And, if you were sent, or had otherwise any right, to judge _me_,

you administered the sort of justice that is in vogue in hell. Before

you _saw me, you heard him_. You adopted all his views, and never

asked me a question in regard to our controversy, or as to my own

action, or the condition of things in the Indian Country. I had been

infamously and assiduously slandered, from the moment when I began to

resist his illegal, impolitic and outrageous attempts to deprive the

Indian Department of every thing, to make it a mere appanage of, and

appendix to, North-Western Arkansas, to take the Indians again out

of their own country, and to compel me to unite in that insane and

miserable "expedition into Missouri," which was projected and planned

by Folly, mis-managed and misconducted by Imbecility and ended, as I

knew it would, in disaster and disgrace. Lies of all varieties were

ingeniously and laboriously invented at and about Head Quarters, and

despatches, by special and _fit_ agents, to be industriously

circulated throughout the Indian Country and Texas, as well as

Arkansas. The Indians were told that I had carried away into Texas the

gold and silver belonging to _them_; while the Texans were made

to believe that I was paying _their_ moneys to the Indians. It

was reported, in Bonham, Texas, by officers sent from Hindman's Head

Quarters, that I was defaulter to the amount of $125,000 and at last

there crawled out from the sewer under the throne, and sneaked about

the Indian Country and Texas, the damnable lie, that an Indian had

been taken, bearing letters from me to the Northern Indians, or, to

the enemy in Kansas; or, as another version had it, from Gen. James H.

Lane to me; and

three months ago it was whispered about that I was a member of the

secret disloyal organization in Northern Texas. Such lies could have

been counted by scores. Most of them are dead and rotten; but some

still live, by means of assiduous nursing. And all these lies, and

more either you or Hindman sent to the President at Richmond.

I say, sir, you never _inquired_ into _any_ thing. You

never wished to _hear_ any thing, whatever from _me_. You

disobeyed the orders with which you were sent as a public curse and

calamity into Arkansas, as if the State were not already sufficiently

infested by Hindman. Is it true that he has lately, upon his single

order, and without the ceremony of even a _mock_ trial, caused

three men "suspected of disloyalty" to be shot; and that, two of them

being proven to him to be true Southern men, he sent a reprieve,

which, either setting out too late, or lagging on the way, reached the

scene of murder after their blood had bathed the desecrated soil of

Arkansas? It has come to me so, from officers direct from Fort Smith.

At any rate, he has put to death nine or ten persons, without any

legal trial. Who is _he_, that he should do these things in this

nineteenth century? And who are _you_, sir, that you should

suffer, and by suffering, _approve_ and adopt them? How many

_more_ murders will suffice to awaken public vengeance?

Was the Star Chamber any worse than Hindman's Military Commissions,

that are ordered to preserve no records? Were the _Lettres de

Cachet_ of Louis XV, any greater outrage on the personal liberty of

_French subjects_, than Hindman's arrests and committal to the

Penitentiary of _suspected_ persons? Was Tristan l'Hermite any

more the minister of tyranny, than his Provost Marshals? or Caligula,

Caesar Borgia or Colonel Kirke any more cruel and remorseless than he,

that you have sustained all his acts, and made all his atrocities your

own? Take care, sir! You are not so high, that you may not be reached

by the arm of justice. The President is above you both, and God is

above him, and _sometimes_ interferes in human affairs.

Unless the late Secretary of War, through the President, sent an

official falsehood to the Congress of the Confederate States, you

were sent to Arkansas with _positive_ and _unconditional_

instructions, that, if Gen. Hindman _had_ declared Martial Law in

Arkansas, and adopted oppressive police regulations under it, _you

should rescind the_

_declarations of Martial Law, and the Regulations adopted to carry

it into effect_. You have not done so. You have not only _not_

rescinded _any_ thing; but you have, by a General Order, long

ago, continued in force all orders of General Hindman, not specially

revoked by you. That order could have no retroactive effect, to make

_his_ orders _to have been valid_ in the _past_. It

could only put them in force for the _future_; and you thereby

made them _your_ orders, as fully as if you had re-issued them.

In so doing, you became the enemy of your country, if not of the Human

race, and outlawed yourself.

You have _yourself_ established a tariff of prices exclusively on

articles produced by the farmers, including the sweet potatoes raised

by old women and superannuated negroes. You leave the Jews and

extortioners, some of the former of whom go about in uniforms,

claiming to be _officers_ and your agents to charge these same

venders of produce, whatever infamous prices they please for wares

they need to purchase with the pittances received according to your

scale of prices, for the vegetables that supply your and other tables.

