[1] This has often been explained as a result of _Mutterrecht_, or
reckoning descent through the female: for reasons against this
hypothesis see L. R. Farnell in _Archiv fur vergleichende
Religionswissenschaft_ (1904); cf. A. J. Evans, "Mycenaean Tree and
Pillar Cult," in _Journ. of Hellenic Studies_ (1901).
[2] V. Berard has recently revived the discredited theory of a
prevalent Phoenician influence in his ingenious but uncritical work,
_L'Origine des cultes arcadiens_. M. P. Foucart believes in very
early borrowing from Egypt, as explaining much in the religion of
Demeter and Dionysus; see _Les Grands Mysteres d'Eleusis_ and _Le
Culte de Dionysos en Attique_.
[3] This became very powerful from the 7th century onward, and there
are reasons for supposing that it existed in the pre-Homeric, or
Mycenaean, period; _vide_ Rohde's _Psyche_ (new edition), Tsountas
and Manatt, _The Mycenaean Age_.
[4] See L. R. Farnell, _Evolution of Religion_ (Hibbert Lectures,
1905), pp. 139-152.
GREELEY, HORACE (1811-1872), American statesman and man of letters, was
born at Amherst, New Hampshire, on the 3rd of February 1811. His parents
were of Scottish-Irish descent, but the ancestors of both had been in
New England for several generations. He was the third of seven children.
His father, Zaccheus Greeley, owned a farm of 50 acres of stony, sterile
land, from which a bare support was wrung. Horace was a feeble and
precocious lad, taking little interest in the ordinary sports of
childhood, learning to read before he was able to talk plainly, and the
prodigy of the neighbourhood for accurate spelling. Before Horace was
ten years old (1820), his father became bankrupt, his home was sold by
the sheriff, and Zaccheus Greeley himself fled the state to escape
arrest for debt. The family soon removed to West Haven, Vermont, where,
all working together, they made a scanty living as day labourers. Horace
from childhood desired to be a printer, and, when barely eleven years
old, tried to be taken as an apprentice in an office at Whitehall, New
York, but was rejected on account of his youth. After three years more
with the family as a day labourer at West Haven, he succeeded, with his
father's consent, in being apprenticed in the office of _The Northern
Spectator_, at East Poultney, Vermont. Here he soon became a good
workman, developed a passion for politics and especially for political
statistics, came to be depended upon for more or less of the editing of
the paper, and was a figure in the village debating society. He received
only $40 a year, but he sent most of his money to his father. In June
1830 _The Northern Spectator_ was suspended. Meantime his father had
removed to a small tract of wild land in the dense forests of Western
Pennsylvania, 30 m. from Erie. The released apprentice now visited his
parents, and worked for a little time with them on the farm, meanwhile
seeking employment in various printing offices, and, when he got it,
giving nearly all his earnings to his father. At last, with no further
prospect of work nearer home, he started for New York. He travelled on
foot and by canal-boat, entering New York in August 1831, with all his
clothes in a bundle carried over his back with a stick, and with but $10
in his pocket. More than half of this sum was exhausted while he made
vain efforts to find employment. Many refused to employ him, in the
belief that he was a runaway apprentice, and his poor, ill-fitting
apparel and rustic look were everywhere greatly against him. At last he
found work on a 32mo New Testament, set in agate, double columns, with a
middle column of notes in pearl. It was so difficult and so poorly paid
that other printers had all abandoned it. He barely succeeded in making
enough to pay his board bill, but he finished the task, and thus found
subsequent employment easier to get.
In January 1833 Greeley formed a partnership with Francis V. Story, a
fellow-workman. Their combined capital amounted to about $150. Procuring
their type on credit, they opened a small office, and undertook the
printing of the _Morning Post_, the first cheap paper published in New
York. Its projector, Dr Horatio D. Shepard, meant to sell it for one
cent, but under the arguments of Greeley he was persuaded to fix the
price at two cents. The paper failed in less than three weeks, the
printers losing only $50 or $60 by the experiment. They still had a
_Bank Note Reporter_ to print, and soon got the printing of a tri-weekly
paper, the _Constitutionalist_, the organ of some lottery dealers.
Within six months Story was drowned, but his brother-in-law, Jonas
Winchester, took his place in the firm. Greeley was now asked by James
Gordon Bennett to go into partnership with him in starting _The Herald_.
He declined the venture, but recommended the partner whom Bennett
subsequently took. On the 2nd of March 1834, Greeley and Winchester
issued the first number of _The New Yorker_, a weekly literary and news
paper, the firm then supposing itself to be worth about $3000. Of the
first number they sold about 100 copies; of the second, nearly 200.
There was an average increase for the next month of about 100 copies per
week. The second volume began with a circulation of about 4550 copies,
and with a loss on the first year's publication of $3000. The second
year ended with 7000 subscribers and a further loss of $2000. By the end
of the third year _The New Yorker_ had reached a circulation of 9500
copies, and had sustained a total loss of $7000. It was published seven
years (until the 20th of September 1841), and was never profitable, but
it was widely popular, and it gave Greeley, who was its sole editor,
much prominence. On the 5th of July 1836 Greeley married Miss Mary Y.
Cheney, a Connecticut school teacher, whom he had met in a Grahamite
(vegetarian) boarding-house in New York.
During the publication of _The New Yorker_ he added to the scanty income
which the job printing brought him by supplying editorials to the
short-lived _Daily Whig_ and various other publications. In 1838 he had
gained such standing as a writer that he was selected by Thurlow Weed,
William H. Seward, and other leaders of the Whig Party, for the
editorship of a campaign paper entitled _The Jeffersonian_, published at
Albany. He continued _The New Yorker_, and travelled between Albany and
New York each week to edit the two papers. The _Jeffersonian_ was a
quiet and instructive rather than a vehement campaign sheet, and the
Whigs believed that it had a great effect upon the elections of the next
year. When, on the 2nd of May 1840, some time after the nomination by
the Whig party of William Henry Harrison for the Presidency, Greeley
began the publication of a new weekly campaign paper, _The Log Cabin_,
it sprang at once into a great circulation; 40,000 copies of the first
number were sold, and it finally rose to 80,000. It was considered a
brilliant political success, but it was not profitable, and in September
1841 was merged in the _Weekly Tribune_. On the 3rd of April 1841,
Greeley announced that on the following Saturday (April 10th) he would
begin the publication of a daily newspaper of the same general
principles, to be called _The Tribune_. He was now entirely without
money. From a personal friend, James Coggeshall, he borrowed $1000, on
which capital and the editor's reputation _The Tribune_ was founded. It
began with 500 subscribers. The first week's expenses were $525 and the
receipts $92. By the end of the fourth week it had run up a circulation
of 6000, and by the seventh reached 11,000, which was then the full
capacity of its press. It was alert, cheerful and aggressive, was
greatly helped by the attacks of rival papers, and promised success
almost from the start.
From this time Greeley was popularly identified with _The Tribune_, and
its share in the public discussion of the time is his history. It soon
became moderately prosperous, and his assured income should have placed
him beyond pecuniary worry. His income was long above $15,000 per year,
frequently as much as $35,000 or more. But he lacked business thrift,
inherited a disposition to endorse for his friends, and was often unable
to distinguish between deserving applicants for aid and adventurers. He
was thus frequently straitened, and, as his necessities pressed, he sold
successive interests in his newspaper. At the outset he owned the whole
of it. When it was already firmly established (in July 1841), he took in
Thomas McElrath as an equal partner, upon the contribution of $2000 to
the common fund. By the 1st of January 1849 he had reduced his interest
to 31-1/2 shares out of 100; by July 2nd, 1860, to 15 shares; in 1868 he
owned only 9; and in 1872, only 6. In 1867 the stock sold for $6500 per
share, and his last sale was for $9600. He bought wild lands, took stock
in mining companies, desiccated egg companies, patent looms,
photo-lithographic companies, gave away profusely, lent to plausible
rascals, and was the ready prey of every new inventor who chanced to
find him with money or with property that he could readily convert into
money.
