CHAPTER I

[Transcriber's Note: Obvious printer errors have been corrected

without note; inconsistent and archaic spellings in quoted material

have been retained as they appear in the original.]

The Tragedy of Fotheringay

[Illustration: _Walker & Boutall, Ph. Sc._

_Mary Queen of Scots,

from the Memorial Portrait

in the possession of the Trustees of Blairs College, Aberdeen._]

The

Tragedy of Fotheringay

FOUNDED ON

THE JOURNAL OF D. BOURGOING,

PHYSICIAN TO MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS, AND

ON UNPUBLISHED MS. DOCUMENTS

BY THE

HON. MRS. MAXWELL SCOTT

OF ABBOTSFORD

LONDON

ADAM & CHARLES BLACK

1895

PREFACE

In compiling this book, my original intention was to deal

with the material afforded by Bourgoing's Journal, supplemented by

the Letters of Sir Amyas Paulet. Both narrate the events of the last

few months of Queen Mary's prison life, the details of which have

been hitherto little known. As time went on, however, and further new

and valuable matter was offered to me by the kindness of friends,

the scope of the work gradually expanded. Many details regarding the

Queen's execution and burial have been added, and I feel that some

apology is due for possible repetitions and other errors of style

which almost necessarily follow such a change of plan. Many of the

illustrative notes regarding Queen Mary's last moments are culled

from original contemporary accounts of the execution, for the use of

which I am indebted to the kindness of the Rev. Joseph Stevenson,

S.J., LL.D. Some of these narratives are printed in the Appendix in

their entirety. The valuable collection of the Calthorpe MSS. has

furnished many interesting details, and I am especially indebted to

the courtesy of the present Lord Calthorpe for permission to publish

the two curious contemporary drawings of the trial and execution. The

value of these drawings is materially increased by the annotations in

Beale's handwriting. To him we owe several of the most interesting

notes regarding the execution, etc., and the knowledge that these

MSS. have come down to us under the direct guardianship of Beale's

descendants lends additional value to their testimony.

Robert Beale, whose name occurs so frequently in my narrative,

had long been employed in a subordinate position by Elizabeth's

Government, and in 1576 was sent by the Privy Council on an embassy

to the Prince of Orange. He was later appointed Clerk of Council to

the Queen, the office in which he comes before us at the time of

Queen Mary's trial and death, and his daughter Margaret married Sir

Henry Yelverton, Attorney-General, the ancestor of the Calthorpe

family, who thus became the possessors of the documents I have

referred to.

The frontispiece, taken from what is known as the Blairs portrait of

Queen Mary, has its own pedigree of unusual interest, although it

cannot claim to be an original portrait. The following description

of this picture is taken from the pen of the Right Rev. Bishop Kyle,

Vicar Apostolic of the Northern district of Scotland:--

This large picture of Queen Mary belonged once to Mrs.

Elizabeth Curle, wife and widow of Gilbert Curle, one

of the Queen's secretaries during the last years of her

life and at her death. Mrs. Curle herself was one of the

attendants at her execution. When, and by whom it was

painted, I have never learned. The attire and attitude

of the principal figure being the same in which it is

said Mary appeared on the scaffold, seem to testify

decisively that the picture is not what can be called an

original--that is traced from the living subject under

the painter's eye. The adjuncts were evidently added by

another and an inferior artist, but when, I have no means

of knowing. Mrs. Curle survived her mistress long, at

least thirty years. She had two sons, who both became

Jesuits. Of one, John, there is little known. He died in

Spain. The other, Hyppolytus, was long Superior, and a

great benefactor of the Scotch College of Douai. To that

College he bequeathed the property, not inconsiderable,

which he derived from his mother, and among the rest the

very picture now at Blairs. The picture remained in that

College (Douai) till the French Revolution. At the wreck of

the College it was taken from its frame, and being rolled

up was concealed in a chimney, the fireplace of which was

built up, and was so preserved. After the peace of 1815

it was taken from its place of concealment and conveyed

first to Paris, but ultimately to Scotland, through the

late Bishop Paterson and the Reverend John Farquharson,

who being the latter Principal, the former Prefect of

Studies in the Douai College at the time of the Revolution,

identified it as the picture that had been kept there

according to the tradition mentioned above.[1]--(From

_Annals of Lower Deeside_, John A. Henderson.)

