedeth any of the rest of his people, but for
wit and spirit the only nonpareil of his country: this hee sent by his
most trusty messenger, called Rawhunt, as much exceeding in deformitie
of person, but of a subtill wit and crafty understanding, he with a long
circumstance told mee how well Powhatan loved and respected mee, and in
that I should not doubt any way of his kindness, he had sent his child,
which he most esteemed, to see mee, a Deere, and bread, besides for
a present: desiring mee that the Boy [Thomas Savage, the boy given by
Newport to Powhatan] might come again, which he loved exceedingly, his
little Daughter he had taught this lesson also: not taking notice at all
of the Indians that had been prisoners three daies, till that morning
that she saw their fathers and friends come quietly, and in good termes
to entreate their libertie.
“In the afternoon they [the friends of the prisoners] being gone, we
guarded them [the prisoners] as before to the church, and after prayer,
gave them to Pocahuntas the King's Daughter, in regard of her father's
kindness in sending her: after having well fed them, as all the time of
their imprisonment, we gave them their bows, arrowes, or what else
they had, and with much content, sent them packing: Pocahuntas, also we
requited with such trifles as contented her, to tel that we had used the
Paspaheyans very kindly in so releasing them.”
The next allusion to her is in the fourth chapter of the narratives
which are appended to the “Map of Virginia,” etc. This was sent home by
Smith, with a description of Virginia, in the late autumn of 1608. It
was published at Oxford in 1612, from two to three years after Smith's
return to England. The appendix contains the narratives of several of
Smith's companions in Virginia, edited by Dr. Symonds and overlooked
by Smith. In one of these is a brief reference to the above-quoted
incident.
This Oxford tract, it is scarcely necessary to repeat, contains no
reference to the saving of Smith's life by Pocahontas from the clubs of
Powhatan.
The next published mention of Pocahontas, in point of time, is in
Chapter X. and the last of the appendix to the “Map of Virginia,” and is
Smith's denial, already quoted, of his intention to marry Pocahontas.
In this passage he speaks of her as “at most not past 13 or 14 years of
age.” If she was thirteen or fourteen in 1609, when Smith left Virginia,
she must have been more than ten when he wrote his “True Relation,”
composed in the winter of 1608, which in all probability was carried to
England by Captain Nelson, who left Jamestown June 2d.
The next contemporary authority to be consulted in regard to Pocahontas
is William Strachey, who, as we have seen, went with the expedition of
Gates and Somers, was shipwrecked on the Bermudas, and reached Jamestown
May 23 or 24, 1610, and was made Secretary and Recorder of the colony
under Lord Delaware. Of the origin and life of Strachey, who was a
person of importance in Virginia, little is known. The better impression
is that he was the William Strachey of Saffron Walden, who was married
in 1588 and was living in 1620, and that it was his grandson of the same
name who was subsequently connected with the Virginia colony. He was,
judged by his writings, a man of considerable education, a good deal of
a pedant, and shared the credulity and fondness for embellishment of the
writers of his time. His connection with Lord Delaware, and his part
in framing the code of laws in Virginia, which may be inferred from
the fact that he first published them, show that he was a trusted and
capable man.
William Strachey left behind him a manuscript entitled “The Historie of
Travaile into Virginia Britanica, &c., gathered and observed as well by
those who went first thither, as collected by William Strachey, gent.,
three years thither, employed as Secretaire of State.” How long he
remained in Virginia is uncertain, but it could not have been “three
years,” though he may have been continued Secretary for that period, for
he was in London in 1612, in which year he published there the laws of
Virginia which had been established by Sir Thomas Gates May 24, 1610,
approved by Lord Delaware June 10, 1610, and enlarged by Sir Thomas Dale
June 22, 1611.
The “Travaile” was first published by the Hakluyt Society in 1849. When
and where it was written, and whether it was all composed at one time,
are matters much in dispute. The first book, descriptive of Virginia and
its people, is complete; the second book, a narration of discoveries in
America, is unfinished. Only the first book concerns us. That Strachey
made notes in Virginia may be assumed, but the book was no doubt written
after his return to England.
[This code of laws, with its penalty of whipping and death for what are
held now to be venial offenses, gives it a high place among the Black
Codes. One clause will suffice:
“Every man and woman duly twice a day upon the first towling of the Bell
shall upon the working daies repaire unto the church, to hear divine
service upon pain of losing his or her allowance for the first omission,
for the second to be whipt, and for the third to be condemned to the
Gallies for six months. Likewise no man or woman shall dare to violate
the Sabbath by any gaming, publique or private, abroad or at home, but
duly sanctifie and observe the same, both himselfe and his familie, by
preparing themselves at home with private prayer, that they may be the
better fitted for the publique, according to the commandments of God,
and the orders of our church, as also every man and woman shall repaire
in the morning to the divine service, and sermons preached upon the
Sabbath day, and in the afternoon to divine service, and Catechism upon
paine for the first fault to lose their provision, and allowance for the
whole week following, for the second to lose the said allowance and also
to be whipt, and for the third to suffer death.”]