In September 1841 Greeley merged his weekly papers, _The Log Cabin_ and
_The New Yorker_, into _The Weekly Tribune_, which soon attained as wide
circulation as its predecessors, and was much more profitable. It rose
in a time of great political excitement to a total circulation of a
quarter of a million, and it sometimes had for successive years 140,000
to 150,000. For several years it was rarely much below 100,000. Its
subscribers were found throughout all quarters of the northern half of
the Union from Maine to Oregon, large packages going to remote districts
beyond the Mississippi or Missouri, whose only connexion with the
outside world was through a weekly or semi-weekly mail. The readers of
this weekly paper acquired a personal affection for its editor, and he
was thus for many years the American writer most widely known and most
popular among the rural classes. The circulation of _The Daily Tribune_
was never proportionately great--its advocacy of a protective tariff,
prohibitory liquor legislation and other peculiarities, repelling a
large support which it might otherwise have commanded in New York. It
rose within a short time after its establishment to a circulation of
20,000, reached 50,000 and 60,000 during the Civil War, and thereafter
ranged at from 30,000 to 45,000. After May 1845 a semi-weekly edition
was also printed, which ultimately reached a steady circulation of from
15,000 to 25,000.
From the outset it was a cardinal principle with Greeley to hear all
sides, and to extend a special hospitality to new ideas. In March 1842
_The Tribune_ began to give one column daily to a discussion of the
doctrines of Charles Fourier, contributed by Albert Brisbane. Gradually
Greeley came to advocate some of these doctrines editorially. In 1846 he
had a sharp discussion upon them with a former subordinate, Henry J.
Raymond, then employed upon a rival journal. It continued through twelve
articles on each side, and was subsequently published in book form.
Greeley became personally interested in one of the Fourierite
associations, the North American Phalanx, at Red Bank, N. J.
(1843-1855), while the influence of his discussions doubtless led to or
gave encouragement to other socialistic experiments, such as that at
Brook Farm. When this was abandoned, its leader George Ripley, with one
or two other members, sought employment from Greeley upon _The Tribune_.
Greeley dissented from many of Fourier's propositions, and in later
years was careful to explain that the principle of association for the
common good of working men and the elevation of labour was the chief
feature which attracted him. Co-operation among working men he continued
to urge throughout his life. In 1850 the Fox Sisters, on his wife's
invitation, spent several weeks in his house. His attitude towards their
"rappings" and "spiritual manifestations" was one of observation and
inquiry; and in his _Recollections_ he wrote concerning these
manifestations: "That some of them are the result of juggle, collusion
or trick I am confident; that others are _not_, I decidedly believe."
From boyhood he had believed in a protective tariff, and throughout his
active life he was its most trenchant advocate and propagandist. Besides
constantly urging it in the columns of _The Tribune_, he appeared as
early as 1843 in a public debate on "The Grounds of Protection," with
Samuel J. Tilden and Parke Godwin as his opponents. A series of popular
essays on the subject were published over his own signature in _The
Tribune_ in 1869, and subsequently republished in book form, with a
title-page describing protection to home industry as a system of
national co-operation for the elevation of labour. He opposed woman
suffrage on the ground that the majority of women did not want it and
never would, and declared that until woman should "emancipate herself
from the thraldom to etiquette," he "could not see how the 'woman's
rights theory' is ever to be anything more than a logically defensible
abstraction." He aided practical efforts, however, for extending the
sphere of woman's employments. He opposed the theatres, and for a time
refused to publish their advertisements. He held the most rigid views on
the sanctity of marriage and against easy divorce, and vehemently
defended them in controversies with Robert Dale Owen and others. He
practised and pertinaciously advocated total abstinence from spirituous
liquors, but did not regard prohibitory laws as always wise. He
denounced the repudiation of state debts or the failure to pay interest
on them. He was zealous for Irish repeal, once held a place in the
"Directory of the Friends of Ireland," and contributed liberally to its
support. He used the occasion of Charles Dickens's first visit to
America to urge international copyright, and was one of the few editors
to avoid alike the flunkeyism with which Dickens was first received, and
the ferocity with which he was assailed after the publication of his
_American Notes_. On the occasion of Dickens's second visit to America,
Greeley presided at the great banquet given him by the press of the
country. He made the first elaborate reports of popular scientific
lectures by Louis Agassiz and other authorities. He gave ample hearing
to the advocates of phonography and of phonographic spelling. He was one
of the most conspicuous advocates of the Pacific railroads, and of many
other internal improvements.
But it is as an anti-slavery leader, and as perhaps the chief agency in
educating the mass of the Northern people to that opposition through
legal forms to the extension of slavery which culminated in the election
of Abraham Lincoln and the Civil War, that Greeley's main work was done.
Incidents in it were his vehement opposition to the Mexican War as a
scheme for more slavery territory, the assault made upon him in
Washington by Congressman Albert Rust of Arkansas in 1856, an indictment
in Virginia in the same year for circulating incendiary documents,
perpetual denunciation of him in Southern newspapers and speeches, and
the hostility of the Abolitionists, who regarded his course as too
conservative. His anti-slavery work culminated in his appeal to
President Lincoln, entitled "The Prayer of Twenty Millions," in which he
urged "that all attempts to put down the rebellion and at the same time
uphold its inciting cause" were preposterous and futile, and that "every
hour of deference to slavery" was "an hour of added and deepened peril
to the Union." President Lincoln in his reply said: "My paramount object
is to save the Union, and not either to save or destroy slavery.... What
I do about slavery and the coloured race, I do because I believe it
helps to save this Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not
believe it would help to save the Union ... I have here stated my
purpose according to my views of official duty; and I intend no
modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere
could be free." Precisely one month after the date of this reply the
Emancipation Proclamation was issued.
Greeley's political activity, first as a Whig, and then as one of the
founders of the Republican party, was incessant; but he held few
offices. In 1848-1849 he served a three months' term in Congress,
filling a vacancy. He introduced the first bill for giving small tracts
of government land free to actual settlers, and published an exposure of
abuses in the allowance of mileage to members, which corrected the evil,
but brought him much personal obloquy. In the National Republican
Convention in 1860, not being sent by the Republicans of his own state
on account of his opposition to William Seward as a candidate, he was
made a delegate for Oregon. His active hostility to Seward did much to
prevent the success of that statesman, and to bring about instead the
nomination of Abraham Lincoln. This was attributed by his opponents to
personal motives, and a letter from Greeley to Seward, the publication
of which he challenged, was produced, to show that in his struggling
days he had been wounded at Seward's failure to offer him office. In
1861 he was a candidate for United States senator, his principal
opponent being William M. Evarts. When it was clear that Evarts could
not be elected, his supporters threw their votes for a third candidate,
Ira Harris, who was thus chosen over Greeley by a small majority. At the
outbreak of the war he favoured allowing the Southern states to secede,
provided a majority of their people at a fair election should so decide,
declaring "that he hoped never to live in a Republic whereof one section
was pinned to the other by bayonets." When the war began he urged the
most vigorous prosecution of it. The "On to Richmond" appeal, which
appeared day after day in _The Tribune_, was incorrectly attributed to
him, and it did not wholly meet his approval; but after the defeat in
the first battle of Bull Run he was widely blamed for it. In 1864 he
urged negotiations for peace with representatives of the Southern
Confederacy in Canada, and was sent by President Lincoln to confer with
them. They were found to have no sufficient authority. In 1864 he was
one of the Lincoln Presidential electors for New York. At the close of
the war, contrary to the general feeling of his party, he urged
universal amnesty and impartial suffrage as the basis of reconstruction.
In 1867 his friends again wished to elect him to the Senate of the
United States, and the indications were all in his favour. But he
refused to be elected under any misapprehension of his attitude, and
with what his friends thought unnecessary candour re-stated his
obnoxious views on universal amnesty at length, just before the time for
the election, with the certainty that this would prevent his success.
Some months later he signed the bail bond of Jefferson Davis, and this
provoked a torrent of public indignation. He had written a popular
history of the late war, the first volume having an immense sale and
bringing him unusually large profits. The second was just issued, and
the subscribers, in their anger, refused by thousands to receive it. An
unsuccessful attempt was also made to expel him from the Union League
Club of New York.
In 1867 he was a delegate-at-large to the convention for the revision of
the state constitution, and in 1869 and 1870 he was the Republican
candidate for controller of the state and member of Congress
respectively, but in each case was defeated.