You pretend, I learn, that the President gave you discretionary power,

in regard to Martial Law, and the Regulations in question. I do not

believe it; for, if he did, then he and the Secretary intentionally

deceived Congress by the equivalent of a lie. Do you pretend that the

President paltered with Congress in a double sense? I put you face

to face. Is it _your_ act, in _defiance_ of orders, that

continues Martial Law in force in Arkansas, stifles freedom of speech,

muzzles the Press, tramples on all the rights at once of the People of

that State, and makes the State itself only a congregation of Helots,

incompetent to be represented in Congress? Is it merely a contest

between you and Phelps, _which_ of the two shall be Military

Governor? If it _is_ your act, then justice ought at once to be

done upon you, lest the President, winking at the outrage, and not

stripping from your back your uniform of Lieutenant General, should

deserve to be impeached, as your accomplice.

Or, do you dare assert that it is _his_ act, because he gave you

discretionary power on the subject, after informing Congress that

Hindman never was Commanding General of the Department, and that you

had been ordered to rescind his declaration of Martial Law,--nay,

after publicly proclaiming that _no_ General had any power to

declare Martial Law? All the Confederacy thanked and applauded

him for so striking at the root of an immense outrage and abuse and

an unexpected public course; but if he has authorized or sanctions

_your_ course, he is unworthy longer to be President. If he has

not, you have defied his orders and justified men in judging yourself

authorized and him guilty; and so you are unworthy longer to be

General.

When I saw you in August, you were greatly exercised on the subject of

my printed address to the Indians, publication of which in Little Rock

you had suppressed, _as if it could do any harm in Arkansas_. You

suppressed it, because it exposed those whose acts were losing the

Indian Country. You wanted to keep what had been taken from _me_,

and to escape damnation for the probable _consequences_ of the

acts, the _profit_ of which you were reluctant to part with. I do

not wonder the letter troubled you; for it told _the truth_, and

condemned and denounced in advance _more_ unjustifiable courses

of conduct that you were about to pursue.

You pretended that it had produced a great "ferment" among the

Indians; and that even many of the Chickasaws had in consequence

of it, left the service. It had produced _no_ ferment, and

_none_ of the Chickasaws had left us. On the contrary, the

Indians were quieted by it, the Creeks re-organized, in numbers, two

regiments, and the Chickasaws five companies. That was its purpose,

and such was its effect.

But to _you_, its enormity consisted in its exposure of the

conduct of two Major Generals. I told the Indians _plainly_, that

it was not _my_ fault or the fault of the Government, but of

these two Generals, that moneys, clothing, arms and ammunition,

procured for them, had not reached them; that troops raised for

service among them had never entered their country; and that, finally,

troops, artillery and ammunition were carried out of it. This

censure of my _superiors_, in vindication of the President and

Government, shocked your tender sensibilities. You were ready to

follow in their footsteps, and already _had_ the plunder; and you

told me that "the act of the officer was the act of the Government."

Did you really _mean_, that the Indians should have been led or

left to suppose that these acts were the acts of the Government?

That would have been _almost_ as great an infamy, as it was to

_take_ the supplies, and so give them cause and reason to believe

the robbery the act of the Government, _and thus excite them to

revolt_. Moreover, when I told you that the act of

the officer was _not_, in the case in question, the act of the

Government; that, if I had permitted the Indians to suppose so,

they would long have left us; and that, to quiet them, I had been

compelled, for three months and more than a hundred times, to explain

to them what had become of their supplies, and how and by whom

they have been seized, you admitted that "that was right for local

explanation." As there could be no objection to telling all, what I

had often told part, that _they_ might tell the rest; and as it

was no more a crime to _print_ than to _say_ it; I have

the right to believe and I _do_ believe that your _real_

objection to its publication was that it exposed _to our own people

the actual_ conduct of other Generals, and the _intended_

conduct of yourself. Have _you_ left the Indians to believe that

the late seizure and appropriation, by _yourself_, of their

clothing and moneys, is the act of the Government? If you have, you

ought to be shot as a Traitor, for provoking them to revolt, and

giving aid and comfort to the enemy.