Was it written before or after the publication of Smith's “Map and
Description” at Oxford in 1612? The question is important, because
Smith's “Description” and Strachey's “Travaile” are page after page
literally the same. One was taken from the other. Commonly at that time
manuscripts seem to have been passed around and much read before they
were published. Purchas acknowledges that he had unpublished manuscripts
of Smith when he compiled his narrative. Did Smith see Strachey's
manuscript before he published his Oxford tract, or did Strachey enlarge
his own notes from Smith's description? It has been usually assumed
that Strachey cribbed from Smith without acknowledgment. If it were a
question to be settled by the internal evidence of the two accounts,
I should incline to think that Smith condensed his description from
Strachey, but the dates incline the balance in Smith's favor.
Strachey in his “Travaile” refers sometimes to Smith, and always with
respect. It will be noted that Smith's “Map” was engraved and published
before the “Description” in the Oxford tract. Purchas had it, for he
says, in writing of Virginia for his “Pilgrimage” (which was published
in 1613):
“Concerning-the latter [Virginia], Capt. John Smith, partly by word
of mouth, partly by his mappe thereof in print, and more fully by a
Manuscript which he courteously communicated to mee, hath acquainted
me with that whereof himselfe with great perill and paine, had been
the discoverer.” Strachey in his “Travaile” alludes to it, and pays a
tribute to Smith in the following: “Their severall habitations are more
plainly described by the annexed mappe, set forth by Capt. Smith, of
whose paines taken herein I leave to the censure of the reader to judge.
Sure I am there will not return from thence in hast, any one who hath
been more industrious, or who hath had (Capt. Geo. Percie excepted)
greater experience amongst them, however misconstruction may traduce
here at home, where is not easily seen the mixed sufferances, both of
body and mynd, which is there daylie, and with no few hazards and hearty
griefes undergon.”
There are two copies of the Strachey manuscript. The one used by the
Hakluyt Society is dedicated to Sir Francis Bacon, with the title of
“Lord High Chancellor,” and Bacon had not that title conferred on him
till after 1618. But the copy among the Ashmolean manuscripts at Oxford
is dedicated to Sir Allen Apsley, with the title of “Purveyor to His
Majestie's Navie Royall”; and as Sir Allen was made “Lieutenant of
the Tower” in 1616, it is believed that the manuscript must have been
written before that date, since the author would not have omitted the
more important of the two titles in his dedication.
Strachey's prefatory letter to the Council, prefixed to his “Laws”
(1612), is dated “From my lodging in the Black Friars. At your best
pleasures, either to return unto the colony, or pray for the success of
it heere.” In his letter he speaks of his experience in the Bermudas and
Virginia: “The full storie of both in due time [I] shall consecrate unto
your view.... Howbit since many impediments, as yet must detaine such
my observations in the shadow of darknesse, untill I shall be able to
deliver them perfect unto your judgments,” etc.
This is not, as has been assumed, a statement that the observations were
not written then, only that they were not “perfect”; in fact, they
were detained in the “shadow of darknesse” till the year 1849. Our
own inference is, from all the circumstances, that Strachey began his
manuscript in Virginia or shortly after his return, and added to it and
corrected it from time to time up to 1616.
We are now in a position to consider Strachey's allusions to Pocahontas.
The first occurs in his description of the apparel of Indian women:
“The better sort of women cover themselves (for the most part) all over
with skin mantells, finely drest, shagged and fringed at the skyrt,
carved and coloured with some pretty work, or the proportion of beasts,
fowle, tortayses, or other such like imagry, as shall best please or
expresse the fancy of the wearer; their younger women goe not shadowed
amongst their owne companie, until they be nigh eleaven or twelve
returnes of the leafe old (for soe they accompt and bring about the
yeare, calling the fall of the leaf tagnitock); nor are thev much
ashamed thereof, and therefore would the before remembered Pocahontas,
a well featured, but wanton yong girle, Powhatan's daughter, sometymes
resorting to our fort, of the age then of eleven or twelve yeares, get
the boyes forth with her into the markett place, and make them wheele,
falling on their hands, turning up their heeles upwards, whome she would
followe and wheele so herself, naked as she was, all the fort over;
but being once twelve yeares, they put on a kind of semecinctum lethern
apron (as do our artificers or handycrafts men) before their bellies,
and are very shamefac't to be seene bare. We have seene some use
mantells made both of Turkey feathers, and other fowle, so prettily
wrought and woven with threeds, that nothing could be discerned but the
feathers, which were exceedingly warme and very handsome.”
Strachey did not see Pocahontas. She did not resort to the camp after
the departure of Smith in September, 1609, until she was kidnapped by
Governor Dale in April, 1613. He repeats what he heard of her. The
time mentioned by him of her resorting to the fort, “of the age then of
eleven or twelve yeares,” must have been the time referred to by Smith
when he might have married her, namely, in 1608-9, when he calls her
“not past 13 or 14 years of age.” The description of her as a “yong
girle” tumbling about the fort, “naked as she was,” would seem to
preclude the idea that she was married at that time.