He was dissatisfied with General Grant's administration, and became its
sharp critic. The discontent which he did much to develop ended in the
organization of the Liberal Republican party, which held its National
Convention at Cincinnati in 1872, and nominated Greeley for the
presidency. For a time the tide of feeling ran strongly in his favour.
It was first checked by the action of his life-long opponents, the
Democrats, who also nominated him at their National Convention. He
expected their support, on account of his attitude toward the South and
hostility to Grant, but he thought it a mistake to give him their formal
nomination. The event proved his wisdom. Many Republicans who had
sympathized with his criticisms of the administration, and with the
declaration of principles adopted at the first convention, were repelled
by the coalition. This feeling grew stronger until the election. His old
party associates regarded him as a renegade, the Democrats gave him a
half-hearted support. The tone of the canvass was one of unusual
bitterness, amounting sometimes to actual ferocity. In August, on
representations of the alarming state of the contest, he took the field
in person, and made a series of campaign speeches, beginning in New
England and extending throughout Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, which
aroused great enthusiasm, and were regarded at the time by both friends
and opponents as the most brilliant continuous exhibition of varied
intellectual power ever made by a candidate in a presidential canvass.
General Grant received in the election 3,597,070 votes, Greeley
2,834,079. The only states Greeley carried were Georgia, Kentucky,
Maryland, Missouri, Tennessee and Texas.
He had resigned his editorship of _The Tribune_ immediately after the
nomination; he now resumed it cheerfully; but it was soon apparent that
his powers had been overstrained. For years he had suffered greatly from
sleeplessness. During the intense excitement of the campaign the
difficulty was increased. Returning from his campaign tour, he went
immediately to the bedside of his dying wife, and for some weeks had
practically no sleep at all. This resulted in an inflammation of the
upper membrane of the brain, delirium and death. He expired on the 29th
of November 1872. His funeral was a simple but impressive public
pageant. The body lay in state in the City Hall, where it was surrounded
by crowds of many thousands. The ceremonies were attended by the
President and Vice-President of the United States, the Chief-Justice of
the Supreme Court, and a large number of eminent public men of both
parties, who followed the hearse in a solemn procession, preceded by the
mayor and other civic authorities, down Broadway. He had been the target
of constant attack during his life, and his personal foibles, careless
dress and mental eccentricities were the theme of endless ridicule. But
his death revealed the high regard in which he was generally held as a
leader of opinion and faithful public servant. "Our later Franklin"
Whittier called him, and it is in some such light his countrymen
remember him.
In 1851 Greeley visited Europe for the first time, serving as a juryman
at the Crystal Palace Exhibition, appearing before a committee of the
House of Commons on newspaper taxes, and urging the repeal of the stamp
duty on advertisements. In 1855 he made a second trip to Europe. In
Paris he was arrested on the suit of a sculptor, whose statue had been
injured in the New York World's Fair (of which he had been a director),
and spent two days in Clichy, of which he gave an amusing account. In
1859 he visited California by the overland route, and had numerous
public receptions. In 1871 he visited Texas, and his trip through the
southern country, where he had once been so hated, was an ovation. About
1852 he purchased a farm at Chappaqua, New York, where he afterwards
habitually spent his Saturdays, and experimented in agriculture. He was
in constant demand as a lecturer from 1843, when he made his first
appearance on the platform, always drew large audiences, and, in spite
of his bad management in money matters, received considerable sums,
sometimes $6000 or $7000 for a single winter's lecturing. He was also
much sought for as a contributor, over his own signature, to the weekly
newspapers, and was sometimes largely paid for these articles. In
religious faith he was from boyhood a Universalist, and for many years
was a conspicuous member of the leading Universalist church in New York.
His published works are: _Hints Toward Reforms_ (1850); _Glances at
Europe_ (1851); _History of the Struggle for Slavery Extension_ (1856);
_Overland Journey to San Francisco_ (1860); _The American Conflict_ (2
vols., 1864-1866); _Recollections of a Busy Life_ (1868; new edition,
with appendix containing an account of his later years, his argument
with Robert Dale Owen on Marriage and Divorce, and Miscellanies, 1873);
_Essays on Political Economy_ (1870); and _What I know of Farming_
(1871). He also assisted his brother-in-law, John F. Cleveland, in
editing _A Political Text-book_ (1860), and supervised for many years
the annual issues of _The Whig Almanac_ and _The Tribune Almanac_,
comprising extensive political statistics.
The best Lives of Greeley are those by James Parton (New York, 1855;
new ed., Boston, 1872) and W. A. Linn (N.Y. 1903). Lives have also
been written by L. U. Reavis (New York, 1872), and L. D. Ingersoll
(Chicago, 1873); and there is a _Memorial of Horace Greeley_ (New
York, 1873). (W. R.)
GREELEY, a city and the county-seat of Weld county, Colorado, U.S.A.,
about 50 m. N. by E. of Denver. Pop. (1890) 2395; (1900) 3023 (286
foreign-born); (1910) 8179. It is served by the Union Pacific and the
Colorado & Southern railways. In 1908 a franchise was granted to the
Denver & Greeley Electric railway. The city is the seat of the State
Normal School of Colorado (1889). There are rich coal-fields near the
city. The county is naturally arid and unproductive, and its
agricultural importance is due to an elaborate system of irrigation. In
1899 Weld county had under irrigation 226,613 acres, representing an
increase of 102.2% since 1889, and a much larger irrigated area than in
any other county of the state. Irrigation ditches are supplied with
water chiefly from the Cache la Poudre, Big Thompson and South Platte
rivers, near the foothills. The principal crops are potatoes, sugar
beets, onions, cabbages and peas; in 1899 Weld county raised 2,821,285
bushels of potatoes on 23,195 acres (53% of the potato acreage for the
entire state). The manufacture of beet sugar is a growing industry, a
large factory having been established at Greeley in 1902. Beets are also
grown as food for live stock, especially sheep. Peas, tomatoes, cabbages
and onions are canned here. Greeley was founded in 1870 by Nathan Cook
Meeker (1817-1879), agricultural editor of the New York _Tribune_. With
the support of Horace Greeley (in whose honour the town was named), he
began in 1869 to advocate in _The Tribune_ the founding of an
agricultural colony in Colorado. Subsequently President Hayes appointed
him Indian agent at White River, Colorado, and he was killed at what is
now Meeker, Colorado, in an uprising of the Ute Indians. Under Meeker's
scheme, which attracted mainly people from New England and New York
state, most of whom were able to contribute at least a little capital,
the Union Colony of Colorado was organized and chartered, and bought
originally 11,000 acres of land, each member being entitled to buy from
it one residence lot, one business lot, and a tract of farm land. The
funds thus acquired were, to a large extent, expended in making public
improvements. A clause inserted in all deeds forbade the sale of
intoxicating liquors on the land concerned, under pain of the reversion
of such property to the colony. The initiation fees ($5) were used for
the expenses of locating the colony, and the membership certificate fees
($150) were expended in the construction of irrigating ditches, as was
the money received from the sale of town lots, except about $13,000
invested in a school building (now the Meeker Building). Greeley was
organized as a town in 1871, and was chartered as a city of the second
class in 1886. The "Union Colony of Colorado" still exists as an
incorporated body and holds reversionary rights in streets, alleys and
public grounds, and in all places "where intoxicating liquors are
manufactured, sold or given away, as a beverage."
See Richard T. Ely, "A Study of a 'Decreed' Town," _Harper's
Magazine_, vol. 106 (1902-1903), p. 390 sqq.
GREEN, ALEXANDER HENRY (1832-1896), English geologist, son of the Rev.
