THE TRIAL
_The First Day_
The large room destined for the trial was situated, as we have
said, in close proximity to Mary's apartments, and immediately over
the great hall of the castle. According to Bourgoing it was "very
spacious and convenient." At the upper end stood the dais of estate,
emblazoned with the arms of England, and surmounting a throne the
emblem of sovereignty. In front of the dais, and at the side of the
throne, a seat had been prepared for Queen Mary, "one of her crimson
velvet chairs, with a cushion of the same" for her feet.
[Illustration: Contemporary Drawing of the Trial of Mary Queen of
Scots at Fotheringay.
From the Calthorpe MS.]
[Illustration: List of Names, in Beale's handwriting, of those
present at the Trial.
Accompanying the Calthorpe Drawing.]
Benches were placed on each side of the room: those on the right were
occupied by the Lord Chancellor Bromley, the Lord Treasurer Burleigh,
and the Earls; on the left the Barons and Knights of the Privy
Council, Sir James Crofts, Sir Christopher Hatton, Sir Francis
Walsingham, Sir Ralph Sadler, and Sir Walter Mildmay. In front of the
Earls sat the two premier judges and the High Baron of the Exchequer,
while in front of the Barons were placed four other judges, and two
doctors of civil law.
At a large table, which was placed in front of the dais, sat the
representatives of the Crown: Popham, Attorney-General; Egerton,
Solicitor-General; Gawdy, the Queen's sergeant; and Barker, the
notary: also two clerks, whose duty it was to draw up the official
report of the proceedings. The documentary evidence, such as it was,
was arranged on the table. A movable barrier with a door divided
the room into two parts, and at the lower end were assembled as
spectators the gentlemen attendants and the servants of the Lords of
Commission.
At nine o'clock the Queen made her entrance, escorted by a guard of
halberdiers. She wore a dress and mantle of black velvet, and over
her pointed widow's cap fell a long white gauze veil. Her train was
borne by one of her maids of honour, Renée Beauregard. Mary was
supported on each side by Melville and Bourgoing; and although, owing
to the want of exercise and the severe rheumatism from which she
suffered, she walked with great difficulty, it was with undiminished
dignity of mien. She was followed by her surgeon, Jacques Gervais;
her apothecary, Pierre Gorion; and three waiting-women, Gillis
Mowbray, Jane Kennedy, and Alice Curle.
As the Queen advanced the Commissioners uncovered before her, and
she saluted them with a majestic air; then, perceiving that the seat
prepared for her was placed outside the dais and in a lower position,
she exclaimed--
"I am a queen by right of birth, and my place should be there, under
the dais;" but quickly recovering her serenity, she took her seat,
and looking round at the assembled dignitaries, whose faces bore no
sign of sympathy for their victim, she said mournfully to Melville--
"Alas! here are many counsellors, but not one for me."[32]
[Footnote 32: It is interesting to compare Queen Mary's words with
those of M. de Sèze in his defence of Louis XVI., 26th December
1792: "Je cherche parmis vous des juges, et je n'y vois que des
accusateurs."]
Her desolate position, without counsel to defend her, without
secretary to take notes for her, despoiled even of her papers, must
have seemed strange to Mary's generous nature. In Scotland the
poorest of her subjects would have enjoyed the privileges now denied
to herself.
Among the noblemen assembled to judge the Queen were some of her
former partisans, such as my Lords Rutland, Cumberland, and others,
who had taken a share in the late undertaking, and whose letters had
been seized at Chartley, yet who now, to save their estates if not
their lives, were forced to appear among her enemies. Very few of the
English nobles were known to Mary by sight, and it was noticed that
she often questioned Paulet, who was stationed behind her, regarding
them. They on their side were doubtless eager to see this princess,
whose beauty was renowned, and who with courage equal to her sorrows
now faced her judges with all the dignity of her happier days.