[Footnote 1: The late Rev. Charles Gordon (well known in Aberdeen

as Priest Gordon, having been in charge of the Roman Catholic

Congregation for sixty years), then a student in the College,

assisted in concealing the picture.]

In the background of this picture the execution of the Queen at

Fotheringay is represented, along with the portraits of Jane Kennedy

and Elizabeth Curle, the two maids of honour who were present on

the sad occasion. The royal arms of Scotland are painted on the

right-hand corner of the picture, and there are three inscriptions in

Latin, the translations of which are as follow:--

1. Mary Queen of Scotland, Dowager Queen of France, truly

legitimate Sovereign of the Kingdoms of England and

Ireland, mother of James, King of Great Britain, oppressed

by her own Subjects in the year 1568, with the Hope and

Expectation of Aid promised by her Cousin Elizabeth,

reigning in England, went thither, and there, contrary

to the Law of Nations and the Faith of a Promise, being

retained Captive after 19 years of Imprisonment on Account

of Religion by the Perfidy of the same Elizabeth and the

Cruelty of the English Parliament, the horrible Sentence

of Decapitation being passed upon her, is delivered up to

Death, and on the 12th of the Kalends of March--such an

Example being unheard of--she is beheaded by a vile and

abject Executioner in the 45th year of her Age and Reign.

2. In the Presence of the Commissioners and Ministers of

Queen Elizabeth, the Executioner strikes with his Axe

the most serene Queen, the Daughter, Wife, and Mother of

Kings, and after a first and second Blow, by which she was

barbarously wounded, at the third cuts off her Head.

3. While she lived the chief Parent and Foundress of the

Scotch College, thus the once most flourishing Queen

of France and Scotland ascends the fatal Scaffold with

unconquered but pious mind, upbraids Tyranny and Perfidy,

professes the Catholic Faith, and publicly and plainly

professes that she always was and is a Daughter of the

Roman Church.

The reliquary containing a portrait of Queen Mary, of which Lady

Milford kindly allows me to publish the photograph for the first

time, is very interesting, and the date can be fixed as being _not

later_ than 1622, but unfortunately the history of the medallion is

little known.[2] It was originally in the possession of the Darrell

family, and as a Darrell was appointed to be Queen Mary's steward

during her captivity, and a Marmaduke Darrell (presumably the same

person) attended the funeral at Peterborough, I would fain see a

connection between him and the miniature, but so far I have found no

proof of this.

[Footnote 2: For list of relics contained in the reliquary see

Appendix, p. 272.]

The two contemporary drawings of Queen Mary's trial and execution

from the Calthorpe MSS. are now also published for the first

time. The lists of spectators written by Beale are of particular

interest, and it is curious to compare the drawings of the trial with

Bourgoing's description of the scene (see p. xiii.) and with that

given in Appendix, p. 270.

In conclusion, I earnestly desire to express my grateful thanks for

the constant and valuable help and encouragement given to me by the

Rev. Joseph Stevenson, S.J., LL.D., to whose kindness I owe so much;

to Mr. Leonard Lindsay, F.S.A., and to other kind friends.

M.M. MAXWELL SCOTT.

_8th February 1895._[3]

[Footnote 3: Soon after these words were written my valued friend

Father Stevenson was taken from us. He died on the evening of 8th

February, the same day on which Queen Mary, whose honour he had done

so much to maintain, suffered death, and I by a further coincidence

finished the writing of this book.]

CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

I. CHARTLEY 1

II. FOTHERINGAY 16

III. THE TRIAL--FIRST DAY 44

IV. THE TRIAL--SECOND DAY 69

V. SUSPENSE 83

VI. AFTER THE SENTENCE 107

VII. WAITING FOR DEATH 125

VIII. FURTHER INDIGNITIES 145

IX. THE DEATH WARRANT 163

X. THE LAST DAY ON EARTH 179

XI. THE END 200

XII. PETERBOROUGH 225

XIII. WESTMINSTER 244

APPENDIX 249

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS, REPRODUCED FROM THE

PORTRAIT AT BLAIRS COLLEGE, ABERDEEN _Frontispiece_

CONTEMPORARY DRAWING OF THE TRIAL, }

REPRODUCED FROM THE CALTHORPE MS.[4] } _Facing each other

} at page 44_

FACSIMILE KEY TO ABOVE }

CONTEMPORARY DRAWING OF THE EXECUTION, }

FROM THE CALTHORPE MS. } _Facing each other

} at page 200_

FACSIMILE KEY TO ABOVE }

ENLARGEMENT OF THE EXECUTION SCENE,

AS GIVEN IN THE BACKGROUND OF THE ABOVE _To face page 220_

RELIQUARY CONTAINING MINIATURE OF

MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS, AND RELICS,

NOW IN THE POSSESSION OF LADY MILFORD _To face page 244_

[Footnote 4: "Dedans une grande salle à laquelle on entroit

immediatement de l'autre chambre de sa Majesté par une porte simple

... ils avoient dressé et tendu, au bout d'icelle, le dais de

la Reyne, et, des deux costez, au dessous, le long de la paroy,

estoient assis les seigneurs et toutte la noblesse sus nommée en la

commission, estat et ordre que dessus; et au meilleu, quelques tables

de long et les bancs où estoient assis les commissairs et la justice

sus nommée, chacun en leur ordre. Et au dessous, avoient dressé une

barrière laissant une partie qui se levoit pour entrer et sortir,

faisant separation comme d'un parquet auquel n'entroit personne que

ceulx qui avoient affaire pour la commission, et avoient charge en

icelle. Et en l'autre separation, en bas, estoient gentilshommes

et servans des dits seigneurs de la commission, auditeurs et

spectateurs."--From Bourgoing's Journal, Chantelauze, p. 513.]

THE

TRAGEDY OF FOTHERINGAY

CHAPTER I

CHARTLEY

"Ceux qui voudront jamais escrire de cette illustre Reine

d'Ecosse en ont deux tres-amples sujets. L'un celui de

sa vie y l'autre de sa mort, l'un y l'autre tres mal

accompagnés de la bonne fortune."

BRANTÔME.

Three hundred years have passed since Brantôme wrote these lines,

and his prevision has been fully verified. Writers of every

opinion--friends and foes--have taken as their theme the life and

death of Mary Stuart, and it would now seem as if nothing further

could be written on the subject, fascinating though it has proved.

Fresh historical matter bringing new evidence, however, comes to

light now and then, and the publication in France, some years ago,

of such testimony is our excuse for adding a short chapter to the

history of Queen Mary. That this evidence relates to her last days

and death, is very welcome, for we hold that in Queen Mary's case we

may specially apply her own motto, "In my end is my beginning." Her

death was the crown and meaning of her long trial, and the beginning

of an interest which has continued to the present day.

The journal of Queen Mary's last physician, Dominique Bourgoing,

published by M. Chantelauze in 1876, which recounts the events of the

last seven months of Mary's life, informs us of many details hitherto

unknown, while the report of the trial of which Bourgoing was an

eye-witness is most valuable and interesting. Taken together with

the Letters of Sir Amyas Paulet, which, although written in a very

different spirit, agree in the main with Bourgoing's narrative, the

journal presents us with a complete picture of the daily life of the

captive Queen and the inmates of Fotheringay. In the preface to his

valuable book M. Chantelauze tells us of his happy acquisition of the

manuscript copy of Bourgoing's journal at Cluny, discusses the proofs

of its authenticity, and refers us to the passage in Queen Mary's

last letter to Pope Sixtus V., which we must consider as Bourgoing's

"credentials."