The use of the word “wanton” is not necessarily disparaging, for
“wanton” in that age was frequently synonymous with “playful” and
“sportive”; but it is singular that she should be spoken of as “well
featured, but wanton.” Strachey, however, gives in another place what is
no doubt the real significance of the Indian name “Pocahontas.” He says:
“Both men, women, and children have their severall names; at first
according to the severall humor of their parents; and for the men
children, at first, when they are young, their mothers give them a name,
calling them by some affectionate title, or perhaps observing their
promising inclination give it accordingly; and so the great King
Powhatan called a young daughter of his, whom he loved well, Pocahontas,
which may signify a little wanton; howbeyt she was rightly called
Amonata at more ripe years.”
The Indian girls married very young. The polygamous Powhatan had a large
number of wives, but of all his women, his favorites were a dozen “for
the most part very young women,” the names of whom Strachey obtained
from one Kemps, an Indian a good deal about camp, whom Smith certifies
was a great villain. Strachey gives a list of the names of twelve of
them, at the head of which is Winganuske. This list was no doubt written
down by the author in Virginia, and it is followed by a sentence,
quoted below, giving also the number of Powhatan's children. The
“great darling” in this list was Winganuske, a sister of Machumps,
who, according to Smith, murdered his comrade in the Bermudas. Strachey
writes:
“He [Powhatan] was reported by the said Kemps, as also by the Indian
Machumps, who was sometyme in England, and comes to and fro amongst us
as he dares, and as Powhatan gives him leave, for it is not otherwise
safe for him, no more than it was for one Amarice, who had his braynes
knockt out for selling but a baskett of corne, and lying in the English
fort two or three days without Powhatan's leave; I say they often
reported unto us that Powhatan had then lyving twenty sonnes and ten
daughters, besyde a young one by Winganuske, Machumps his sister, and a
great darling of the King's; and besides, younge Pocohunta, a daughter
of his, using sometyme to our fort in tymes past, nowe married to a
private Captaine, called Kocoum, some two years since.”
This passage is a great puzzle. Does Strachey intend to say that
Pocahontas was married to an Iniaan named Kocoum? She might have been
during the time after Smith's departure in 1609, and her kidnapping
in 1613, when she was of marriageable age. We shall see hereafter that
Powhatan, in 1614, said he had sold another favorite daughter of his,
whom Sir Thomas Dale desired, and who was not twelve years of age, to
be wife to a great chief. The term “private Captain” might perhaps be
applied to an Indian chief. Smith, in his “General Historie,” says
the Indians have “but few occasions to use any officers more than one
commander, which commonly they call Werowance, or Caucorouse, which is
Captaine.” It is probably not possible, with the best intentions, to
twist Kocoum into Caucorouse, or to suppose that Strachey intended to
say that a private captain was called in Indian a Kocoum. Werowance
and Caucorouse are not synonymous terms. Werowance means “chief,” and
Caucorouse means “talker” or “orator,” and is the original of our word
“caucus.”
Either Strachey was uninformed, or Pocahontas was married to an
Indian--a not violent presumption considering her age and the fact
that war between Powhatan and the whites for some time had cut off
intercourse between them--or Strachey referred to her marriage with
Rolfe, whom he calls by mistake Kocoum. If this is to be accepted,
then this paragraph must have been written in England in 1616, and have
referred to the marriage to Rolfe it “some two years since,” in 1614.
That Pocahontas was a gentle-hearted and pleasing girl, and, through her
acquaintance with Smith, friendly to the whites, there is no doubt; that
she was not different in her habits and mode of life from other Indian
girls, before the time of her kidnapping, there is every reason to
suppose. It was the English who magnified the imperialism of her father,
and exaggerated her own station as Princess. She certainly put on no
airs of royalty when she was “cart-wheeling” about the fort. Nor
does this detract anything from the native dignity of the mature, and
converted, and partially civilized woman.
We should expect there would be the discrepancies which have been
noticed in the estimates of her age. Powhatan is not said to have kept
a private secretary to register births in his family. If Pocahontas gave
her age correctly, as it appears upon her London portrait in 1616,
aged twenty-one, she must have been eighteen years of age when she was
captured in 1613 This would make her about twelve at the time of Smith's
captivity in 1607-8. There is certainly room for difference of opinion
as to whether so precocious a woman, as her intelligent apprehension of
affairs shows her to have been, should have remained unmarried till the
age of eighteen. In marrying at least as early as that she would have
followed the custom of her tribe. It is possible that her intercourse
with the whites had raised her above such an alliance as would be
offered her at the court of Werowocomoco.
We are without any record of the life of Pocahontas for some years.