The Lord Chancellor opened the proceedings by a speech, in which he
declared that the Queen of England, having been surely informed, to
her great grief, that the destruction of her person and the downfall
of her kingdom had been lately planned by the Queen of Scots, and
that in spite of her long tolerance and patience, this same Queen
continued her bad practices and had made herself the disturber of
religion and the public peace, Her Majesty felt impelled to convoke
this present assembly to examine into these accusations. In thus
acting Her Majesty was actuated by no unkind feeling, or desire of
vengeance, but solely by a sense of the duty imposed upon her by
her position as sovereign and her duty to her subjects. Bromley
stated that the Queen of Scots should be heard in declaring fully
all that should seem good to her for her defence and to establish
her innocence. Then turning to Mary, he concluded with these words:
"Madame, you have heard why we have come here; you will please listen
to the reading of our Commission, and I promise you that you shall
say all that you wish."[33]
[Footnote 33: Chantelauze, p. 515.]
Mary replied in the following terms: "I came into this kingdom
under promise of assistance, and aid, against my enemies, and not
as a subject, as I could prove to you had I my papers; instead of
which I have been detained and imprisoned. I protest publicly that
I am an independent sovereign and princess, and I recognise no
superior but God alone. I therefore require that before I proceed
further, it be recorded that whatever I may say in replying here
to the Commissioners of my good sister, the Queen of England (who,
I consider, has been wrongly and falsely prejudiced against me),
shall not be to my prejudice, nor that of the princes my allies, nor
the King my son, or any of those who may succeed me. I make this
protestation not out of regard to my life, or in order to conceal the
truth, but purely for the preservation of the honour and dignity of
my royal prerogative, and to show that in consenting to appear before
this Commission I do so, not as a subject to Queen Elizabeth, but
only from my desire to clear myself, and to show by my replies to
all the world that I am not guilty of this crime against the person
of the Queen, with which it seems I am charged. I wish to reply to
this point alone, I desire this protest to be publicly recorded, and
I appeal to all the lords and nobles present to bear me testimony,
should it one day be necessary."[34]
[Footnote 34: Chantelauze, pp. 515, 516.]
Bromley, in reply, utterly denied that Mary had come into the kingdom
of England under promise of assistance from his mistress. He declared
that he and his colleagues were willing to record the protest of the
Queen of Scots, but without accepting or approving it. He affirmed
that it was void and null in the eyes of the law, and should in no
way be to the prejudice of the dignity and supreme power of the
English sovereign, or to the prerogative or jurisdiction of the
Crown. To this he called all present to bear witness.[35]
[Footnote 35: See Appendix, p. 271.]
The Commission, which was drawn up in Latin, was now read aloud. At
the end Mary protested energetically against the Commission and the
laws upon which it was based,--laws which, she observed, had been
framed expressly to destroy her just claims to the English throne and
to bring about her death.
Gawdy, the Queen's sergeant, now rose, "having a blue robe, a red
hood on the shoulder, and a round cap _à l'antique_," and with
head uncovered, made a discourse explaining the Commission and
the occasion which had caused it to be summoned. He discussed
several points, namely, the seizure of Babington, the suspected
correspondence between him and the Queen of Scots, and further
details of the plot, mentioning the names of the six men who (as he
declared) had conspired to murder Queen Elizabeth.
As soon as Mary had replied that she had never spoken to Babington,
that, although she had heard him spoken of, she did not know him and
had never "trafficked" with him, and that she knew nothing of the
six men whom they had alluded to, another lawyer, in the same dress
as Gawdy, rose and read "certain letters which they said Babington
had dictated of his own free will before his death, from memory."
These, and other _copies_ of letters said to have passed between the
Queen and Babington, were also shown, together with the confessions
of the conspirators, and the depositions of Curle and Nau, which were
declared to be signed by them.
The Queen protested against this second-hand evidence brought against
her, and demanded to see the originals of the letters. "If my enemies
possess them," said she, "why do they not produce them? I have the
right to demand to see the originals and the copies side by side.