"Vous aurez," writes Mary, "le vrai récit de la fasson de ma dernière

prise, et toutes les procédures contre moy et par moy, affin

qu'entendant la vérité, les calumnies que les ennemys de l'Eglise

me vouedront imposer puissent estre par vous réfutées et la vérité

connue: et à cet effet ai-je vers vous envoyé ce porteur, requérant

pour la fin votre sainte bénédiction."[5]

[Footnote 5: Fotheringay, 23rd November 1586. Labanoff, tom. vi. pp.

447-454. Among Mary's last requests to her brother-in-law, Henri

III., there is a passage referring also to Bourgoing. It runs thus:

"Further, I beseech him to take my physician into his service,

and to give credit to what he shall say, and to pay regard to my

recommendation of him."]

Bourgoing's Journal in effect begins from the moment specified by

the Queen, at her "last taking," and contains, as she says, the full

account of the proceedings taken against her. Although the interest

of the narrative centres in Fotheringay, Bourgoing also gives new and

interesting particulars of the way in which the Queen was removed

from Chartley, the imprisonment at Tixall, and the return to Chartley

before the journey to her last prison of Fotheringay.

Bourgoing begins his journal on Thursday, the 11th of August 1586,

at Chartley, where the Queen had now been since the previous

Christmas, and at a moment of the gravest importance for her safety.

The fatal conspiracy known as the Babington Plot had been arrested,

and the unhappy agents in it were awaiting their cruel doom. It was

determined that Mary should be removed from Chartley, her secretaries

sent to London, and her papers seized, while she was still ignorant

of the fate of Babington and his companions. For this purpose

William Wade, a sworn enemy to Mary, was sent down to Staffordshire

to take the necessary measures, and in order that this might be

done secretly, he and Sir Amyas Paulet, Mary's keeper, met at some

distance from the castle, and there arranged their plan of action.

The Queen's health had improved at Chartley, and she was now able

to take exercise on horseback. Paulet therefore proposed to her to

ride to Tixall, the house of Sir Walter Aston, which was situated a

few miles off, to see a Buck hunt. This proposal Mary accepted with

pleasure, and probably with some surprise at the unusual courtesy of

Sir Amyas.

On 16th August the party set out. "Her Majesty," says Bourgoing,

"arrayed herself suitably, hoping to meet some pleasant company,

and was attended by M. Nau, who had not forgotten to adorn himself;

Mr. Curle, Mr. Melvim, and Bourgoing, her physician; Bastien Pages,

mantle-bearer; and Annibal, who carried the crossbows and arrows of

Her Majesty. All were mounted and in good apparel, to do her and the

expected company honour, and indeed every one was joyous at the idea

of this fine hunt."[6]

[Footnote 6: Chantelauze, p. 467.]

The Queen, who was very cheerful, rode on for about a mile, till Nau

observed to her that Sir Amyas was some way behind. She stopped

till he came up and spoke very kindly, saying she feared that, as

he was in bad health, he could not go so fast; to which he replied

courteously. The party proceeded a short way "without thinking more

about it," says Bourgoing, "when Sir Amyas, approaching the Queen,

said: 'Madame, here is one of the gentlemen pensioners of the Queen,

my mistress, who has a message to deliver to you from her,' and

suddenly M. George,[7] habited in green serge, embroidered more than

necessary for such a dress, and, as it appeared to me, a man of about

fifty years, dismounted from his horse, and coming to the Queen, who

remained mounted, spoke to her as follows: 'Madame, the Queen, my

mistress, finds it very strange that you, contrary to the pact and

engagement made between you, should have conspired against her and

her state, a thing which she could not have believed had she not seen

proofs of it with her own eyes and known it for certain. And because

she knows that some of your servants are guilty, and charged with

this, you will not take it ill if they are separated from you. Sir

Amyas will tell you the rest.'

