[Footnote 292: General Brown reported on this matter, June 2

[Ibid., 409] and June 4 [Ibid., 414], as did also

General Ketchum, June 3 [Ibid., 412]. They all seem to have had

some intimation that General Pike was to unite with Stand Watie as

well as Coffee and others, and that was certainly General Hindman's

intention. On May 31, the very day that he himself assumed command,

Hindman had ordered Pike to advance from Fort McCulloch to the Kansas

border. The order did not reach Pike until June 8 and was repeated

June 17 [Ibid., 40].]

[Footnote 293: The idea seems to have obtained among Missourians that

Doubleday was all this time inactive. They were either ignorant of or

intent upon ignoring the Indian Expedition. June 4, Governor Gamble

wrote to Secretary Stanton asking that the Second Ohio and the Ninth

Wisconsin, being at Fort Scott and unemployed, might be ordered to

report to Schofield [Ibid., 414, 438], who at the instance of

politicians and contrary to the wishes of Halleck [Ibid., 368]

had been given an independent command in Missouri.]

[Footnote 294: Doubleday to Weer, June 8, 1862 [Ibid., 102].]

[Footnote 295: Doubleday reported to Weer that it was a pronounced

success, so did Blunt to Schofield [Ibid., 427]; but subsequent

events showed that it was (cont.)]

cover of the darkness. Had unquestioned success crowned Doubleday's

efforts, all might have been well; but, as it did not, Weer, who had

arrived at Fort Scott[296] a few days before and had been annoyed

to find Doubleday gone, ordered him peremptorily to make no further

progress southward without the Indians. The Indian contingent had in

reality had a set-back in its preparations. Its outfit was incomplete

and its means for transportation not forthcoming.[297] Under such

circumstances, Weer advised the removal of the whole concern to Fort

Scott, but that was easier said than done, inasmuch, as before any

action was taken, the stores were _en route_ for Humboldt.[298]

Nevertheless, Weer was determined to have the expedition start before

Stand Watie could be reinforced by Rains.[299] Constant and insistent

were the reports that the enemy was massing its forces to destroy the

Indian Expedition.[300]

[Footnote 295: (cont.) anything but that and the _Daily

Conservative_ tried to fix the blame upon Weer [Weer to Moonlight,

June 23, 1862, Ibid., 446]. The newspaper account of the whole

course of affairs may be given, roughly paraphrased, thus: Doubleday,

knowing, perhaps, that Weer was to supersede him and that his time for

action was short, "withdrew his detachment from Missouri, concentrated

them near Iola, Kansas, and thence directed them to march to the

mouth of Shoal Creek, on Spring River, himself taking charge of the

convoying of a train of forty days supplies to the same place ..." He

arrived June 4. Then, "indefatigible in forwarding the preparations

for a blow upon the camp of organization which the rebels had occupied

unmolested on Cowskin Prairie," he made his plans for further advance.

At that moment came the news that Weer had superseded him and had

ordered him to stop all movement south. He disregarded the order and

struck, even though not fully prepared [_Daily Conservative_,

June 13, 1862].]

[Footnote 296: Weer to Moonlight, June 5, 1862, _Official

Records_, vol. xiii, 418.]

[Footnote 297:--Ibid.; Weer to Doubleday, June 6, 1862,

Ibid., 418-419.]

[Footnote 298: Weer to Moonlight, June 13, 1862, Ibid., 430.]

[Footnote 299: Same to same, June 7, 1862, Ibid., 422.]

[Footnote 300: The destruction of the Indian Expedition was most

certainly the occasion for the massing, notwithstanding the fact that

Missourians were apprehensive for the safety of their state only and

wanted to have Weer's white troops diverted to its defence. Curtis,

alone, of the commanders in Missouri seems to have surmised rightly in

the matter [Curtis to Schofield, Ibid., 432].]

Weer, therefore, went on ahead to the Osage Catholic Mission and

ordered the Fort Scott troops to meet him there. His purpose was to

promote the enlistment of the Osages, who were now abandoning the

Confederate cause.[301] He would then go forward and join Doubleday,

whom he had instructed to clear the way.[302]

Weer's plans were one thing, his embarrassments, another. Before the

middle of June he was back again at Leroy,[303] having left Salomon

and Doubleday[304] at Baxter Springs on the west side of Spring

River in the Neutral Lands, the former in command. Weer hoped by his

presence at Leroy to hurry the Indians along; for it was high time the

expedition was started and he intended to start it, notwithstanding

that many officers were absent from their posts and the men of

the Second Indian Regiment not yet mustered in. It was absolutely

necessary, if anything were going to be done with Indian aid, to get

the braves away from under the influence of their chiefs, who were

bent upon delay and determent. By the sixteenth he had the warriors

all ready at Humboldt,[305] their bullet-proof medicine taken, their

grand war dance indulged in. By the twenty-first, the final packing

up began,[306] and it was not long thereafter before the Indian

Expedition, after having experienced so many vicissitudes, had

definitely materialized and was on its way south. Accompanying Weer

were the Reverend Evan Jones, entrusted with

[Footnote 301: Weer to Moonlight, June 13, 1862.]