The occasional mentions of her name in the “General Historie” are so
evidently interpolated at a late date, that they do not aid us. When
and where she took the name of Matoaka, which appears upon her London
portrait, we are not told, nor when she was called Amonata, as Strachey
says she was “at more ripe yeares.” How she was occupied from the
departure of Smith to her abduction, we can only guess. To follow her
authentic history we must take up the account of Captain Argall and of
Ralph Hamor, Jr., secretary of the colony under Governor Dale.
Captain Argall, who seems to have been as bold as he was unscrupulous
in the execution of any plan intrusted to him, arrived in Virginia
in September, 1612, and early in the spring of 1613 he was sent on an
expedition up the Patowomek to trade for corn and to effect a capture
that would bring Powhatan to terms. The Emperor, from being a friend,
had become the most implacable enemy of the English. Captain Argall
says: “I was told by certain Indians, my friends, that the great
Powhatan's daughter Pokahuntis was with the great King Potowomek,
whither I presently repaired, resolved to possess myself of her by any
stratagem that I could use, for the ransoming of so many Englishmen as
were prisoners with Powhatan, as also to get such armes and tooles as
he and other Indians had got by murther and stealing some others of our
nation, with some quantity of corn for the colonies relief.”
By the aid of Japazeus, King of Pasptancy, an old acquaintance and
friend of Argall's, and the connivance of the King of Potowomek,
Pocahontas was enticed on board Argall's ship and secured. Word was sent
to Powhatan of the capture and the terms on which his daughter would be
released; namely, the return of the white men he held in slavery, the
tools and arms he had gotten and stolen, and a great quantity of corn.
Powhatan, “much grieved,” replied that if Argall would use his daughter
well, and bring the ship into his river and release her, he would accede
to all his demands. Therefore, on the 13th of April, Argall repaired to
Governor Gates at Jamestown, and delivered his prisoner, and a few days
after the King sent home some of the white captives, three pieces, one
broad-axe, a long whip-saw, and a canoe of corn. Pocahontas, however,
was kept at Jamestown.
Why Pocahontas had left Werowocomoco and gone to stay with Patowomek
we can only conjecture. It is possible that Powhatan suspected her
friendliness to the whites, and was weary of her importunity, and it may
be that she wanted to escape the sight of continual fighting, ambushes,
and murders. More likely she was only making a common friendly visit,
though Hamor says she went to trade at an Indian fair.
The story of her capture is enlarged and more minutely related by Ralph
Hamor, Jr., who was one of the colony shipwrecked on the Bermudas in
1609, and returned to England in 1614, where he published (London, 1615)
“A True Discourse of Virginia, and the Success of the Affairs there
till the 18th of June, 1614.” Hamor was the son of a merchant tailor in
London who was a member of the Virginia company. Hamor writes:
“It chanced Powhatan's delight and darling, his daughter Pocahuntas
(whose fame has even been spread in England by the title of Nonparella
of Firginia) in her princely progresse if I may so terme it, tooke some
pleasure (in the absence of Captaine Argall) to be among her friends at
Pataomecke (as it seemeth by the relation I had), implored thither as
shopkeeper to a Fare, to exchange some of her father's commodities for
theirs, where residing some three months or longer, it fortuned upon
occasion either of promise or profit, Captaine Argall to arrive there,
whom Pocahuntas, desirous to renew her familiaritie with the English,
and delighting to see them as unknown, fearefull perhaps to be
surprised, would gladly visit as she did, of whom no sooner had Captaine
Argall intelligence, but he delt with an old friend Iapazeus, how and
by what meanes he might procure her caption, assuring him that now or
never, was the time to pleasure him, if he intended indeede that love
which he had made profession of, that in ransome of hir he might redeeme
some of our English men and armes, now in the possession of her father,
promising to use her withall faire and gentle entreaty; Iapazeus well
assured that his brother, as he promised, would use her courteously,
promised his best endeavors and service to accomplish his desire, and
thus wrought it, making his wife an instrument (which sex have ever been
most powerful in beguiling inticements) to effect his plot which hee
had thus laid, he agreed that himself, his wife and Pocahuntas, would
accompanie his brother to the water side, whither come, his wife should
faine a great and longing desire to goe aboorde, and see the shippe,
which being there three or four times before she had never seene, and
should be earnest with her husband to permit her--he seemed angry with
her, making as he pretended so unnecessary request, especially being
without the company of women, which denial she taking unkindly,
must faine to weepe (as who knows not that women can command teares)
whereupon her husband seeming to pitty those counterfeit teares, gave
her leave to goe aboord, so that it would pleese Pocahuntas to accompany
her; now was the greatest labour to win her, guilty perhaps of her
father's wrongs, though not knowne as she supposed, to goe with her, yet
by her earnest persuasions, she assented: so forthwith aboord they went,
the best cheere that could be made was seasonably provided, to supper
they went, merry on all hands, especially Iapazeus and his wife, who to
expres their joy would ere be treading upon Captaine Argall's foot, as
who should say tis don, she is your own. Supper ended Pocahuntas was
lodged in the gunner's roome, but Iapazeus and his wife desired to have
some conference with their brother, which was onely to acquaint him by
what stratagem they had betraied his prisoner as I have already
related: after which discourse to sleepe they went, Pocahuntas nothing
mistrusting this policy, who nevertheless being most possessed with
feere, and desire of returne, was first up, and hastened Iapazeus to be
gon. Capt. Argall having secretly well rewarded him, with a small Copper
kittle, and some other les valuable toies so highly by him esteemed,
that doubtlesse he would have betraied his own father for them,
permitted both him and his wife to returne, but told him that for divers
considerations, as for that his father had then eigh [8] of our Englishe
men, many swords, peeces, and other tooles, which he hid at severall
times by trecherous murdering our men, taken from them which though
of no use to him, he would not redeliver, he would reserve Pocahuntas,
whereat she began to be exceeding pensive, and discontented, yet
ignorant of the dealing of Japazeus who in outward appearance was no les
discontented that he should be the meanes of her captivity, much adoe
there was to pursuade her to be patient, which with extraordinary
curteous usage, by little and little was wrought in her, and so to
Jamestowne she was brought.”