[Footnote 7: Sir Thomas Gorges.]

"To which Her Majesty could only reply that, as for her, she had

never even thought of such things, much less wished to undertake

them, and that from whatever quarter she (Elizabeth) had received

her information, she had been misled, as she (Mary) had always shown

herself her good sister and friend." A melancholy scene now took

place. Nau and Curle, who wished to approach their mistress, were

forced back, and taken off to a neighbouring village. They never saw

Mary again. Melville was also removed.

The Queen's party now turned back and proceeded a mile or two,

when Bourgoing, who, as he tells us, had placed himself as near

as he could to his mistress, saw that they were following a new

route; to this he drew the Queen's attention, and she called to Sir

Amyas, who was ambling slowly in front, to know where they were

going. On hearing that they were not to return to Chartley, Mary,

"feeling very indisposed, and unable to proceed," dismounted from

her horse and seated herself on the ground. She now implored Sir

Amyas to tell her where she was to be taken; he replied that she

would be in a good place, one finer than his, that she could not

return to her former residence, and that it was mere loss of time

to resist or remain where she was. She saying she would prefer to

die there, he threatened to send for her coach and place her in it.

The Queen remained inconsolable; and here it is very touching to

observe Bourgoing's efforts to comfort and encourage his mistress,

his entreaties to Paulet, his affectionate remonstrances with the

Queen herself, and even the very improbable ideas that he propounds

to console her, such as that perhaps Elizabeth was dead and Mary's

friends were taking these strange measures to place her person in

safety. At last the Queen was persuaded to proceed, but first, aided

by Bourgoing, she withdrew a few yards, and there under a tree she

"made her prayer to God, begging Him to have pity on her people and

on those who worked for her, asking pardon for her faults, which she

acknowledged to be great and to merit chastisement. She begged Him

to deign to remember His servant David, to whom He had extended His

mercy, and whom He had delivered from his enemies, imploring Him to

extend also His pity to her, though she was of use to no one, and

to do with her according to His will, declaring that she desired

nothing in this world, neither goods, honours, power, nor worldly

sovereignty, but only the honour of His holy name and His glory,

and the liberty of His Church and of the Christian people; ending

by offering Him her heart, saying that He knew well what were her

desires and intention."[8]

[Footnote 8: Chantelauze, p. 469.]

On the way to Tixall, where Mary was to be lodged, two more of her

attendants were separated from her; one, Lawrence, who held her

bridle rein, and was observed to talk with her, and Elizabeth

Pierpoint, one of her women.

Hitherto nothing has been known of the Queen's imprisonment at

Tixall. Bourgoing, however, tells us a few facts. We learn that

Paulet allowed Mary's apothecary, two of her women, and Martin, an

equerry, to join her, and Bourgoing remained for one night before

being sent back to Chartley. In the evening of her arrival at Tixall,

Mary sent to ask for pen and paper to write to Queen Elizabeth; but

this Paulet refused, saying he should allow no letter to be sent till

he had authority from the Court.

"On the morrow, the 17th August," writes Bourgoing,[9] "Her Majesty

being still in bed, I was sent for by Sir Amyas to speak with him.

Before descending I asked Her Majesty if she had anything to acquaint

him with, but she said I should first learn what he wanted of me; and

afterwards I was not permitted to return to the Queen, but was taken

to Chartley, where I remained a prisoner with the rest, awaiting the

return of the Queen."

[Footnote 9: Chantelauze, p. 476.]