[Footnote 302: Weer to Doubleday, June 6, 1862.]

[Footnote 303: Weer to Moonlight, June 13, 1862.]

[Footnote 304: On the twentieth, General Brown requested Salomon to

send Doubleday to southwest Missouri [_Official Records_, vol.

xiii, 440] and Salomon so far complied with the request as to post

some companies of Doubleday's regiment, under Lieutenant-colonel

Ratliff, at Neosho [Ibid., 445, 459].]

[Footnote 305:--Ibid., 434.]

[Footnote 306:--Ibid., 441.]

a confidential message[307] to John Ross, and two special Indian

agents, E.H. Carruth, detailed at the instance of the Indian Office,

and H.W. Martin, sent on Coffin's own responsibility, their particular

task being to look out for the interests and welfare of the Indians

and, when once within the Indian Territory, to take careful stock of

conditions there, both political and economic.[308] The Indians were

in fine spirits and, although looking

[Footnote 307: The message, addressed to "Mutual Friend," was an

assurance of the continued interest of the United States government

in the inhabitants of Indian Territory and of its determination to

protect them [Coffin to Ross, June 16, 1862, Indian Office General

Files, _Southern Superintendency_, 1859-1862, C 1684].]

[Footnote 308: "... You will assure all loyal Indians in the Indian

Territory of the disposition and the ability of the Government of the

United States to protect them in all their rights, and that there is

no disposition on the part of said government to shrink from any of

its Treaty Obligations with all such of the Indian Tribes, who

have been, are now, and remaining loyal to the same. Also that the

government will, at the earliest practicable period, which is

believed not to be distant, restore to all loyal Indians the rights,

privileges, and immunities, that they have enjoyed previous to the

present unfortunate rebellion.

"If, during the progress of the Army you should find Indians in a

suffering condition whose loyalty is _beyond doubt_, you will,

on consultation with the officers, render such assistance, as you may

think proper, with such aid as the officers may render you.

"You will carefully look into the condition of the country, ascertain

the quantity of Stock, Hogs, and Cattle, also the quantity of Corn,

wheat etc. which may be in the hands of the loyal Indians, and the

amount of the crops in the ground the present season, their condition

and prospects.

"You are requested to communicate with me at this office at every

suitable opportunity on all the above mentioned points, in order to

enable me to keep the Hon. Com'r of Indian Aff'rs well advised of the

condition of affairs in the Indian Territory, and that the necessary

steps may be taken at the earliest possible moment, consistent with

safety and economy, to restore the loyal Indians now in Kansas to

their homes.

"Should any considerable number of the Indians, now in the Army,

remain in the Indian Territory, or join you from the loyal Indians,

now located therein you will very probably find it best, to remain

with them, until I can get there with those, who are now here. But of

these matters you will be more able to judge on the ground."--Extract

from Coffin's instructions to Carruth, June 16, 1862, Ibid.,

Similar instructions, under date of June 23, 1862, were sent to H.W.

Martin.]

somewhat ludicrous in their uniforms,[309] were not much behind their

comrades of the Ninth and Tenth Kansas[310] in earnestness and in

attention to duty.[311] Nevertheless, they had been very reluctant to

leave their families and were, one and all, very apprehensive as to

the future.

[Footnote 309: "I have just returned from Humboldt--the army there

under Col. Weer consisting of the 10th Kansas Regiment 4 Companys of

the 9th Kansas Aliens Battery of Six Tenths Parrot Guns and the first

and second Indian Regements left for the Indian Territory in good

stile and in fine spirits the Indians with their new uniforms and

small Military caps on their Hugh Heads of Hair made rather a Comecal

Ludecrous apperance they marched off in Columns of 4 a breast singing

the war song all joining in the chourse and a more animated seen is

not often witnessed. The officers in command of the Indian Regements

have labored incessantly and the improvement the Indians have made in

drilling is much greater than I supposed them capabell of and I think

the opinion and confidence of all in the eficency of the Indian

Regements was very much greater when they left than at any previous

period and I have little doubt that for the kind of service that will

be required of them they will be the most efecient troops in the

Expedition."--COFFIN to Dole, June 25, 1862, Indian Office General

Files, _Southern Superintendency_, 1859-1862, C 1684.]