Smith, who condenses this account in his “General Historie,” expresses
his contempt of this Indian treachery by saying: “The old Jew and his
wife began to howle and crie as fast as Pocahuntas.” It will be noted
that the account of the visit (apparently alone) of Pocahontas and her
capture is strong evidence that she was not at this time married to
“Kocoum” or anybody else.
Word was despatched to Powhatan of his daughter's duress, with a
demand made for the restitution of goods; but although this savage is
represented as dearly loving Pocahontas, his “delight and darling,” it
was, according to Hamor, three months before they heard anything from
him. His anxiety about his daughter could not have been intense. He
retained a part of his plunder, and a message was sent to him that
Pocahontas would be kept till he restored all the arms.
This answer pleased Powhatan so little that they heard nothing from him
till the following March. Then Sir Thomas Dale and Captain Argall, with
several vessels and one hundred and fifty men, went up to Powhatan's
chief seat, taking his daughter with them, offering the Indians a chance
to fight for her or to take her in peace on surrender of the stolen
goods. The Indians received this with bravado and flights of arrows,
reminding them of the fate of Captain Ratcliffe. The whites landed,
killed some Indians, burnt forty houses, pillaged the village, and went
on up the river and came to anchor in front of Matchcot, the Emperor's
chief town. Here were assembled four hundred armed men, with bows and
arrows, who dared them to come ashore. Ashore they went, and a palaver
was held. The Indians wanted a day to consult their King, after which
they would fight, if nothing but blood would satisfy the whites.
Two of Powhatan's sons who were present expressed a desire to see their
sister, who had been taken on shore. When they had sight of her, and
saw how well she was cared for, they greatly rejoiced and promised to
persuade their father to redeem her and conclude a lasting peace. The
two brothers were taken on board ship, and Master John Rolfe and Master
Sparkes were sent to negotiate with the King. Powhatan did not show
himself, but his brother Apachamo, his successor, promised to use his
best efforts to bring about a peace, and the expedition returned to
Jamestown.
“Long before this time,” Hamor relates, “a gentleman of approved
behaviour and honest carriage, Master John Rolfe, had been in love with
Pocahuntas and she with him, which thing at the instant that we were
in parlee with them, myselfe made known to Sir Thomas Dale, by a letter
from him [Rolfe] whereby he entreated his advice and furtherance to his
love, if so it seemed fit to him for the good of the Plantation, and
Pocahuntas herself acquainted her brethren therewith.” Governor Dale
approved this, and consequently was willing to retire without other
conditions. “The bruite of this pretended marriage [Hamor continues]
came soon to Powhatan's knowledge, a thing acceptable to him, as
appeared by his sudden consent thereunto, who some ten daies after sent
an old uncle of hirs, named Opachisco, to give her as his deputy in the
church, and two of his sonnes to see the mariage solemnized which was
accordingly done about the fifth of April [1614], and ever since we have
had friendly commerce and trade, not only with Powhatan himself, but
also with his subjects round about us; so as now I see no reason why the
collonie should not thrive a pace.”
This marriage was justly celebrated as the means and beginning of a firm
peace which long continued, so that Pocahontas was again entitled to the
grateful remembrance of the Virginia settlers. Already, in 1612, a plan
had been mooted in Virginia of marrying the English with the natives,
and of obtaining the recognition of Powhatan and those allied to him as
members of a fifth kingdom, with certain privileges. Cunega, the Spanish
ambassador at London, on September 22, 1612, writes: “Although some
suppose the plantation to decrease, he is credibly informed that there
is a determination to marry some of the people that go over to Virginia;
forty or fifty are already so married, and English women intermingle and
are received kindly by the natives. A zealous minister hath been wounded
for reprehending it.”