Bourgoing describes the search made at Chartley, and mentions the

three coffers of papers of all sorts that were carried off by Wade

and his companions. On 26th August the Queen was brought back to

Chartley. On leaving Tixall a crowd of beggars, attracted no doubt by

her well-known charity, assembled at the park gate, but she was as

poor as they. "I have nothing to give you," she said; "I am a beggar

as well as you--all is taken from me."[10]

[Footnote 10: Paulet to Walsingham, 27th August, Record Office.]

Bourgoing's Journal thus records this day: "Thursday the 26th Her

Majesty was brought back to Chartley with a great company, after

being strictly detained at the place of Tiqueshal; she was welcomed

by each one of us, anxious to show our devotion, not without tears on

both sides, and the same day she visited us, one after the other, as

one who returns home." Then he adds briefly: "After that the tears

were over (Her Majesty) found nothing to say except about the papers

which had been taken away, as has been related above."[11] But here

Paulet's correspondence with Walsingham gives us further details, in

which he describes the Queen's very just indignation at the manner

in which her drawers and cabinets had been ransacked and every paper

carried off. Then, turning to Paulet, she said that there were two

things which he could not take from her--her royal blood and her

religion, "which both she would keep until her death."

[Footnote 11: Chantelauze, p. 479.]

Early in September Paulet received orders to take possession of

all the Queen's money. Bourgoing gives a long account of the way in

which the commission was executed. Mary was ill in bed, but Paulet

insisted on seeing her. He and Mr. Baquet[12] entered her apartment,

leaving his son and a good number of other gentlemen and servants,

all armed, in the anteroom. Paulet sent all the ladies and servants

out of her room, "which made us all anxious," says Bourgoing, "not

knowing what to expect from such an unusual proceeding and being

unaccustomed to such words. The best I could do was to keep myself

by the door, under the pretext that Her Majesty was alone, and two

men with her, (where I remained) very sad and thoughtful." In the

end Gervais, the surgeon, was also permitted to remain along with

Bourgoing. When Paulet informed Mary that he must have her money, she

at first absolutely refused to give it up. When at last Elspeth Curle

had, at the Queen's bidding, opened the door of her cabinet, the

Queen, "all alone in her room, which no one (of us) dared approach,

and guarded by Sir Amyas's people, rose from her bed, crippled as

she was, and without slipper or shoe followed them, dragging herself

as well as she could to her cabinet, and told them that this money

which they were taking was money which she had long put aside as a

last resource for the time when she should die, both for her funeral

expenses and to enable her attendants to return each to his own

country after her death." Mary pleaded for some time, but Sir Amyas,

while assuring her she should want for nothing, refused to leave her

any of the money.

[Footnote 12: Probably the Mr. Bagot who is mentioned by Paulet.]

Some days later Sir Amyas again visited the Queen, and interrogated

her at length regarding her knowledge of Babington and the

conspiracy, concluding by saying "that she would be spoken to more

fully about it, as it was necessary that the whole thing should be

cleared up. From this Her Majesty took occasion to think she would be

examined, but no one imagined this would be in the manner we shall

hereafter see."[13]

[Footnote 13: See also the _Letter Books of Sir Amyas Paulet_, pp.

288-292.]

About 15th September Paulet began to speak to Mary of the intended

move to Fotheringay; he did not tell her the name of the place, but

said that it would be very beneficial for her health to move from

Chartley, and that she should be taken to one of the Queen's castles

situated thirty miles from London. He also informed Mary that he

now understood why her money had been taken from her. He perceived,

he said, that it was for fear she should give it away or use it for

some dangerous purpose on the road, and he had been assured she

would receive it back when she should reach her journey's end. The

Queen was quite willing to leave Chartley, and was anxious to take

the journey before her indisposition should increase. Bourgoing thus

continues:--

"From now they commenced to prepare the luggage and everything for

the departure which was fixed for the Tuesday following, the 20th of

the said month, but was deferred till the next day on account of the

change in the appointed lodging, which was supposed to be Worcester

or else Chazfort (?); but both were changed and Fotheringay was

chosen, a castle of the (English) Queen's in Northamptonshire.... Of

all these things we were only told secretly, and Her Majesty never

knew for certain where they were taking her, not even on the day

she reached her new dwelling, but used to think sometimes they were

taking her one way, sometimes another. Before starting in the morning

they would tell her whether she had a long or a short journey to

make, sometimes the number of miles, but they would never tell her

the place where she was to sleep that night."