[Footnote 310: Weer took with him as white anxiliary "the Tenth

Kansas, Allen's battery, three companies Ninth Kansas..." [_Official

Records_, vol. xiii, 441]. It seems to have been his intention to

take the Second Kansas also; but that regiment was determined to stay

at Humboldt until it had effected a change in its colonels in favor of

Owen A. Bassett [Ibid., 434].]

[Footnote 311: Weer was disgusted with conditions surrounding his

white force. This is his complaint, on the eve of his departure:

"Commissions to officers from the Governor are pouring in daily. I am

told that the Tenth is rapidly becoming a regiment of officers. To add

to these difficulties there are continual intrigues, from colonels

down, for promotions and positions of command. Officers are leaving

their posts for Fort Leavenworth and elsewhere to engage in these

intrigues for more prominent places. The camps are filled with rumors

of the success of this or that man. Factions are forming, and a

general state of demoralization being produced..."--WEER to Moonlight,

June 21, 1862, Ibid., 441-442.]

V. THE MARCH TO TAHLEQUAH AND THE RETROGRADE MOVEMENT OF THE "WHITE

AUXILIARY"

Towards the end of June, the various elements designed to comprise the

First Indian Expedition had encamped at Baxter Springs[312] and two

brigades formed. As finally organized, the First Brigade was put under

the command of Colonel Salomon and the Second, of Colonel William

R. Judson. To the former, was attached the Second Indian Regiment,

incomplete, and, to the latter, the First. Brigaded with the Indian

regiments was the white auxiliary that had been promised and that the

Indians had almost pathetically counted upon to assist them in their

straits. Colonel Weer's intention was not to have the white and red

people responsible for the same duties nor immediately march together.

The red were believed to be excellent for scouting and, as it would

be necessary to scout far and wide all the way down into the Indian

Territory, the country being full of bushwhackers, also, most likely,

of the miscellaneous forces of General Rains, Colonel Coffee, and

Colonel Stand Watie, they were to be reserved for that work.

The forward movement of the Indian Expedition began at daybreak on the

twenty-eighth of June. It was then that the First Brigade started, its

white contingent, "two sections Indiana Battery, one battalion of

[Footnote 312: Baxter Springs was a government post, established on

Spring River in the southwest corner of the Cherokee Neutral Lands,

subsequent to the Battle of Pea Ridge [Kansas Historical Society,

_Collections_, vol. vi, 150].]

Second Ohio Volunteer Cavalry, and six companies of Ninth Wisconsin

Volunteer Infantry,"[313] taking the military road across the Quapaw

Strip and entering the Indian Territory, unmolested. A day's journey

in the rear and travelling by the same route came the white contingent

of the Second Brigade and so much of the First Indian as was

unmounted.[314] Beyond the border, the cavalcade proceeded to Hudson's

Crossing of the Neosho River, where it halted to await the coming of

supply trains from Fort Scott. In the meantime, the Second Indian

Regiment, under Colonel John Ritchie, followed, a day apart, by the

mounted men of the First under Major William A. Phillips,[315] had

also set out, its orders[316] being to leave the military road and to

cross to the east bank of Spring River, from thence to march southward

and scour the country thoroughly between Grand River and the Missouri

state line.

The halt at Hudson's Crossing occupied the better part of two days and

then the main body of the Indian Expedition resumed its forward march.

It crossed the Neosho and moved on, down the west side of Grand River,

to a fording place, Carey's Ford, at which point, it passed over to

the east side of the river and camped, a short distance from the ford,

at Round Grove, on Cowskin Prairie, Cherokee ground, and the scene of

Doubleday's recent encounter with the enemy. At this

[Footnote 313: Salomon to Weer, June 30, 1862, _Official

Records_, vol. xiii, 458.]

[Footnote 314: James A. Phillips to Judson, June 28, 1862 [_Official

Records_, vol. xiii, 456].]

[Footnote 315: William A. Phillips, a Scotsman by birth, went out to

Kansas in the autumn of 1855 as regular staff correspondent of the New

York _Tribune_ [Kansas Historical Society _Collections_,

vol. v, 100, 102]. He was a personal friend of Dana's [Britton,

_Memoirs_, 89], became with Lane an active Free State man and

later was appointed on Lane's staff [_Daily Conservative_,

January 24, 31, 1862]. He served as correspondent of the _Daily

Conservative_ at the time when that newspaper was most guilty of

incendiarism.]