Mr. John Rolfe was a man of industry, and apparently devoted to the
welfare of the colony. He probably brought with him in 1610 his wife,
who gave birth to his daughter Bermuda, born on the Somers Islands at
the time of the shipwreck. We find no notice of her death. Hamor gives
him the distinction of being the first in the colony to try, in 1612,
the planting and raising of tobacco. “No man [he adds] hath labored to
his power, by good example there and worthy encouragement into England
by his letters, than he hath done, witness his marriage with Powhatan's
daughter, one of rude education, manners barbarous and cursed
generation, meerely for the good and honor of the plantation: and
least any man should conceive that some sinister respects allured him
hereunto, I have made bold, contrary to his knowledge, in the end of my
treatise to insert the true coppie of his letter written to Sir Thomas
Dale.”
The letter is a long, labored, and curious document, and comes nearer to
a theological treatise than any love-letter we have on record. It reeks
with unction. Why Rolfe did not speak to Dale, whom he saw every day,
instead of inflicting upon him this painful document, in which the
flutterings of a too susceptible widower's heart are hidden under a
great resolve of self-sacrifice, is not plain.
The letter protests in a tedious preamble that the writer is moved
entirely by the Spirit of God, and continues:
“Let therefore this my well advised protestation, which here I make
between God and my own conscience, be a sufficient witness, at the
dreadful day of judgment (when the secrets of all men's hearts shall be
opened) to condemne me herein, if my chiefest interest and purpose be
not to strive with all my power of body and mind, in the undertaking
of so weighty a matter, no way led (so far forth as man's weakness may
permit) with the unbridled desire of carnall affection; but for the good
of this plantation, for the honour of our countrie, for the glory of
God, for my owne salvation, and for the converting to the true knowledge
of God and Jesus Christ, an unbelieving creature, namely Pokahuntas.
To whom my heartie and best thoughts are, and have a long time bin so
entangled, and inthralled in so intricate a laborinth, that I was even
awearied to unwinde myself thereout.”
Master Rolfe goes on to describe the mighty war in his meditations on
this subject, in which he had set before his eyes the frailty of mankind
and his proneness to evil and wicked thoughts. He is aware of God's
displeasure against the sons of Levi and Israel for marrying strange
wives, and this has caused him to look about warily and with good
circumspection “into the grounds and principall agitations which should
thus provoke me to be in love with one, whose education hath bin rude,
her manners barbarous, her generation accursed, and so discrepant in
all nurtriture from myselfe, that oftentimes with feare and trembling,
I have ended my private controversie with this: surely these are
wicked instigations, fetched by him who seeketh and delighteth in man's
distruction; and so with fervent prayers to be ever preserved from such
diabolical assaults (as I looke those to be) I have taken some rest.”
The good man was desperately in love and wanted to marry the Indian, and
consequently he got no peace; and still being tormented with her image,
whether she was absent or present, he set out to produce an ingenious
reason (to show the world) for marrying her. He continues:
“Thus when I thought I had obtained my peace and quietnesse, beholde
another, but more gracious tentation hath made breaches into my holiest
and strongest meditations; with which I have been put to a new triall,
in a straighter manner than the former; for besides the weary passions
and sufferings which I have dailey, hourely, yea and in my sleepe
indured, even awaking me to astonishment, taxing me with remissnesse,
and carelessnesse, refusing and neglecting to perform the duteie of a
good Christian, pulling me by the eare, and crying: Why dost thou not
indeavor to make her a Christian? And these have happened to my greater
wonder, even when she hath been furthest seperated from me, which
in common reason (were it not an undoubted work of God) might breede
forgetfulnesse of a far more worthie creature.”
He accurately describes the symptoms and appears to understand the
remedy, but he is after a large-sized motive:
“Besides, I say the holy Spirit of God hath often demanded of me, why I
was created? If not for transitory pleasures and worldly vanities, but
to labour in the Lord's vineyard, there to sow and plant, to nourish and
increase the fruites thereof, daily adding with the good husband in the
gospell, somewhat to the tallent, that in the ends the fruites may be
reaped, to the comfort of the labourer in this life, and his salvation
in the world to come.... Likewise, adding hereunto her great appearance
of love to me, her desire to be taught and instructed in the knowledge
of God, her capablenesse of understanding, her aptness and willingness
to receive anie good impression, and also the spirituall, besides her
owne incitements stirring me up hereunto.”
The “incitements” gave him courage, so that he exclaims: “Shall I be of
so untoward a disposition, as to refuse to lead the blind into the right
way? Shall I be so unnatural, as not to give bread to the hungrie, or
uncharitable, as not to cover the naked?”