It is quite possible that my ciphers have been tampered with by my
enemies. I cannot reply to this accusation without full knowledge.
Till then I must content myself with affirming solemnly that I am
guiltless of the crimes imputed to me. I do not deny," continued the
Queen, "that I have earnestly wished for liberty and done my utmost
to procure it for myself. In this I acted from a very natural wish;
but I take God to witness that I have never either conspired against
the life of your Queen, nor approved a plot of that design against
her. I have written to my friends, I confess; I appealed to them to
assist me to escape from these miserable prisons in which I have
languished for nearly nineteen years. I have also, I confess, often
pleaded the cause of the Catholics with the Kings of Europe, and for
their deliverance from the oppression under which they lie, I would
willingly have shed my blood. But I declare formally that I never
wrote the letters that are produced against me. Can I be responsible
for the criminal projects of a few desperate men, which they planned
without my knowledge or participation?"
The whole morning from about ten o'clock was occupied in reading the
depositions and letters of Babington, the accusers doing their utmost
to make Mary appear guilty, "without any one saying a single word for
her."[36]
[Footnote 36: Chantelauze, p. 518.]
During the reading of the confession attributed to Babington, Mary
was much moved by the allusion made therein to the Earl of Arundel
and his brothers, as also to the young Earl of Northumberland; and
she exclaimed with tears, "Alas! why should this noble house of
Howard have suffered so much for me? Is it likely," continued she,
"that I should appeal for assistance to Lord Arundel, whom I knew to
be in prison? or to Lord Northumberland, who is so young, and whom I
do not know? If Babington really confessed such things, why was he
put to death without being confronted with me? It is because such a
meeting would have brought to light the truth, that he was executed
so hastily."
About one o'clock the Queen retired to take her dinner, after which
she returned to the hall and the proceedings were resumed. Bourgoing
describes so graphically the position of the Queen and her judges,
that we give his own words:--
"Her Majesty having dined and returned to the same place, they
continued to read aloud letters tending to the same end, the
deposition and confession of M. Nau and M. Curle written on the
back of a certain letter and signed by them, and also some others
touching her intelligence with them. Her Majesty replied first to
one and then to another without any order, but on hearing any point
read, would, without being interrogated by them, say whether it
were true or not. For their manner of proceeding was always to read
or speak to persuade the lords that the Queen was guilty. They
always addressed the lords, accusing the Queen in her presence, with
confusion and without any order, and without any one answering them a
word, in suchwise that when we returned to her room the poor Princess
told us that it reminded her of the Passion of Jesus Christ, and
that it seemed to her that, without wishing to make a comparison,
they treated her as the Jews treated Jesus Christ when they cried,
'_Tolle, Tolle, Crucifige_'; and that she felt assured that there
were those in the company who pitied her, and did not say what they
thought."
In spite, however, of the vehemence of those "Messieurs les
Chicaneux," as Bourgoing terms them, Mary preserved her calmness;
and the hotter they grew, the more courageous and constant was she
in her replies. She now recapitulated much of what she had before
said to the Commissioners in her own room, in order that the assembly
might know her sentiments; and after pointing out the injustice of
her long imprisonment, she thus continues: "I have, as you see, lost
my health and the use of my limbs. I cannot walk without assistance,
nor use my arms, and I spend most of my time confined to bed by
sickness. Not only this, but through my trials I have lost the small
intellectual gifts bestowed on me by God, such as my memory, which
would have aided me to recall those things which I have seen and
read, and which might be useful to me in the cruel position in which
I now find myself. Also the knowledge of matters of business which
I formerly had acquired for the discharge of those duties in the
state to which God called me, and of which I have been treacherously
despoiled. Not content with this, my enemies now endeavour to
complete my ruin, using against me means which are unheard of towards
persons of my rank, and unknown in this kingdom before the reign of
the present Queen, and even now not approved by rightful judges, but
only by unlawful authority. Against these I appeal to Almighty God,
to all Christian princes, and to the estates of this kingdom duly
and lawfully assembled. Being innocent and falsely suspected, I am
ready to maintain and defend my honour, provided that my defence be
publicly recorded, and that I make it in the presence of some princes
or foreign judges, or even before my natural judges; and this without
prejudice to my mother the Church, to kings, sovereign princes,
and to my son. With regard to the pretensions long put forward by
the English (as their Chronicles testify) to suzerainty over my
predecessors the Kings of Scotland, I utterly deny and protest
against them, and I will not, like a _femme de peu de coeur_, admit
them, nor by any present act, to which I may be constrained, will
I fortify such a claim, whereby I should dishonour those princes
my ancestors as well as myself, and acknowledge them to have been
traitors or rebels. Rather than do this, I am ready to die for God
and my rights in this quarrel, in which, as in all others, I am
innocent.