[Footnote 316: James A. Phillips to Judson, June 28, 1862, _Official

Records_, vol. xiii, 456.]

place it anxiously awaited the return of Lieutenant-colonel Ratliff,

who had been despatched to Neosho in response to an urgency call from

General E.B. Brown in charge of the Southwestern Division of the

District of Missouri.[317]

The Confederates were still in the vicinity, promiscuously wandering

about, perhaps; but, none the less, determined to check, if possible,

the Federal further progress; for they knew that only by holding the

territorial vantage, which they had secured through gross Federal

negligence months before, could they hope to maintain intact the

Indian alliance with the Southern States. Stand Watie's home farm was

in the neighborhood of Weer's camp and Stand Watie himself was even

then scouting in the Spavinaw hills.[318]

In the latter part of May, under directions from General

Beauregard[319] but apparently without the avowed knowledge of the

Confederate War Department and certainly without its official[320]

sanction, Thomas C.

[Footnote 317: Weer to Moonlight, June 23, 1862, _Official

Records_, vol. xiii, 445, and same to same, July 2, 1862,

Ibid., 459-461.]

[Footnote 318: Anderson, _Life of General Stand Watie_, 18.]

[Footnote 319: _Official Records_, vol. xiii, 28.]

[Footnote 320: The emphasis should be upon the word, _official_,

since the government must assuredly have acquiesced in Hindman's

appointment. Hindman declared that the Secretary of War, in

communicating on the subject to the House of Representatives, "ignored

facts which had been officially communicated to him," in order to

convey the impression that Hindman had undertaken to fill the post

of commander in the Trans-Mississippi Department without rightful

authority [Hindman to Holmes, February 8, 1863, Ibid., vol.

xxii, part 2, p. 785]. The following telegram shows that President

Davis had been apprised of Hindman's selection, and of its tentative

character.

BALDWIN, June 5, 1862.

(Received 6th.)

THE PRESIDENT:

Do not send any one just now to command the Trans-Mississippi

District. It will bring trouble to this army. Hindman has been sent

there temporarily. Price will be on to see you soon.

EARL VAN DORN, Major-General.

[Ibid., vol. lii, part 2, supplement, p. 320.]]

Hindman had assumed the command of the Trans-Mississippi

Department.[321] As an Arkansan, deeply moved by the misfortunes and

distress of his native state, he had stepped into Van Dorn's place

with alacrity, intent upon forcing everything within his reach to

subserve the interests of the Confederate cause in that particular

part of the southern world. To the Indians and to their rights,

natural or acquired, he was as utterly indifferent as were most other

American men and all too soon that fact became obvious, most obvious,

indeed, to General Pike, the one person who had, for reasons best

known to himself, made the Indian cause his own.

General Hindman took formal command of the Trans-Mississippi

Department at Little Rock, May 31. It was a critical moment and he was

most critically placed; for he had not the sign of an army, Curtis's

advance was only about thirty-five miles away, and Arkansas was yet,

in the miserable plight in which Van Dorn had left her in charge of

Brigadier-general J.S. Roane, it is true, but practically denuded of

troops. Pike was at Fort McCulloch, and he had a force not wholly to

be despised.[322] It was to him, therefore, that Hindman

[Footnote 321: _Department_ seems to be the more proper word

to use to designate Hindman's command, although _District_ and

_Department_ are frequently used interchangeably in the records.

In Hindman's time and in Holmes's, the Trans-Mississippi Department

was not the same as the Trans-Mississippi District of Department No.

2 [See Thomas Jordan, Chief of Staff, to Hindman, July 17, 1862,

_Official Records_, vol. xiii, 855]. On the very date of

Hindman's assignment, the boundaries of his command were defined as

follows:

"The boundary of the Trans-Mississippi Department will embrace the

States of Missouri and Arkansas, including Indian Territory, the

State of Louisiana west of the Mississippi, and the State of

Texas."--Ibid., 829.]

[Footnote 322: Yet Hindman did, in a sense, despise it and, from the

start, he showed a tendency to disparage Pike's abilities and efforts.