Thomas Sheldon Green, master of the Ashby Grammar School, was born at
Maidstone on the 10th of October 1832. He was educated partly at his
father's school, Ashby-de-la-Zouch, and afterwards at Gonville and Caius
College, Cambridge, where he graduated as sixth wrangler in 1855 and was
elected a fellow of his college. In 1861 he joined the Geological Survey
of Great Britain, and surveyed large areas of the midland counties,
Derbyshire and Yorkshire. He wrote (wholly or in part) memoirs on the
Geology of Banbury (1864), of Stockport (1866), of North Derbyshire
(1869, 2nd ed. 1887), and of the Yorkshire Coal-field (1878). In 1874 he
retired from the Geological Survey, having been appointed professor of
geology in the Yorkshire College at Leeds; in 1885 he became also
professor of mathematics, while for many years he held the lectureship
on geology at the school of military engineering at Chatham. He was
elected F.R.S. in 1886, and two years later was chosen professor of
geology in the university of Oxford. His manual of _Physical Geology_
(1876, 3rd ed. 1882) is an excellent book. He died at Boar's Hill,
Oxford, on the 19th of August 1896.
A portrait of him, with brief memoir, was published in _Proc. Yorksh.
Geol. and Polytechnic Soc._ xiii. 232.
GREEN, DUFF (1791-1875), American politician and journalist, was born in
Woodford county, Kentucky, on the 15th of August 1791. He was a school
teacher in his native state, served during the War of 1812 in the
Kentucky militia, and then settled in Missouri, where he worked as a
schoolmaster and practised law. He was a member of the Missouri
Constitutional Convention of 1820, and was elected to the state House of
Representatives in 1820 and to the state Senate in 1822, serving one
term in each house. Becoming interested in journalism, he purchased and
for two years edited the St Louis _Enquirer_. In 1825 he bought and
afterwards edited in Washington, D.C., _The United States Telegraph_,
which soon became the principal organ of the Jackson men in opposition
to the Adams administration. Upon Andrew Jackson's election to the
presidency, the _Telegraph_ became the principal mouthpiece of the
administration, and received printing patronage estimated in value at
$50,000 a year, while Green became one of the coterie of unofficial
advisers of Jackson known as the "Kitchen Cabinet." In the quarrel
between Jackson and John C. Calhoun, Green supported the latter, and
through the columns of the _Telegraph_ violently attacked the
administration. In consequence, his paper was deprived of the government
printing in the spring of 1831. Green, however, continued to edit it in
the Calhoun interest until 1835, and gave vigorous support to that
leader's nullification views. From 1835 to 1838 he edited _The
Reformation_, a radically partisan publication, devoted to free trade
and the extreme states' rights theory. In 1841-1843 he was in Europe on
behalf of the Tyler administration, and he is said to have been
instrumental in causing the appointment of Lord Ashburton to negotiate
in Washington concerning the boundary dispute between Maine and Canada.
In January 1843 Green established in New York City a short-lived
journal, _The Republic_, to combat the spoils system and to advocate
free trade. In September 1844 Calhoun, then secretary of state, sent
Green to Texas ostensibly as consul at Galveston, but actually, it
appears, to report to the administration, then considering the question
of the annexation of Texas, concerning the political situation in Texas
and Mexico. After the close of the war with Mexico Green was sent to
that country in 1849 by President Taylor to negotiate concerning the
moneys which, by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the United States had
agreed to pay; and he saved his country a considerable sum by arranging
for payment in exchange instead of in specie. Subsequently Green was
engaged in railway building in Georgia and Alabama. On the 10th of June
1875 he died in Dalton, Georgia, a city which in 1848 he had helped to
found.
GREEN, JOHN RICHARD (1837-1883), English historian, was born at Oxford
on 12th December 1837, and educated at Magdalen College School and at
Jesus College, where he obtained an open scholarship. On leaving Oxford
he took orders and became the incumbent of St Philip's, Stepney. His
preaching was eloquent and able; he worked diligently among his poor
parishioners and won their affection by his ready sympathy. Meanwhile he
studied history in a scholarly fashion, and wrote much for the _Saturday
Review_. Partly because his health was weak and partly because he ceased
to agree with the teaching of the Church of England, he abandoned
clerical life and devoted himself to history; in 1868 he took the post
of librarian at Lambeth, but his health was already breaking down and he
was attacked by consumption. His _Short History of the English People_
(1874) at once attained extraordinary popularity, and was afterwards
expanded in a work of four volumes (1877-1880). Green is pre-eminently a
picturesque historian; he had a vivid imagination and a keen eye for
colour. His chief aim was to depict the progressive life of the English
people rather than to write a political history of the English state. In
accomplishing this aim he worked up the results of wide reading into a
series of brilliant pictures. While generally accurate in his statement
of facts, and showing a firm grasp of the main tendency of a period, he
often builds more on his authorities than is warranted by their words,
and is apt to overlook points which would have forced him to modify his
representations and lower the tone of his colours. From his animated
pages thousands have learned to take pleasure in the history of their
own people, but could scarcely learn to appreciate the complexity
inherent in all historical movement. His style is extremely bright, but
it lacks sobriety and presents some affectations. His later histories,
_The Making of England_ (1882) and _The Conquest of England_ (1883), are
more soberly written than his earlier books, and are valuable
contributions to historical knowledge. Green died at Mentone on the 7th
of March 1883. He was a singularly attractive man, of wide intellectual
sympathies and an enthusiastic temperament; his good-humour was
unfailing and he was a brilliant talker; and his work was done with
admirable courage in spite of ill-health. It is said that Mrs Humphry
Ward's _Robert Elsmere_ is largely a portrait of him. In 1877 Green
married Miss Alice Stopford; and Mrs Green, besides writing a memoir of
her husband, prefixed to the 1888 edition of his _Short History_, has
herself done valuable work as an historian, particularly in her _Henry
II._ in the "English Statesmen" series (1888), her _Town Life in the
15th Century_ (1894), and _The Making of Ireland and its Undoing_
(1908).
See the _Letters of J. R. Green_ (1901), edited by Leslie Stephen.
(W. Hu.)
GREEN, MATTHEW (1696-1737), English poet, was born of Nonconformist
parents. He had a post in the custom house, and the few anecdotes that
have been preserved of him show him to have been as witty as his poems
would lead one to expect. He died unmarried at his lodging in Nag's Head
Court, Gracechurch Street, in 1737. His _Grotto_, a poem on Queen
Caroline's grotto at Richmond, was printed in 1732; and his chief poem,
_The Spleen_, in 1737 with a preface by his friend Richard Glover. These
and some other short poems were printed in Dodsley's collection (1748),
and subsequently in various editions of the British poets. They were
edited In 1796 with a preface by Dr Aikin and in 1883 by R. E. A.
Willmott with the poems of Gray and others. _The Spleen_ is an epistle
to Mr Cuthbert Jackson, advocating cheerfulness, exercise and a quiet
content as remedies. It is full of witty sayings. Thomas Gray said of
it: "There is a profusion of wit everywhere; reading would have formed
his judgment, and harmonized his verse, for even his wood-notes often
break out into strains of real poetry and music."
GREEN, THOMAS HILL (1836-1882), English philosopher, the most typical
English representative of the school of thought called _Neo-Kantian_, or
_Neo-Hegelian_, was born on the 7th of April 1836 at Birkin, a village
in the West Riding of Yorkshire, of which his father was rector. On the
paternal side he was descended from Oliver Cromwell, whose honest,
sturdy independence of character he seemed to have inherited. His
education was conducted entirely at home until, at the age of fourteen,
he entered Rugby, where he remained five years. In 1855 he became an
undergraduate member of Balliol College, Oxford, of which society he
was, in 1860, elected fellow. His life henceforth, was devoted to
teaching (mainly philosophical) in the university--first as college
tutor, afterwards, from 1878 until his death (at Oxford on the 26th of
March 1882) as Whyte's Professor of Moral Philosophy. The lectures he
delivered as professor form the substance of his two most important
works, viz. the _Prolegomena to Ethics_ and the _Lectures on the
Principles of Political Obligation_, which contain the whole of his
positive constructive teaching. These works were not published until
after his death, but Green's views were previously known indirectly
through the _Introduction_ to the standard edition of Hume's works by
Green and T. H. Grose (d. 1906), fellow of Queen's College, in which the
doctrine of the "English" or "empirical" philosophy was exhaustively
examined.