"By this you can see that I am not ambitious, nor would I have
undertaken anything against the Queen of England through a desire
to reign. I have done with all that; and as regards myself, I wish
for nothing but to pass the remainder of my life in peace and
tranquillity of mind. My advancing age and my bodily weakness both
prevent me from wishing to resume the reins of government. I have
perhaps only two or three years to live in this world, and I do not
aspire to any public position, especially when I consider the pain
and _désésperance_ which meet those who wish to do right, and act
with justice and dignity in the midst of so perverse a generation,
and when the whole world is full of crimes and troubles."[37]
[Footnote 37: Chantelauze, p. 520.]
Burleigh, "no longer able to contain himself," here interrupted the
Queen, reproaching her with having assumed the name and arms of
England, and of having aspired to the Crown. "What I did at that
time," replied Mary, "was in obedience to the commands of Henry the
Second, my father-in-law, and you well know the reason."
"But," retorted Burleigh, "you did not give up these practices even
after we signed the peace with King Henry."
"You made the arrangement to your own interest and advantage,"
replied Mary; "I was not thereby bound to renounce my rights, or to
abandon them to my own great prejudice and that of my successors,
receiving nothing in return. I owed you nothing. I was not dependent
on your Queen, nor am I now, and I was not obliged to cede to her
rights so important. If I had shown such weakness I should have
been always reproached with it as having acted to my own blame and
dishonour."
"You have also," insisted Burleigh, "continued to assert your
pretension to the English Crown."
"I have never," answered the Queen, "given up my rights; I do not
now, and never will. I beg of you, before this assembly, not to press
me to say more upon this matter, for I do not wish to offend any
one. I pray you to be content. You and many here present know well
the reasons which led me to act in this matter, and of which it is
unnecessary to speak at present. I am not called upon to render you
an account of my actions. You know well that I have been reasonable
and have made generous offers. I have indeed offered more than I
should have done. God and you know whether I have a right or not
to the Crown of England. I have offered myself to maintain the
rights of my sister Queen Elizabeth as being the eldest, but I have
no scruple of conscience in desiring the second rank, as being the
legitimate and nearest heir. I am the daughter of James V., King of
Scotland, and granddaughter of Henry VII. This cannot be taken from
me by any law, or council, assembly, or judgment, nor consequently
can my rights. I know well that my enemies and those who wish to
deprive me of those rights have done up till now all that they can
to injure me, and have essayed all illegitimate means, even to
attempting my life, as is well known, and has been discovered in
certain places and by certain persons whom I could name, were it
necessary; but God, who is the just Judge, and who never forgets His
own, has until now, in His infinite mercy and goodness, preserved
me from all danger, and I hope that He will continue to do so and
will not abandon me, knowing that He is all truth, and that He has
promised not to abandon His servants in their need: He has extended
His hand over me to afflict me, but He has given me this grace of
patience to bear the adversities which it has pleased Him to send
me. I do not desire vengeance. I leave it to Him who is the just
Avenger of the innocent and of those who suffer for His name, under
whose power and will I take shelter. I prefer the conduct of Esther
to that of Judith, although both are approved by the Church. I pray
God to do with me according to His good pleasure, to His praise and
honour, and to the greater glory of His Church, in which I wish to
live and die, in which I have been brought up and educated, and
for which (as I have already protested several times) I would shed
my blood to the last drop, being resolved to suffer all that God
wishes. I do not fear the menaces of men. I will never deny Jesus
Christ, knowing well that those who deny Him in this world, He will
deny before His Father. I demand another hearing," continued Mary,
"and that I be allowed an advocate to plead my cause, or that I be
believed on the word of a queen.... I came to England relying upon
the friendship and promises of your Queen. Look here, my lords," she
exclaimed, drawing a ring from her finger; "see this pledge of love
and protection which I received from your mistress--regard it well.