On the nineteenth of June, he reported to Adjutant-general Cooper,

among other things, that he had ordered Pike to establish his

headquarters at Fort Gibson and added, "His force does not amount to

much, but there is no earthly need of its (cont.)]

made one of his first appeals for help and he ordered him so to

dispose of his men that some of the more efficient, the white, might

be sent to Little Rock and the less efficient, the red, moved upward

"to prevent the incursions of marauding parties," from Kansas.[323]

The orders were repeated about a fortnight later; but Pike had already

complied to the best of his ability, although not without protest[324]

for he had collected his brigade and accoutered it by his own energies

and his own contrivances solely. Moreover, he had done it for the

defence of Indian Territory exclusively.

Included among the marauders, whose enterprises General Hindman was

bent upon checking, were Doubleday's men; for, as General Curtis

shrewdly surmised,[325] some inkling of Doubleday's contemplated

maneuvers had most certainly reached Little Rock. Subsequently, when

the Indian Expedition was massing at Baxter Springs, more vigorous

measures than any yet taken were prepared for and all with the view

of delaying or defeating it. June 23, Pike ordered Colonel Douglas H.

Cooper to repair to the country north of the Canadian River and to

take command of all troops, except Jumper's Seminole battalion, that

should be there or placed there.[326] Similarly, June 26, Hindman, in

ignorance of Pike's action, assigned Colonel J.J. Clarkson[327] to the

supreme command, under

[Footnote 322: (cont.) remaining 150 miles south of the Kansas line

throwing up intrenchments." [_Official Records_, vol. xiii,

837].]

[Footnote 323: Hindman to Pike, May 31, 1862 [Ibid., 934].]

[Footnote 324: Pike to Hindman, June 8, 1862 [Ibid., 936-943].]

[Footnote 325:--Ibid., 398, 401.]

[Footnote 326: General Orders, Ibid., 839, 844-845.]

[Footnote 327: Of Clarkson, Pike had this to say: "He applied to me

while raising his force for orders to go upon the Santa Fe' road and

intercept trains. I wrote him that he could have such orders if

he chose to come here, and the next I heard of him he wrote for

ammunition, and, I learned, was going to make (cont.)]

Pike, "of all forces that now are or may hereafter be within the

limits of the Cherokee, Creek, and Seminole countries."[328] As fate

would have it, Clarkson was the one of these two to whom the work in

hand first fell.

The Indian Expedition was prepared to find its way contested; for its

leaders believed Rains,[329] Coffey, and Stand Watie to be all in the

immediate vicinity, awaiting the opportunity to attack either singly

or with combined forces; but, except for a small affair between a

reconnoitering party sent out by Salomon and the enemy's pickets,[330]

the march was without incident worth recording until after Weer had

broken camp at Cowskin Prairie. Behind him the ground seemed clear

enough, thanks to the very thorough scouting that had been done by the

Indians of the Home Guard regiments, some of whom, those of Colonel

Phillips's command, had been able to penetrate Missouri.[331] Of

conditions ahead of him, Weer was not so sure and he was soon made

aware of the near presence of the foe.

Colonel Watie, vigilant and redoubtable, had been on the watch for the

Federals for some time and, learning of their approach down the east

side of Grand River, sent two companies of his regiment to head off

their advance guard. This was attempted in a surprise movement at

Spavinaw Creek and accomplished with some measure of success.[332]

Colonel Clarkson was at

[Footnote 327: (cont.) forays into Missouri. I had no ammunition for

that business. He seized 70 kegs that I had engaged of Sparks in Fort

Smith, and soon lost the whole and Watie's also. Without any notice

to me he somehow got in command of the northern part of the Indian

country over two colonels with commissions nine months older than

his."--Pike to Hindman, July 15, 1862, _Official Records_, vol.

xiii, 858.]

[Footnote 328: _Official Records_, vol. xiii, 845-846.]

[Footnote 329: Rains had made Tahlequah the headquarters of the Eighth

Division Missouri State Guards.--PIKE to Hindman, July 15, 1862,

Ibid., 858.]

[Footnote 330:--Ibid., vol. xiii, 458, 460.]

[Footnote 331:--Ibid., 460.]

[Footnote 332: Anderson, _Life of General Stand Watie_, 18. This

incident is most (cont.)]

Locust Grove and Weer, ascertaining that fact, prepared for an

engagement. His supplies and camp equipage, also an unutilized part of

his artillery he sent for safety to Cabin Creek, across Grand River

and Lieutenant-colonel Lewis R. Jewell of the Sixth Kansas Cavalry

he sent eastward, in the direction of Maysville, Arkansas, his

expectation being--and it was realized--that Jewell would strike

the trail of Watie and engage him while Weer himself sought out

Clarkson.[333]

The American Indian as Participant in the Civil War · 第 9 / 34 段