But you told me, that when you first read my letter, you held up your

hands, and exclaimed, "What! is the man a Traitor?" And you said that

not one of my friends in Little Rock, and I had, you said, a great

many, pretended to justify the letter. You have never found a friend

of mine, or an indifferent person, silly enough to think, like you,

that it savored of treason. It is only rarely one meets a man so

scantily furnished with sense as to misunderstand and pervert what is

written in plain English. I was vindicating myself, and still more

the Government, and persuading the Indians to remain loyal,

notwithstanding the wrongs they had endured. I, too, was an officer;

and _my_ acts _had_ been the acts of the Government.

_My_ promises to them were _its_ promises. The procuring of

supplies by _me_, was _its_ act; and when, reaching or not

reaching the frontier, the supplies were like the unlucky traveler,

who journeyed from Jerusalem to Jericho, _then_ the Government

_ceased_ to act, and unlicensed outrage took its place. And,

further, _my_ act was the act of the Government, when I told the

Indians _why_ they had not received their supplies and money, and

vindicated that Government at the expense of those who were guilty of

the act; and who having done it and reaped the profit, should not be

heard to object that all the world should know what they did, nor be

allowed to escape the responsibility of _all_ the consequences.

If to tell the Indians that other Generals had wrongfully stopped

their supplies, in any degree _resembled_ Treason, that could

only be so, because it _was_ treason to _do_ the act. It

cannot be wrong to make known what it was right and proper to do. The

truth is, that the acts done were outrages, which it was desirable for

the doers to conceal from the Indians. I refused to become a party to

those outrages, by concealing them. I would not agree in advance to

be _silent_, when _you_ should repeat and improve on those

outrages, and consummate what had been so felicitously begun.

I do not doubt that there are assassins wearing uniforms, who are

knaves enough to _pretend_ to read my letter as you do, and to

see in it the desire of a disappointed man to be revenged, even by the

ruin of his country. Power always has its pimps and catamites. These

would no doubt gladly have made my letter the means of murdering me

by that devilish engine of Military despotism, a Military commission,

that is _ordered_ to preserve no records. You, I think really

look upon it with alarm. It is, no doubt, _very_ desirable to

_you_, that the blame of losing the Indian Country, which, if not

already a fact accomplished, is a fact inevitable, should be made to

fall upon me. You, as the pliant and useful implement of Gen. Hindman,

are the cause of this loss; and you know I can prove it. You and he

have left nothing _undone_, that _could_ be done, to lose

it. And you may rest assured, that whether I live or die, you shall

not escape one jot or tittle of the deep damnation to which you are

richly entitled for causing a loss so irretrievable, so astounding, so

unnecessary and so _fatal_, and one which it will be impossible

to excuse as owing to ignorance and stupidity. No degree of

_these_ misfortunes, can be pleaded in bar of judgment.

_You_ will have _forced_ the Indians to go to the North for

protection. _You_ will have _given away_ their country to

the enemy. _You_ will have turned their arms against us. You will

have done this by disobeying the orders of your Government, continuing

the courses it condemned, and to put an end to which it sent you out

here; by falsifying its pledges and promises, taking for others' uses

the moneys which it sent out to pay the Indians, robbing them of the

clothing sent by it to cover their nakedness, and thus thrusting aside

all the considerations of common honesty, of justice, of humanity, and

even of policy, expediency and common sense.

When Mr. C.B. Johnson agreed, in September to loan your Quartermaster

at Little Rock, $350,000 of the money he was

conveying to Major Quesenbury, the Quartermaster of the Department of

Indian Territory, _you promised_ him that it should be repaid to

Major Quesenbury as soon as you should receive funds, and before he

would have disposed of the remaining million. _You got the money by

means of that promise; and you did not keep the promise_. On the

contrary, by an order that reached Fort Smith three hours before Mr.

Johnson did, you compelled Major Quesenbury, the moment he received

the money, to turn every dollar of it, over to a _Commissary_ at

Fort Smith; _and it was used to supply the needs of Gen. Hindman's

troops_; when the Seminoles, fourteen months in the service have

never been paid a dollar; and the Chickasaw and Choctaw Battalion, and

Chilly McIntosh's Creeks, each corps a year and more in the service,

have received only $45,000 each, and no clothing. Was this violation

of your promise, the act of the Government?