Trusting to this pledge, I came amongst you. You all know how it has
been kept."
After having recorded this noble speech of his mistress, Bourgoing
thus continues his narrative: "As they read aloud at intervals
letters from Babington to Her Majesty and from her to Babington, she
utterly denied _tout à plat_ having ever seen and received any such
letters, much less of having replied to them."
Mary's judges of course laid much stress on this charge, the capital
point in the accusation, and produced ciphers and other letters,
and the depositions of those who were examined (as well as those of
Curle and Nau), to prove that the Queen had received and answered
Babington's letter, and that she was consequently accessory to the
proposed assassination of Queen Elizabeth.
Mary was now closely questioned regarding the passage in her reputed
letter to Babington which referred to "the four horsemen who were
appointed in London to inform her when the blow fell," but replied
that she did not know what it meant.
Turning to Walsingham (who had made some remarks), the Queen
continued: "It is easy to imitate ciphers and handwriting, as has
been lately done in France by a young man who boasts that he is
my son's brother. I fear that all this is the work of Monsieur de
Walsingham for my destruction: of him who I am certain has tried to
deprive me of my life, and my son of his. As to Ballard, I have heard
him spoken of. Information reached me from France that he was a very
firm Catholic, and that he wished to serve me; but I was also told
that he had 'great intelligence' with Monsieur de Walsingham, and
that I must be on my guard. I know nothing more about him. I protest
that I never even thought of the ruin of the Queen of England, and
that I would a hundred times rather have lost my life than see so
many Catholics suffer for my sake and be condemned to a cruel death
through hatred to my person." In saying these words Mary burst into
tears.
"No faithful subject," exclaimed Burleigh, "has ever been put to
death on account of religion. Some have been for treason, because
they maintained the Bull and the authority of the Pope against that
of our Queen."
"Yet I have heard just the contrary," said Mary, "and read so in
printed books."
"The authors of such books," retorted Burleigh, "also declare that
the Queen has forfeited the royal prerogative." When Burleigh ceased
speaking, Walsingham, who keenly felt the Queen's accusation, rose,
and bowing his head addressed her, assuring her that she had been
misinformed as to his sentiments.
"I protest," said he, "that my soul is free from all malice. God is
my witness that, as a private person, I have done nothing unworthy
of an honest man, and as Secretary of State, nothing unbefitting
my duty. You have been told that I wish you ill, that I have often
said things to your disadvantage, that I have confessed myself to
be your enemy, nay, even that I planned that the death of yourself
and your son should happen on the same day; but I assure you that I
bear ill-will to no one, I have attempted no one's death. I protest
that I am a man of conscience and a faithful servant to my mistress.
I confess," continued Walsingham, "that I am ever vigilant regarding
all concerning the safety of my Queen and country; I have closely
watched all conspiracies against either. As for Ballard, if he had
offered me his assistance I could not have refused it, and should
probably have rewarded him. If I had any secret dealings with him,
why did he not declare them in order to save his life?"