It wasn't to be thought of, such wickedness; and so Master Rolfe screwed
up his courage to marry the glorious Princess, from whom thousands
of people were afterwards so anxious to be descended. But he made the
sacrifice for the glory of the country, the benefit of the plantation,
and the conversion of the unregenerate, and other and lower motive
he vigorously repels: “Now, if the vulgar sort, who square all men's
actions by the base rule of their own filthinesse, shall tax or taunt
mee in this my godly labour: let them know it is not hungry appetite, to
gorge myselfe with incontinency; sure (if I would and were so sensually
inclined) I might satisfy such desire, though not without a seared
conscience, yet with Christians more pleasing to the eie, and less
fearefull in the offense unlawfully committed. Nor am I in so desperate
an estate, that I regard not what becometh of me; nor am I out of hope
but one day to see my country, nor so void of friends, nor mean in
birth, but there to obtain a mach to my great con'tent.... But shall it
please God thus to dispose of me (which I earnestly desire to fulfill
my ends before set down) I will heartily accept of it as a godly taxe
appointed me, and I will never cease (God assisting me) untill I have
accomplished, and brought to perfection so holy a worke, in which I will
daily pray God to bless me, to mine and her eternal happiness.”
It is to be hoped that if sanctimonious John wrote any love-letters to
Amonata they had less cant in them than this. But it was pleasing to Sir
Thomas Dale, who was a man to appreciate the high motives of Mr. Rolfe.
In a letter which he despatched from Jamestown, June 18, 1614, to a
reverend friend in London, he describes the expedition when Pocahontas
was carried up the river, and adds the information that when she went on
shore, “she would not talk to any of them, scarcely to them of the best
sort, and to them only, that if her father had loved her, he would not
value her less than old swords, pieces, or axes; wherefore she would
still dwell with the Englishmen who loved her.”
“Powhatan's daughter [the letter continues] I caused to be carefully
instructed in Christian Religion, who after she had made some good
progress therein, renounced publically her countrey idolatry, openly
confessed her Christian faith, was, as she desired, baptized, and is
since married to an English Gentleman of good understanding (as by his
letter unto me, containing the reasons for his marriage of her you may
perceive), an other knot to bind this peace the stronger. Her father
and friends gave approbation to it, and her uncle gave her to him in
the church; she lives civilly and lovingly with him, and I trust will
increase in goodness, as the knowledge of God increaseth in her. She
will goe into England with me, and were it but the gayning of this one
soule, I will think my time, toile, and present stay well spent.”
Hamor also appends to his narration a short letter, of the same date
with the above, from the minister Alexander Whittaker, the genuineness
of which is questioned. In speaking of the good deeds of Sir Thomas Dale
it says: “But that which is best, one Pocahuntas or Matoa, the
daughter of Powhatan, is married to an honest and discreet English
Gentleman--Master Rolfe, and that after she had openly renounced her
countrey Idolatry, and confessed the faith of Jesus Christ, and was
baptized, which thing Sir Thomas Dale had laboured a long time to ground
her in.” If, as this proclaims, she was married after her conversion,
then Rolfe's tender conscience must have given him another twist for
wedding her, when the reason for marrying her (her conversion) had
ceased with her baptism. His marriage, according to this, was a pure
work of supererogation. It took place about the 5th of April, 1614. It
is not known who performed the ceremony.
How Pocahontas passed her time in Jamestown during the period of her
detention, we are not told. Conjectures are made that she was an inmate
of the house of Sir Thomas Dale, or of that of the Rev. Mr. Whittaker,
both of whom labored zealously to enlighten her mind on religious
subjects. She must also have been learning English and civilized ways,
for it is sure that she spoke our language very well when she went to
London. Mr. John Rolfe was also laboring for her conversion, and we may
suppose that with all these ministrations, mingled with her love of Mr.
Rolfe, which that ingenious widower had discovered, and her desire to
convert him into a husband, she was not an unwilling captive. Whatever
may have been her barbarous instincts, we have the testimony of Governor
Dale that she lived “civilly and lovingly” with her husband.
STORY OF POCAHONTAS, CONTINUED
Sir Thomas Dale was on the whole the most efficient and discreet
Governor the colony had had. One element of his success was no doubt the
change in the charter of 1609. By the first charter everything had
been held in common by the company, and there had been no division of
property or allotment of land among the colonists. Under the new regime
land was held in severalty, and the spur of individual interest began
at once to improve the condition of the settlement. The character of the
colonists was also gradually improving. They had not been of a sort
to fulfill the earnest desire of the London promoter's to spread vital
piety in the New World. A zealous defense of Virginia and Maryland,
against “scandalous imputation,” entitled “Leah and Rachel; or, The
Two Fruitful Sisters,” by Mr. John Hammond, London, 1656, considers
the charges that Virginia “is an unhealthy place, a nest of rogues,
abandoned women, dissolut and rookery persons; a place of intolerable
labour, bad usage and hard diet”; and admits that “at the first
settling, and for many years after, it deserved most of these
aspersions, nor were they then aspersions but truths.... There were
jails supplied, youth seduced, infamous women drilled in, the provision
all brought out of England, and that embezzled by the Trustees.”
Governor Dale was a soldier; entering the army in the Netherlands as a
private he had risen to high position, and received knighthood in 1606.