To replace the clothing I had procured for the Indians in December,

1861, and which, with near 1,000 tents, fell into the hands of the

troops of Generals Price and Van Dorn, I sent an agent, in June, to

Richmond, who went to Georgia, and there procured some 6,500 suits,

with about 3,000 shirts and 3,000 pairs of drawers, and some two or

three hundred tents. These supplies were at Monroe early in September;

and the Indians were informed that they and the moneys had been

procured and were on the way. The good news went all over their

country, as if on the wings of the wind; and universal content and

rejoicing were the consequences.

The clothing reached Fort Smith; and its issue to Gen. Hindman's

people commenced immediately. I sent a Quartermaster for it and he was

retained there. If _any_ of it has ever reached the Indians, it

has been only recently, and but a small portion of it.

You pretend to believe that the Indians were in a "ferment" and

discontented; and you took this very opportune occasion to stop all

the moneys due their troops and for debts in their country and take

and appropriate to the use of other troops the clothing promised

to and procured for _them_. The clothing and the money were

_theirs_; and you were in possession of an order from the

War Department, forbidding you to divert any supplies from their

legitimate destination; an order which was issued, _as you knew_,

in consequence of _my_ complaints, and to prevent moneys and

supplies for the _Indians_ being stopped: _and yet you stopped

all_.

You borrow part of the money, and then seize the rest, like a

_genteel_ highwayman, who first borrows all he can of a traveler,

on promise of punctual re-payment; and then claps a pistol to his

head, and orders him to "stand and deliver" the rest. And you did even

more than this.

For you promised the Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs, when he

was at Little Rock, about the 1st of October, on his way to the Indian

Country, to give the Indians assurances of the good faith of the

Government--_you promised him_, I say, _that the clothing in

question should go to the Indians_. He told the Chickasaws and

Seminoles, at least, of this promise. You broke it. You did _not_

send them the clothing. You placed the Commissioner and the Government

in an admirable attitude before the Indians; and the consequence has

been, I understand, the disbanding of the Chickasaws, and the failure

of the Seminole troops to re-organize. The consequence will be far

more serious yet. Indians cannot be deceived, and promises made them

shamelessly broken, with impunity.

While _you_ were thus stopping their clothing, and robbing the

half-naked Indians to clothe other troops, the Federals were sending

home the Choctaws whom they had taken prisoners, after clothing

them comfortably and putting money in their pockets. No one need be

astonished, when _all_ the Indians shall have turned their arms

against us.

Why did you and Gen. Hindman not procure by your own exertions what

you need for your troops? He reached Little Rock on the 31st of May.

You came here in August. I sent my agents to Richmond, for money and

clothing, in June and July. I never asked either of _you_ for

_any_ thing. I could procure for _my_ command all I wanted.

You and he were Major Generals; I, only a Brigadier; and Brigadiers

are plenty as blackberries in season. It is to be supposed that if I

could procure money, clothing and supplies for _Indians_, you and

he could do so for white troops. Both of you come blundering out

to Arkansas with nothing, and supply yourselves with what _I_

procure. Some officers would be ashamed _so_ to supply

deficiencies caused by their own want of foresight, energy or sense.

_You_ do not even know you need an Engineer, until one of mine

comes by, with $20,000 in his hands for Engineer Service in the

Indian Territory, some of which belongs to _me_ for advances

made, and with stationery and instruments procured by _me_, for

_my_ Department, in Richmond, a year ago; and _then_ you

find out that there are such things as Engineers, and that you need

one; and you seize on Engineer, money, and stationery. You even take,

notwithstanding Paragraph VI, of General Orders No. 50, the stationery

procured by me for the Adjutant General's Office of my Department, by

purchase in Richmond in December, 1861; for the want of which I had

been compelled to permit my own private stock to be used for months.

I no longer wonder that you do these things. When you told me that you

could not judge me fairly, because I told the Indians that others had

done them injustice, you confessed much more than you intended. It

was a pregnant sentence you uttered. By it you judged and convicted

yourself, and pronounced _your own sentence_, when you uttered

_it_.

The Federal authorities were proposing to the Indians _at the very

time when you stopped their clothing and money_, that, if they

would return to the old Union, they should not be asked to take up

arms, their annuities should be paid them in money, the negroes taken

from them be restored, all losses and damage sustained by them be paid

for, and they be allowed to retain, as so much clear profit, what had

been paid them by the Confederate States. It was a liberal offer and

a great temptation, to come at the moment when you and Hindman were

felicitously completing your operations, and when there were no

breadstuffs in their country, and they and their women and children

were starving and half-naked. You chose an admirable opportunity to

rob, to disappoint, to outrage and exasperate them, and make your own

Government fraudulent and contemptible in their eyes. If any human

action _can_ deserve it, the hounds of hell ought to hunt your

soul and Hindman's for it through all eternity.