Hume's empiricism, combined with a belief in biological evolution
(derived from Herbert Spencer), was the chief feature in English thought
during the third quarter of the 19th century. Green represents primarily
the reaction against doctrines which, when carried out to their logical
conclusion, not only "rendered all philosophy futile," but were fatal to
practical life. By reducing the human mind to a series of unrelated
atomic sensations, this teaching destroyed the possibility of knowledge,
and further, by representing man as a "being who is simply the result of
natural forces," it made conduct, or any theory of conduct, unmeaning;
for life in any human, intelligible sense implies a personal self which
(1) _knows_ what to do, (2) has _power_ to do it. Green was thus driven,
not theoretically, but as a practical necessity, to raise again the
whole question of man in relation to nature. When (he held) we have
discovered what man in himself is, and what his relation to his
environment, we shall then know his function--what he is fitted to do.
In the light of this knowledge we shall be able to formulate the moral
code, which, in turn, will serve as a criterion of actual civic and
social institutions. These form, naturally and necessarily, the
objective expression of moral ideas, and it is in some civic or social
whole that the moral ideal must finally take concrete shape.
To ask "What is man?" is to ask "What is experience?" for experience
means that of which I am conscious. The facts of consciousness are the
only facts which, to begin with, we are justified in asserting to exist.
On the other hand, they are valid evidence for whatever is necessary to
their own explanation, i.e. for whatever is logically involved in them.
Now the most striking characteristic of man, that in fact which marks him
specially, as contrasted with other animals, is _self_-consciousness. The
simplest mental act into which we can analyse the operations of the human
mind--the act of sense-perception--is never merely a _change_, physical
or psychical, but is the _consciousness_ of a change. Human experience
consists, not of processes in an animal organism, but of these processes
recognized as such. That which we perceive is from the outset an
apprehended fact--that is to say, it cannot be analysed into isolated
elements (so-called sensations) which, as such, are not constituents of
consciousness at all, but exists from the first as a synthesis of
relations in a consciousness which keeps distinct the "self" and the
various elements of the "object," though holding all together in the
unity of the act of perception. In other words, the whole mental
structure we call knowledge consists, in its simplest equally with its
most complex constituents, of the "work of the mind." Locke and Hume held
that the work of the mind was _eo ipso_ unreal because it was "made by"
man and not "given to" man. It thus represented a subjective creation,
not an objective fact. But this consequence follows only upon the
assumption that the work of the mind is arbitrary, an assumption shown to
be unjustified by the results of exact science, with the distinction,
universally recognized, which such science draws between truth and
falsehood, between the real and "mere ideas." This (obviously valid)
distinction logically involves the consequence that the object, or
content, of knowledge, viz. reality, is an intelligible ideal reality, a
system of thought relations, a spiritual cosmos. How is the existence of
this ideal whole to be accounted for? Only by the existence of some
"principle which renders all relations possible and is itself determined
by none of them"; an eternal self-consciousness which knows in whole what
we know in part. To God the world _is_, to man the world _becomes_. Human
experience is God gradually made manifest.
Carrying on the same analytical method into the special department of
moral philosophy, Green held that ethics applies to the peculiar
conditions of social life that investigation into man's nature which
metaphysics began. The faculty employed in this further investigation is
no "separate moral faculty," but that same reason which is the source of
all our knowledge--ethical and other. Self-reflection gradually reveals
to us human capacity, human function, with, consequently, human
responsibility. It brings out into clear consciousness certain
potentialities in the realization of which man's true good must consist.
As the result of this analysis, combined with an investigation into the
surroundings man lives in, a "content"--a moral code--becomes gradually
evolved. Personal good is perceived to be realizable only by making
actual the conceptions thus arrived at. So long as these remain
potential or ideal, they form the motive of action; motive consisting
always in the idea of some "end" or "good" which man presents to himself
as an end in the attainment of which he would be satisfied, that is, in
the realization of which he would find his true self. The determination
to realize the self in some definite way constitutes an "act of will,"
which, as thus constituted, is neither arbitrary nor externally
determined. For the motive which may be said to be its cause lies _in_
the man himself, and the identification of the self with such a motive
is a _self_-determination, which is at once both rational and free. The
"freedom of man" is constituted, not by a supposed ability to do
anything he may choose, but in the power to identify himself with that
true good which reason reveals to him as _his_ true good. This good
consists in the realization of personal character; hence the final good,
i.e. the moral ideal, as a whole, can be realized only in some society
of persons who, while remaining ends to themselves in the sense that
their individuality is not lost but rendered more perfect, find this
perfection attainable only when the separate individualities are
integrated as part of a social whole. Society is as necessary to form
persons as persons are to constitute society. Social union is the
indispensable condition of the development of the special capacities of
the individual members. Human self-perfection cannot be gained in
isolation; it is attainable only in inter-relation with fellow-citizens
in the social community.
The law of our being, so revealed, involves in its turn civic or
political duties. Moral goodness cannot be limited to, still less
constituted by, the cultivation of self-regarding virtues, but consists
in the attempt to realize in practice that moral ideal which
self-analysis has revealed to us as _our_ ideal. From this fact arises
the ground of political obligation, for the institutions of political or
civic life are the concrete embodiment of moral ideas in terms of our
day and generation. But, as society exists only for the proper
development of persons, we have a criterion by which to test these
institutions, viz. do they, or do they not, contribute to the
development of moral character in the individual citizens? It is obvious
that the final moral ideal is not realized in any body of civic
institutions actually existing, but the same analysis which demonstrates
this deficiency points out the direction which a true development will
take. Hence arises the conception of rights and duties which _should_
be maintained by law, as opposed to those actually maintained; with the
further consequence that it may become occasionally a moral duty to
rebel against the state in the interest of the state itself, that is, in
order better to subserve that end or function which constitutes the
_raison d'etre_ of the state. The state does not consist in any definite
concrete organization formed once for all. It represents a "general
will" which is a desire for a common good. Its basis is not a coercive
authority imposed upon the citizens from without, but consists in the
spiritual recognition, on the part of the citizens, of that which
constitutes their true nature. "Will, not force, is the basis of the
state."
Green's teaching was, directly and indirectly, the most potent
philosophical influence in England during the last quarter of the 19th
century, while his enthusiasm for a common citizenship, and his
personal example in practical municipal life, inspired much of the
effort made, in the years succeeding his death, to bring the
universities more into touch with the people, and to break down the
rigour of class distinctions.
Of his philosophical doctrine proper, the most striking characteristic
is Integration, as opposed to Disintegration, both in thought and in
reality. "That which is" is a _whole_, not an _aggregate_; an organic
complex of parts, not a mechanical mass; a "whole" too not material
but spiritual, a "world of thought-relations." On the critical side
this teaching is now admittedly valid against the older empiricism,
and the cogency of the reasoning by which his constructive theory is
supported is generally recognized. Nevertheless, Green's statement of
his conclusions presents important difficulties. Even apart from the
impossibility of conceiving a whole of relations which are relations
and nothing else (this objection is perhaps largely verbal), no
explanation is given of the fact (obvious in experience) that the
spiritual entities of which the Universe is composed _appear_
material. Certain elements present themselves in feeling which seem
stubbornly to resist any attempt to explain them in terms of thought.
While, again, legitimately insisting upon personality as a fundamental
constituent in any true theory of reality, the relation between human
individualities and the divine Person is left vague and obscure; nor
is it easy to see how the existence of several individualities--human
or divine--in one cosmos is theoretically possible. It is at the
solution of these two questions that philosophy in the immediate
future may be expected to work.
Green's most important treatise--the _Prolegomena to
Ethics_--practically complete in manuscript at his death--was
published in the year following, under the editorship of A. C. Bradley
(4th ed., 1899). Shortly afterwards R. L. Nettleship's standard
edition of his _Works_ (exclusive of the _Prolegomena_) appeared in
three volumes: vol. i. containing reprints of Green's criticism of
Hume, Spencer, Lewes; vol. ii. Lectures on Kant, on Logic, on the
Principles of Political Obligation; vol. iii. Miscellanies, preceded
by a full _Memoir_ by the Editor. The _Principles of Political
Obligation_ was afterwards published in separate form. A criticism of
_Neo-Hegelianism_ will be found in Andrew Seth (Pringle Pattison),
_Hegelianism and Personality_. See also articles in _Mind_ (January
and April 1884) by A. J. Balfour and Henry Sidgwick, in the _Academy_
(xxviii. 242 and xxv. 297) by S. Alexander, and in the _Philosophical
Review_ (vi., 1897) by S. S. Laurie; W. H. Fairbrother, _Philosophy of
T. H. Green_ (London and New York, 1896); D. G. Ritchie, _The
Principles of State Interference_ (London, 1891); H. Sidgwick,
_Lectures on the Philosophy of Kant_ (London, 1905); J. H. Muirhead,
_The Service of the State: Four Lectures on the Political Teaching of
T. H. Green_ (1908); A. W. Benn, _English Rationalism in the XIXth
Century_ (1906), vol. ii., pp. 401 foll. (W. H. F.,* X.)