On the Monday before the party left Chartley, Sir Thomas Gorges and

Stallenge (Usher of Parliament) arrived "with their pistols in their

belts." This arrival caused anxiety among Mary's followers, who

were only reassured when they observed that Gorges and Stallenge

addressed her more courteously than they expected.

"The following Wednesday, which was St. Matthew's Day (21st

September), Her Majesty being ready to start, the doors of all the

rooms were locked where her servants were, who were to remain behind,

and the windows were guarded for fear that they should speak to

her, or even see her." Mary was carried to her coach, as she was

still unable to walk. As the Queen started, Sir Thomas Gorges, who,

together with Stallenge, accompanied the party, accosted her, and

informed her that he had something to say to her from his mistress.

"I pray God," replied Mary, "that the message is better and more

agreeable than the one you recently brought me." To which Gorges

answered, "I am but a servant." "With this Her Majesty was content,

telling him that she could not consider him to blame."[14] It was not

till the next day that the message was delivered.

[Footnote 14: Chantelauze, p. 490.]

The Queen and her escort spent the first night at Burton,[15] and the

next morning before starting, Mary, who had been in great anxiety to

know what he had to say, sent for Sir Thomas. The message, in part

similar to the previous one, was to the effect that Elizabeth was

utterly surprised that Mary should have planned such enterprises,

and even to have hands laid on her who was an anointed Queen. Gorges

swore that his mistress had never been so astonished or distressed by

anything that had ever happened. "My mistress knows well," he said,

"that if your Majesty were sent to Scotland, you would not be in

safety; your subjects there would do you an ill turn; and she would

have been esteemed a fool had she sent you to France without any

reason."

[Footnote 15: Miss Strickland says that the Queen's passage through

Burton is recorded by a Latin inscription engraved on a window at

Hill Hall Castle.]

To this Mary replied very fully, declaring that she had never planned

anything against the Queen of England or the State. "I am not so

base," said she, "as to wish to cause the death or to lay hands on

an anointed Queen like myself, and I have comported myself towards

her as was my duty." Mary remarked that she had several times warned

Elizabeth of things to her advantage, and then reverted to her own

long imprisonment, and her many sufferings. "If all the Christian

prelates, my relations, friends, and allies," continued she, "moved

by pity, and having compassion for my fate, have made it their duty

to comfort and aid me in my misery and captivity, I, seeing myself

destitute of all help, could not do less than throw myself into their

arms and trust to their mercy, but, however, I do not know what were

their designs, nor what they would have undertaken, nor what were

their intentions. I have no part with this, and have not been the

least in the world mixed up in it. If they have planned anything, let

her (Elizabeth) look to them; they must answer for it, not I. The

Queen of England," concluded Mary, "knows well that I have warned

her to look to herself and her Council, and that perchance foreign

kings and princes might undertake something against her, upon which

she replied that she was well assured of both foreigners and her own

subjects, and that she did not require my advice."[16]

[Footnote 16: This conversation with Gorges is mentioned in

Bourgoing's Journal alone. See Chantelauze, pp. 401, 402.]

Gorges' only reply was that he prayed God this was true, but he

showed Mary every courtesy by the way, "as well for her lodgings as

for requisite commodities for the journey." Nothing of any importance

occurred during the remainder of the journey, and on 25th September

the party reached Fotheringay.

The Tragedy of Fotheringay Founded on the journal of D. Bourgoing, physician to Mary Queen of Scots, and on unpublished ms. documents · 第 1 / 13 章