The Queen, impressed by his denial, assured Walsingham that she paid
no attention to what she had heard against him, and had not believed
it, adding that she implored him to give no more credit to those who
calumniated her, than she gave to those who accused himself. "If
you were not received in Scotland as you merited," continued Mary,
"it was no fault of mine; I do not think that you wish to revenge
yourself upon me, who knew nothing of it." She then declared that
some of the ciphers were hers. "There had been others older and some
more recent," she said, "but this is nothing, for people can use the
same cipher on occasions, according to the correspondence they have
in different places, and for this reason it is possible that Morgan,
who formerly served me, may have used my ciphers, in consequence of
the connections which he has with the other princes."
At the name of Morgan, Burleigh, with his usual vehemence, reproached
the Queen. "You know well, madame," said he, "that Morgan professes
to be your servant, and you have pensioned him, although you are well
aware that he plotted the death of the Queen along with Parry, for
which crime he is still a prisoner in France, having been pursued and
accused by Lord Derby, in the name of Her Majesty."
"You know well," replied Mary, turning towards the audience, "that
I have not joined in this undertaking, nor suborned any one." At
this appeal several gentlemen present declared loudly that she was
entirely innocent of such a crime. "You see by this," continued Mary,
"the evil will of some of your Queen's councillors towards me. If
any one has undertaken anything against the person of the Queen, it
is not I. For long people have conspired against her, of which you
have had many proofs. I am grieved that Morgan should have mixed
himself up with such matters, but I cannot answer for his actions.
I cannot do less than aid him in his necessities in recognition of
his services, which I shall never forget, in the same way that I aid
others who have assisted me."
As Burleigh still insisted that Morgan was Mary's pensioner, she
again denied it, adding that she had desired money to be given to him
from time to time for his use; "but," continued she, "has not England
pensioned Patrick Gray and other Scotsmen, my enemies, and even my
son himself?" "It is true," replied Burleigh, "that, through the
negligence of its Regent, the revenues of Scotland are so diminished
that the Queen in her goodness has made some gifts to your son,
the King of Scotland, who is her own relation." After this avowal
Burleigh let the matter drop, and fresh discussions regarding the
confessions of Nau and Curle now arose.
Mary's judges maintained that the Queen's secretaries had confessed
that their mistress had received "certain letters," and that she had
replied to them, that they had done everything by her command, that
they had written nothing without communicating it to her, as was her
custom, as she allowed nothing to be produced without her knowledge.
Thus Mary's "direction" of the conspiracy was proved, they declared,
and it was "by her command that the secretaries wrote in her cabinet,
where the despatches were made up, and that this was done generally
in her presence; that after writing them they read them to her, that
the despatches were closed and sealed in her cabinet, and that they
had often tried to deter her from such enterprises."
Keenly aware of the injustice of this second-hand manner of producing
evidence, the Queen protested. "Why," said she, "are not Nau and
Curle examined in my presence? they at any rate are still alive.
If my enemies were assured that they would confirm their pretended
avowals, they would be here without doubt. If they have written,
be it what it may, concerning the enterprise, they have done it of
themselves, and did not communicate it to me, and on this point I
disavow them. Nau, as a servant of the King of France, may have
undertaken things not according to my wishes; he had undertakings
that I did not know of. He confessed publicly that he belonged to the
King of France, that he did not depend on me, and would only do for
me what he thought good. He often complained of me because I could
not consent to many of his projects, and would not authorise them. I
know well that Nau had many peculiarities, likings, and intentions,
that I cannot mention in public, but which I much regret, for he
does me great injustice. For my part, I do not wish to accuse my
secretaries, but I see plainly that what they have said is from fear
of torture and death. Under promise of their lives, and in order
to save themselves, they have excused themselves at my expense,
fancying that I could thereby more easily save myself; at the same
time, not knowing where I was, and not suspecting the manner in which
I am treated. For more than twelve months Nau has not written in his
own cabinet; he has hid himself from every one, and has written his
despatches in his own private room, for his own convenience and to be
more at his ease, as he said, as Sir Amyas and all the household can
attest.