GREEN, VALENTINE (1739-1813), British engraver, was born at Halesowen.
He was placed by his father in a solicitor's office at Evesham, where he
remained for two years; but ultimately he decided, on his own
responsibility, to abandon the legal profession and became a pupil of a
line engraver at Worcester. In 1765 he migrated to London and began work
as a mezzotint engraver, having taught himself the technicalities of
this art, and quickly rose to a position in absolutely the front rank of
British engravers. He became a member of the Incorporated Society of
Artists in 1767, an associate-engraver of the Royal Academy in 1775, and
for some forty years he followed his profession with the greatest
success. The exclusive right of engraving and publishing plates from the
pictures in the Dusseldorf gallery was granted him by the duke of
Bavaria in 1789, but, after he had issued more than twenty of these
plates, the siege of that city by the French put an end to this
undertaking and caused him serious financial loss. From this cause, and
through the failure of certain other speculations, he was reduced to
poverty; and in consequence he took the post of keeper of the British
Institution in 1805, and continued in this office for the remainder of
his life. During his career as an engraver he produced some four hundred
plates after portraits by Reynolds, Romney, and other British artists,
after the compositions of Benjamin West, and after pictures by Van Dyck,
Rubens, Murillo, and other old masters. It is claimed for him that he
was one of the first engravers to show how admirably mezzotint could be
applied to the translation of pictorial compositions as well as
portraits, but at the present time it is to his portraits that most
attention is given by collectors. His engravings are distinguished by
exceptional richness and subtlety of tone, and by very judicious
management of relations of light and shade; and they have, almost
without exception, notable freshness and grace of handling.
See _Valentine Green_, by Alfred Whitman (London, 1902).
GREEN, WILLIAM HENRY (1825-1900), American Hebrew scholar, was born in
Groveville, near Bordentown, New Jersey, on the 27th of January 1825. He
was descended in the sixth generation from Jonathan Dickinson, first
president of the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University), and
his ancestors had been closely connected with the Presbyterian church.
He graduated in 1840 from Lafayette College, where he was tutor in
mathematics (1840-1842) and adjunct professor (1843-1844). In 1846 he
graduated from Princeton Theological Seminary, and was instructor in
Hebrew there in 1846-1849. He was ordained in 1848 and was pastor of the
Central Presbyterian church of Philadelphia in 1849-1851. From August
1851 until his death, in Princeton, New Jersey, on the 10th of February
1900, he was professor of Biblical and Oriental Literature in Princeton
Theological Seminary. From 1859 the title of his chair was Oriental and
Old Testament Literature. In 1868 he refused the presidency of Princeton
College; as senior professor he was long acting head of the Theological
Seminary. He was a great Hebrew teacher: his _Grammar of the Hebrew
Language_ (1861, revised 1888) was a distinct improvement in method on
Gesenius, Roediger, Ewald and Nordheimer. All his knowledge of Semitic
languages he used in a "conservative Higher Criticism," which is
maintained in the following works: _The Pentateuch Vindicated from the
Aspersions of Bishop Colenso_ (1863), _Moses and the Prophets_ (1883),
_The Hebrew Feasts in their Relation to Recent Critical Hypotheses
Concerning the Pentateuch_ (1885), _The Unity of the Book of Genesis_
(1895), _The Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch_ (1895), and _A General
Introduction to the Old Testament_, vol. i. Canon (1898), vol. ii.
_Text_ (1899). He was the scholarly leader of the orthodox wing of the
Presbyterian church in America, and was moderator of the General
Assembly of 1891. Green was chairman of the Old Testament committee of
the Anglo-American Bible revision committee.
See the articles by John D. Davis in _The Biblical World_, new series,
vol. xv., pp. 406-413 (Chicago, 1900), and _The Presbyterian and
Reformed Review_, vol. xi. pp. 377-396 (Philadelphia, 1900).
GREENAWAY, KATE (1846-1901), English artist and book illustrator, was
the daughter of John Greenaway, a well-known draughtsman and engraver on
wood, and was born in London on the 17th of March 1846. After a course
of study at South Kensington, at "Heatherley's" life classes, and at the
Slade School, Kate Greenaway began, in 1868, to exhibit water-colour
drawings at the Dudley Gallery, London. Her more remarkable early work,
however, consisted of Christmas cards, which, by reason of their quaint
beauty of design and charm of draughtsmanship, enjoyed an extraordinary
vogue. Her subjects were, in the main, young girls, children, flowers,
and landscape; and the air of artless simplicity, freshness, humour, and
purity of these little works so appealed to public and artists alike
that the enthusiastic welcome habitually accorded to them is to be
attributed to something more than love of novelty. In the line she had
struck out Kate Greenaway was encouraged by H. Stacy Marks, R.A., and
she refused to listen to those friends who urged her to return to a more
conventional manner. Thenceforward her illustrations for children (such
as for _Little Folks_, 1873, _et seq._) attracted much attention. In
1877 her drawings at the Dudley Gallery were sold for L54, and her Royal
Academy picture for eighteen guineas; and in the same year she began to
draw for the _Illustrated London News_. In the year 1879 she produced
_Under the Window_, of which 150,000 copies are said to have been sold,
and of which French and German editions were also issued. Then followed
_The Birthday Book_, _Mother Goose_, _Little Ann_, and other books for
children which were appreciated not less by adults, and were to be found
on sale in the bookshops of every capital in Europe and in the cities of
America. The extraordinary success achieved by the young girl may be
estimated by the amounts paid to her as her share of the profits: for
_Under the Window_ she received L1130; for _The Birthday Book_, L1250;
for _Mother Goose_, L905; and for _Little Ann_, L567. These four books
alone produced a clear return of L8000. "Toy-books" though they were,
these little works created a revolution in illustration, and so were of
real importance; they were loudly applauded by John Ruskin (_Art of
England_ and _Fors Clavigera_), by Ernest Chesneau and Arsene Alexandre
in France, by Dr Muther in Germany, and by leading art-critics
throughout the world. In 1890 Kate Greenaway was elected a member of the
Royal Institute of Painters in Water Colours, and in 1891, 1894 and 1898
she exhibited water-colour drawings, including illustrations for her
books, at the gallery of the Fine Art Society (by which a representative
selection was exhibited in 1902), where they surprised the world by the
infinite delicacy, tenderness, and grace which they displayed. A leading
feature in Miss Greenaway's work was her revival of the delightfully
quaint costume of the beginning of the 19th century; this lent humour to
her fancy, and so captivated the public taste that it has been said,
with poetic exaggeration, that "Kate Greenaway dressed the children of
two continents." Her drawings of children have been compared with
Stothard's for grace and with Reynolds's for naturalness, and those of
flowers with the work of van Huysum and Botticelli. From 1883 to 1897,
with a break only in 1896, she issued a series of _Kate Greenaway's
Almanacs_. Although she illustrated _The Pied Piper of Hamelin_ and
other works, the artist preferred to provide her own text; the numerous
verses which were found among her papers after her death prove that she
might have added to her reputation with her pen. She had great charm of
character, but was extremely shy of public notice, and not less modest
in private life. She died at Hampstead on the 6th of November 1901.
See the _Life_, by M. H. Spielmann and G. S. Layard (1905).
(M. H. S.)