Instead of co-operating with the Federal authorities, and doing all

that he and you _could_ do to induce the Indians to listen to

and accept their propositions, _he_ had better have expelled the

enemy from Arkansas or "have perished in the attempt;" and you

had better have marched on Helena, before its fortifications were

finished, and purged the eastern part of the State of the enemy's

presence. If you had succeeded as admirably in that, as you have in

losing

the Indian Country, you would have merited the eternal gratitude of

Arkansas, instead of its execrations; and the laurel, instead of a

halter. I said that you and your Lieutenant had left _nothing_

undone. I repeat it. Take another _small_ example. Until I left

the command, at the end of July, the Indian troops had regularly had

their half rations of coffee. As soon as I was got rid of, an order

from Gen. Hindman took all the remaining coffee, some 3,000 lbs.,

to Fort Smith. Even in this small matter, he could not forego an

opportunity of injuring and disappointing them.

You asked me, in August, what was the need of any white troops at all,

in the Indian Country; and you said that the few mounted troops, I

had, if kept in the Northern part of the Cherokee Country, would have

been enough to repel any Federal force that ever would have entered

it. As you and Hindman never allowed any ammunition procured by me, to

reach the Indian Country, if you could prevent it, whether I obtained

it at Richmond or Corinth, or in Texas, and as you approve of his

course in taking out of that country all that was to be found in it, I

am entitled to suppose that you regarded ammunition for the Indians

as little necessary, as troops to protect them in conformity to the

pledge of honor of the Government. One thing, however, is to be said

to the credit of your next in command. When he has ordered anything

to be seized, he has never denied having done so, or tried to cast

responsibility on an inferior. After you had written to me that you

had ordered Col. Darnell to seize, at Dallas, Texas, ammunition

furnished by me, you denied to him, I understand, that you had given

the order. Is it so? and _did_ he refuse to trust the order in

your hands, or even to let you see it, but would show it to Gen.

McCulloch?

Probably you know by this time, if you are capable of learning

_any_ thing, whether any white troops are needed in the Indian

Country. The brilliant result of Gen. Hindman's profound calculations

and masterly strategy, and of his long-contemplated invasion of

Missouri, is before the country; and the disgraceful rout at Fort

Wayne, with the manoeuvres and results on the Arkansas, are pregnant

commentaries on the abuse lavished on me, for not taking "the line of

the Arkansas," or making Head Quarters on Spring River, with a force

too small to effect any thing any where.

I have not spoken of your Martial Law and Provost Marshals

in the Indian Country, and your seizure of salt-works there, or, in

detail, of your seizure of ammunition procured by me in Texas, and on

its way to the Indian troops, of the withdrawal of all white troops

and artillery from their country, of the retention for other troops

of the mountain howitzers procured by me for Col. Waitie, and the

ammunition sent me, for them and for small arms, from Richmond. This

letter is but a part of the indictment I will prefer bye and bye, when

the laws are no longer silent, and the constitution and even public

opinion no longer lie paralyzed under the brutal heel of

Military Power; and when the results of your _im_policy and

_mis_management shall have been fully developed.

But I have a word or two to say as to myself. From the time when I

entered the Indian Country, in May, 1861, to make Treaties, until the

beginning of June, 1862, when Gen. Hindman, in the plentitude of his

self-conceit and folly, assumed absolute control of the Military and

other affairs of the Department of Indian Territory, and commenced

plundering it of troops, artillery and ammunition, dictating Military

operations, and making the Indian country an appanage of Northwestern

Arkansas, there was profound peace throughout its whole extent. Even

with the wild Camanches and Kiowas, I had secured friendly relations.

An unarmed man could travel in safety and alone, from Kansas to Red

River, and from the Arkansas line to the Wichita Mountains. The Texan

frontier had not been as perfectly undisturbed for years. We had

fifty-five hundred Indians in service, under arms, and they were as

loyal as our own people, little as had been done by any one save

myself to keep them so, and much as had been done by others to

alienate them. They referred all their difficulties to me for

decision, and looked to me alone to see justice done them and the

faith of Treaties preserved.

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