"As to Curle, if he has done anything suspicious, he has been
compelled to do it by Nau, whom he feared much to displease, and to
avoid whom he fled. And yet," added the Queen, "I do not think either
the one or the other would have forgotten himself so far. As I was
ill during most of the time, I could not attend to business, and
generally I did not know what they were doing, but trusted to Nau."
"It is true," replied Burleigh, "that Nau avows himself a subject
of the King of France; but he has been Secretary to the Cardinal of
Lorraine, and he is the sworn servant of your Grace. He obeys your
commands. It is of his own free will, and without being in any way
constrained, that he has made his depositions, to which he has sworn,
and written them and signed them with his own hand."
"No doubt he was Secretary of the King," returned Mary, "and
received wages from him, terming himself his banker in this country,
and under this pretext he was very disobedient to me. I commanded
him, it is true, and in a general way supported his doings, as
all princes are accustomed to do, but it is for him to answer for
his private doings; I cannot but think he has been acting under
constraint in this matter. Feeling himself to be feeble and weak
by nature, and fearing torture, he thought to escape by throwing
all the blame on me. A criminal is not allowed to be sworn, and
his assertions are not believed; his oath is worthless. The first
oath which he has taken to his master renders all others null and
void; and Nau can make none that can prejudice me. And I see well,"
continued Mary, examining one of the written depositions attributed
to Nau, "that he has even not written or signed as he is accustomed
to do, supposing that, as you all affirm, he has written it with
his own hand; may it not be that while translating and putting my
letters into cipher, my secretaries may have inserted things which I
did not dictate to them? May it not be also that letters similar to
those now produced, may have come to their hands without, however, my
seeing them? The majesty and safety of princes would be reduced to
nought, if their reputation depended upon the writing and witnesses
of their secretaries. I dictated nothing to them but what nature
herself inspired me, for the recovery at last of my liberty. I can
only be convicted by my words or by my own writings. If, without my
consent, they have written something to the prejudice of the Queen,
your mistress, let them suffer the punishment of their rashness. But
of this I am very sure, if they were now in my presence, they would
clear me on the spot of all blame, and would put me out of case. Show
me, at least, the minutes of my correspondence written by myself;
they will bear witness to what I now assert."
The Queen's defence, so clear and unanswerable, silenced for a time
the accusers, and they took refuge in insult. "Then," says Bourgoing,
"the Chicaneurs made a great noise, calling out and striving to prove
and exaggerate the facts, with fury repeating all that had been said
or written,--all the circumstances, suspicions, and conjectures. In
short, all the reasons they could imagine were brought to the front
to make their cause good, and to accuse the Queen without allowing
her to reply distinctly to what they said. Like 'madmen' they
attacked her, sometimes one by one, sometimes all together, declaring
her to be guilty, which gave occasion to Her Majesty to make a very
noble speech on the next morning."[38]
[Footnote 38: Chantelauze, pp. 522-527.]
Thus ended the first day of the trial. No notice was taken of the
Queen's demands. Her secretaries were never examined in her presence,
and her own notes, so earnestly begged by her, were never produced.
It was declared later on, indeed, in the star-chamber, that these
notes had been destroyed by Mary's own order, but no one dared assert
this before herself. Our readers will probably agree with M. Hosack,
who thus admirably sums up the result of this day's work:--
"It cannot be denied that, even according to their own account, she
had maintained throughout a decisive superiority over her opponents.
Without counsel, or witnesses, or papers, and armed with nothing
but her own clear intellect and heroic spirit, she had answered,
point by point, all their allegations. Knowing the weakness of their
proofs, they had artfully mixed up the charge of conspiracy with the
scheme of invasion; and Burleigh, taking upon himself the functions
of Crown prosecutor, had sought to draw her attention from the main
question in dispute, by dwelling on a variety of topics, which were
only intended to bewilder and confuse her. But apparently perceiving
his design, she brought him back again and again to the real point at
issue between them."[39]
[Footnote 39: Hosack, vol. ii. p. 426.]