GREENBACKS, a form of paper currency in the United States, so named from
the green colour used on the backs of the notes. They are treasury
notes, and were first issued by the government in 1862, "as a question
of hard necessity," to provide for the expenses of the Civil War. The
government, following the example of the banks, had suspended specie
payment. The new notes were therefore for the time being an
inconvertible paper currency, and, since they were made legal tender,
were really a form of fiat money. The first act, providing for the issue
of notes to the amount of $150,000,000, was that of the 25th February
1862; the acts of 11th July 1862 and 3rd March 1863 each authorized
further issues of $150,000,000. The notes soon depreciated in value, and
at the lowest were worth only 35 cents on the dollar. The act of 12th
April 1866 authorized the retirement of $10,000,000 of notes within six
months and of $4,000,000 per month thereafter; this was discontinued by
act of 4th February 1868. On 1st January 1879 specie payment was
resumed, and the nominal amount of notes then stood at $346,681,000,
which is still outstanding.
The so-called _Greenback party_ (also called the _Independent_, and
the _National_ party) first appeared in a presidential campaign in
1876, when its candidate, Peter Cooper, received 81,740 votes. It
advocated increasing the volume of greenbacks, forbidding bank issues,
and the paying in greenbacks of the principal of all government bonds
not expressly payable in coin. In 1878 the party, by various fusions,
cast over 1,000,000 votes and elected 14 Congressmen; and in 1880
there was fusion with labour reformers and it cast 308,578 votes for
its presidential candidate, J. B. Weaver, and elected 8 Congressmen.
In 1884 their candidate Benjamin F. Butler (also the candidate of the
Anti-Monopoly party) received 175,370 votes. Subsequently the party
went out of existence.
GREEN BAY, a city and the county-seat of Brown county, Wisconsin,
U.S.A., at the S. extremity of Green Bay, at the mouth of the Fox
river, 114 m. N. of Milwaukee. Pop. (1890) 9069; (1900) 18,684, of whom
4022 were foreign-born and 33 were negroes; (1910 census) 25,236. The
city is served by the Chicago & North-Western, the Chicago, Milwaukee &
St Paul, the Kewaunee, Green Bay & Western, and the Green Bay & Western
railways, by an inter-urban electric railway connecting with other Fox
River Valley cities, and by lake and river steamboat lines. Green Bay
lies on high level ground on both sides of the river, which is here
crossed by several bridges. The city has the Kellogg Public Library, the
Brown County Court House, two high schools, a business college, several
academies, two hospitals, an orphan asylum and the State Odd Fellows'
Home. It is the seat of a Roman Catholic cathedral, the bishopric being
the earliest established in the North-west. The so-called "Tank
Cottage," now in Washington Park, is said to be the oldest house in
Wisconsin; it was built on the W. bank of the river near its mouth by
Joseph Roy, a French-Canadian _voyageur_, in 1766, was subsequently
somewhat modified, and in 1908 was bought and removed to its present
site by the Green Bay Historical Society. Midway between Green Bay and
De Pere (5 m. S.W. of Green Bay) is the state reformatory, opened in
1899-1901. Green Bay's fine harbour accommodates a considerable lake
commerce, and the city is the most important railway and wholesale
distributing centre in N.E. Wisconsin. Its manufactures include lumber
and lumber products, furniture, wagons, woodenware, farm implements and
machinery, flour, beer, canned goods, brick and tile and dairy products;
and it has lumber yards, grain elevators, fish warehouses and railway
repair shops. The total value of the factory product in 1905 was
$4,873,027, an increase of 79.9% since 1900. The first recorded visit of
a European to the vicinity of what is now Green Bay is that of Jean
Nicolet, who was sent west by Champlain in 1634, and found, probably at
the Red Banks, some 10 m. below the present city, a village of Winnebago
Indians, who he thought at first were Chinese. Between 1654 and 1658
Radisson and Groseilliers and other _coureurs des bois_ were at Green
Bay. Claude Jean Allouez, the Jesuit missionary, established a mission
on the W. shore of the bay, about 20 m. from the present city. Later he
removed his mission to the Red Banks, and in the winter of 1671-1672
established it permanently 5 m. above the present city, at Rapides des
Peres, on the E. shore of the Fox river. In 1673 Joliet and Marquette
visited the spot. In 1683-1685 Le Sueur and Nicholas Perrot traded with
the Indians here. In 1718-1720 Fort St Francis was erected at the mouth
of the river on the W. bank, and after being several times deserted was
permanently re-established in 1732. About 1745 Augustin de Langlade
established a trading post at La Baye and later brought his family there
from Mackinac. This was the first permanent settlement at Green Bay and
in Wisconsin. The British garrison which occupied the fort from 1761 to
1763, during which time the fort received the name of Fort Edward
Augustus, was removed at the time of Pontiac's rising, and the fort was
never re-garrisoned by the English, except for a short time during the
War of 1812. The inhabitants of La Baye were, however, acknowledged
subjects of Great Britain, the jurisdiction of the United States being
practically a dead letter until the American fort (Fort Howard) was
garrisoned in 1816. As early as 1810 fur traders, employed by John Jacob
Astor, were stationed here; about 1820 Astor erected a warehouse and
other buildings; and for many years Green Bay consisted of two distinct
settlements, Astor and Navarino, which were finally united in 1839 as
Green Bay. The city was chartered in 1854. In 1893 Fort Howard was
consolidated with it. The Green Bay _Intelligencer_, the first newspaper
in Wisconsin, began publication here in 1833.
See Neville and Martin, _Historic Green Bay_ (Green Bay, 1893); and
Martin and Beaumont, _Old Green Bay_ (Green Bay, 1900).
GREENCASTLE, a city and the county-seat of Putnam county, Indiana,
U.S.A., about 38 m. W. by S. of Indianapolis and on the Big Walnut
river. Pop. (1900) 3661; (1910) 3790. It is served by the Cleveland,
Cincinnati, Chicago & St. Louis, the Chicago, Indianapolis &
Louisville, the Vandalia, and the Terre Haute, Indianapolis & Eastern
(electric) railways. It has manufactures of some importance, including
lumber, pumps, kitchen-cabinets, drag-saws, lightning-rods and
tin-plate, is in the midst of a blue grass region, and is a shipping
point for beef cattle. The city has a Carnegie library and is the seat
of the de Pauw University (co-educational), a Methodist Episcopal
institution, founded as Indiana Asbury University in 1837, and renamed
in 1884 in honour of Washington Charles de Pauw (1822-1887), a
successful capitalist, banker and glass manufacturer. The total gifts of
Mr de Pauw and his family to the institution amount to about $600,000.
Among the presidents of the university have been Bishop Matthew Simpson,
Bishop Thomas Bowman (b. 1817), and Bishop Edwin Holt Hughes (b. 1866),
all of the Methodist Episcopal church. The university comprises the
Asbury College of Liberal Arts, a School of Music, a School of Art and
an Academy, and had in 1909-1910 43 instructors, a library of 37,000
volumes, and 1017 students. Greencastle was first settled about 1820,
and was chartered as a city in 1861.
GREENE, GEORGE WASHINGTON (1811-1883), American historian, was born at
East Greenwich, Rhode Island, on the 8th of April 1811, the grandson of
Major-General Nathanael Greene. He entered Brown University in 1824,
left in his junior year on account of ill-health, was in Europe during
the next twenty years, except in 1833-1834, when he was principal of
Kent Academy at East Greenwich, and was the United States consul at Rome
from 1837 to 1845. He was instructor in modern languages in Brown
University from 1848 to 1852; and in 1871-1875 was non-resident lecturer
in American history in Cornell University. He died at East Greenwich,
Rhode Island, on the 2nd of February 1883. His published works include
French and Italian text-books; _Historical Studies_ (1850);
_Biographical Studies_ (1860); _Historical View of the American
Revolution_ (1865); _Life of Nathanael Greene_ (3 vols., 1867-1871);
_The German Element in the War of American Independence_ (1876); and a
_Short History of Rhode Island_ (1877).
GREENE, MAURICE (1695-1755) English musical composer, was born in
London. He was the son of a clergyman in the city, and soon became a
chorister of St Paul's cathedral, where he studied under Charles King,
and subsequently under Richard Brind, organist of the cathedral from
1707 to 1718, whom, on his death in the last-named year, he succeeded.