Shortly after he was with Sir Thomas Gates in South Holland. The States
General in 1611 granted him three years' term of absence in Virginia.
Upon his arrival he began to put in force that system of industry and
frugality he had observed in Holland. He had all the imperiousness of a
soldier, and in an altercation with Captain Newport, occasioned by some
injurious remarks the latter made about Sir Thomas Smith, the treasurer,
he pulled his beard and threatened to hang him. Active operations for
settling new plantations were at once begun, and Dale wrote to Cecil,
the Earl of Salisbury, for 2,000 good colonists to be sent out, for the
three hundred that came were “so profane, so riotous, so full of mutiny,
that not many are Christians but in name, their bodies so diseased and
crazed that not sixty of them may be employed.” He served afterwards
with credit in Holland, was made commander of the East Indian fleet in
1618, had a naval engagement with the Dutch near Bantam in 1619, and
died in 1620 from the effects of the climate. He was twice married, and
his second wife, Lady Fanny, the cousin of his first wife, survived him
and received a patent for a Virginia plantation.
Governor Dale kept steadily in view the conversion of the Indians to
Christianity, and the success of John Rolfe with Matoaka inspired
him with a desire to convert another daughter of Powhatan, of whose
exquisite perfections he had heard. He therefore despatched Ralph Hamor,
with the English boy, Thomas Savage, as interpreter, on a mission to
the court of Powhatan, “upon a message unto him, which was to deale with
him, if by any means I might procure a daughter of his, who (Pocahuntas
being already in our possession) is generally reported to be his delight
and darling, and surely he esteemed her as his owne Soule, for surer
pledge of peace.” This visit Hamor relates with great naivete.
At his town of Matchcot, near the head of York River, Powhatan
himself received his visitors when they landed, with great cordiality,
expressing much pleasure at seeing again the boy who had been presented
to him by Captain Newport, and whom he had not seen since he gave him
leave to go and see his friends at Jamestown four years before; he also
inquired anxiously after Namontack, whom he had sent to King James's
land to see him and his country and report thereon, and then led the way
to his house, where he sat down on his bedstead side. “On each hand of
him was placed a comely and personable young woman, which they called
his Queenes, the howse within round about beset with them, the outside
guarded with a hundred bowmen.”
The first thing offered was a pipe of tobacco, which Powhatan “first
drank,” and then passed to Hamor, who “drank” what he pleased and then
returned it. The Emperor then inquired how his brother Sir Thomas Dale
fared, “and after that of his daughter's welfare, her marriage, his
unknown son, and how they liked, lived and loved together.” Hamor
replied “that his brother was very well, and his daughter so well
content that she would not change her life to return and live with him,
whereat he laughed heartily, and said he was very glad of it.”
Powhatan then desired to know the cause of his unexpected coming, and
Mr. Hamor said his message was private, to be delivered to him without
the presence of any except one of his councilors, and one of the guides,
who already knew it.
Therefore the house was cleared of all except the two Queens, who may
never sequester themselves, and Mr. Hamor began his palaver. First there
was a message of love and inviolable peace, the production of presents
of coffee, beads, combs, fish-hooks, and knives, and the promise of
a grindstone when it pleased the Emperor to send for it. Hamor then
proceeded:
“The bruite of the exquesite perfection of your youngest daughter, being
famous through all your territories, hath come to the hearing of your
brother, Sir Thomas Dale, who for this purpose hath addressed me hither,
to intreate you by that brotherly friendship you make profession of, to
permit her (with me) to returne unto him, partly for the desire which
himselfe hath, and partly for the desire her sister hath to see her of
whom, if fame hath not been prodigall, as like enough it hath not, your
brother (by your favour) would gladly make his nearest companion, wife
and bed fellow [many times he would have interrupted my speech, which
I entreated him to heare out, and then if he pleased to returne me
answer], and the reason hereof is, because being now friendly and firmly
united together, and made one people [as he supposeth and believes] in
the bond of love, he would make a natural union between us, principally
because himself hath taken resolution to dwel in your country so long as
he liveth, and would not only therefore have the firmest assurance hee
may, of perpetuall friendship from you, but also hereby binde himselfe
thereunto.”
Powhatan replied with dignity that he gladly accepted the salute of love
and peace, which he and his subjects would exactly maintain. But as to
the other matter he said: “My daughter, whom my brother desireth, I sold
within these three days to be wife to a great Weroance for two bushels
of Roanoke [a small kind of beads made of oyster shells], and it is true
she is already gone with him, three days' journey from me.”
Hamor persisted that this marriage need not stand in the way; “that if
he pleased herein to gratify his Brother he might, restoring the Roanoke
without the imputation of injustice, take home his daughter again, the
rather because she was not full twelve years old, and therefore not
marriageable; assuring him besides the bond of peace, so much the
firmer, he should have treble the price of his daughter in beads,
copper, hatchets, and many other things more useful for him.”