Nine years later he became organist and composer to the chapel royal, on
the death of Dr Croft. In 1730 he was elected to the chair of music in
the university of Cambridge, and had the degree of doctor of music
conferred on him. Dr Greene was a voluminous composer of church music,
and his collection of _Forty Select Anthems_ became a standard work of
its kind. He wrote a "Te Deum," several oratorios, a masque, _The
Judgment of Hercules_, and a pastoral opera, _Phoebe_ (1748); also glees
and catches: and a collection of _Catches and Canons for Three and Four
Voices_ is amongst his compositions. In addition he composed many
occasional pieces for the king's birthday, having been appointed master
of the king's band in 1735. But it is as a composer of church music that
Greene is chiefly remembered. It is here that his contrapuntal skill and
his sound musical scholarship are chiefly shown. With Handel, Greene was
originally on intimate terms, but his equal friendship for Buononcini,
Handel's rival, estranged the German master's feelings from him, and all
personal intercourse between them ceased. Greene, in conjunction with
the violinist Michael Christian Festing (1727-1752) and others,
originated the Society of Musicians, for the support of poor artists and
their families. He died on the 1st of December 1755.
GREENE, NATHANAEL (1742-1786), American general, son of a Quaker farmer
and smith, was born at Potowomut, in the township of Warwick, Rhode
Island, on the 7th of August (not, as has been stated, 6th of June)
1742. Though his father's sect discouraged "literary accomplishments,"
he acquired a large amount of general information, and made a special
study of mathematics, history and law. At Coventry, R.I., whither he
removed in 1770 to take charge of a forge built by his father and his
uncles, he was the first to urge the establishment of a public school;
and in the same year he was chosen a member of the legislature of Rhode
Island, to which he was re-elected in 1771, 1772 and 1775. He
sympathized strongly with the Whig, or Patriot, element among the
colonists, and in 1774 joined the local militia. At this time he began
to study the art of war. In December 1774 he was on a committee
appointed by the assembly to revise the militia laws. His zeal in
attending to military duty led to his expulsion from the Society of
Friends.
In 1775, in command of the contingent raised by Rhode Island, he joined
the American forces at Cambridge, and on the 22nd of June was appointed
a brigadier by Congress. To him Washington assigned the command of the
city of Boston after it was evacuated by Howe in March 1776. Greene's
letters of October 1775 and January 1776 to Samuel Ward, then a delegate
from Rhode Island to the Continental Congress, favoured a declaration of
independence. On the 9th of August 1776 he was promoted to be one of the
four new major-generals and was put in command of the Continental troops
on Long Island; he chose the place for fortifications (practically the
same as that picked by General Charles Lee) and built the redoubts and
entrenchments of Fort Greene on Brooklyn Heights. Severe illness
prevented his taking part in the battle of Long Island. He was prominent
among those who advised a retreat from New York and the burning of the
city, so that the British might not use it. Greene was placed in command
of Fort Lee, and on the 25th of October succeeded General Israel Putnam
in command of Fort Washington. He received orders from Washington to
defend Fort Washington to the last extremity, and on the 11th of October
Congress had passed a resolution to the same effect; but later
Washington wrote to him to use his own discretion. Greene ordered
Colonel Magaw, who was in immediate command, to defend the place until
he should hear from him again, and reinforced it to meet General Howe's
attack. Nevertheless, the blame for the losses of Forts Washington and
Lee was put upon Greene, but apparently without his losing the
confidence of Washington, who indeed himself assumed the responsibility.
At Trenton Greene commanded one of the two American columns, his own,
accompanied by Washington, arriving first; and after the victory here he
urged Washington to push on immediately to Princeton, but was over-ruled
by a council of war. At the Brandywine Greene commanded the reserve. At
Germantown Greene's command, having a greater distance to march than the
right wing under Sullivan, failed to arrive in good time--a failure
which Greene himself thought (without cause) would cost him Washington's
regard; on this, with the affair of Fort Washington, Bancroft based his
unfavourable estimate of Greene's ability. But on their arrival, Greene
and his troops distinguished themselves greatly.
At the urgent request of Washington, on the 2nd of March 1778, at Valley
Forge, he accepted the office of quartermaster-general (succeeding
Thomas Mifflin), and of his conduct in this difficult work, which
Washington heartily approved, a modern critic, Colonel H. B. Carrington,
has said that it was "as good as was possible under the circumstances of
that fluctuating uncertain force." He had become quartermaster-general
on the understanding, however, that he should retain the right to
command troops in the field; thus we find him at the head of the right
wing at Monmouth on the 28th of June. In August Greene and Lafayette
commanded the land forces sent to Rhode Island to co-operate with the
French admiral d'Estaing, in an expedition which proved abortive. In
June 1780 Greene commanded in a skirmish at Springfield, New Jersey. In
August he resigned the office of quartermaster-general, after a long and
bitter struggle with Congress over the interference in army
administration by the Treasury Board and by commissions appointed by
Congress. Before his resignation became effective it fell to his lot to
preside over the court which, on the 29th of September, condemned Major
John Andre to death.
On the 14th of October he succeeded Gates as commander-in-chief of the
Southern army, and took command at Charlotte, N.C., on the 2nd of
December. The army was weak and badly equipped and was opposed by a
superior force under Cornwallis. Greene decided to divide his own
troops, thus forcing the division of the British as well, and creating
the possibility of a strategic interplay of forces. This strategy led to
General Daniel Morgan's victory of Cowpens (just over the South Carolina
line) on the 17th of January 1781, and to the battle at Guilford Court
House, N.C. (March 15), in which after having weakened the British
troops by continual movements, and drawn in reinforcements for his own
army, Greene was defeated indeed, but only at such cost to the victor
that Tarleton called it "the pledge of ultimate defeat." Three days
after this battle Cornwallis withdrew toward Wilmington. Greene's
generalship and judgment were again conspicuously illustrated in the
next few weeks, in which he allowed Cornwallis to march north to
Virginia and himself turned swiftly to the reconquest of the inner
country of South Carolina. This, in spite of a reverse sustained at Lord
Rawdon's hands at Hobkirk's Hill (2 m. N. of Camden) on the 25th of
April, he achieved by the end of June, the British retiring to the
coast. Greene then gave his forces a six weeks' rest on the High Hills
of the Santee, and on the 8th of September, with 2600 men, engaged the
British under Lieut.-Colonel James Stuart (who had succeeded Lord
Rawdon) at Eutaw Springs; the battle, although tactically drawn, so
weakened the British that they withdrew to Charleston, where Greene
penned them during the remaining months of the war. Greene's Southern
campaign showed remarkable strategic features that remind one of those
of Turenne, the commander whom he had taken as his model in his studies
before the war. He excelled in dividing, eluding and tiring his opponent
by long marches, and in actual conflict forcing him to pay for a
temporary advantage a price that he could not afford. He was greatly
assisted by able subordinates, including the Polish engineer, Tadeusz
Kosciusko, the brilliant cavalry captains, Henry ("Light-Horse Harry")
Lee and William Washington, and the partisan leaders, Thomas Sumter and
Francis Marion.
South Carolina and Georgia voted Greene liberal grants of lands and
money. The South Carolina estate, Boone's Barony, S. of Edisto in
Bamberg County, he sold to meet bills for the rations of his Southern
army. On the Georgia estate, Mulberry Grove, 14 m. above Savannah, on
the river, he settled in 1785, after twice refusing (1781 and 1784) the
post of secretary of war, and there he died of sunstroke on the 19th of
June 1786. Greene was a singularly able, and--like other prominent
generals on the American side--a self-trained soldier, and was second
only to Washington among the officers of the American army in military
ability. Like Washington he had the great gift of using small means to
the utmost advantage. His attitude towards the Tories was humane and
even kindly, and he generously defended Gates, who had repeatedly
intrigued against him, when Gates's conduct of the campaign in the South
was criticized. There is a monument to Greene in Savannah (1829). His
statue, with that of Roger Williams, represents the state of Rhode
Island in the National Hall of Statuary in the Capitol at Washington; in
the same city there is a bronze equestrian statue of him by H. K. Brown.
See the _Life of Nathanael Greene_ (3 vols., 1867-1871), by his
grandson, George W. Greene, and the biography (New York, 1893), by
Brig.-Gen. F. V. Greene, in the "Great Commanders Series."