noticed above, been largely used in the sixteenth and seventeenth
century "heroic" romance.
[53] There is of course a class exactly opposite to the
love-letter--that of more or less modified hate or at least dislike.
Johnson's epistle to Chesterfield is an example of the dignified form of
this; Hazlitt's to Gifford of the undignified. But considering our
deserved reputation for humour we are less strong than might be expected
in letters which make the supposed writer make _himself_ ridiculous.
Sydney Smith's "Noodle's Oration" is the sort of thing in another kind:
and some of the letters in the _Spectator_ class of periodical are fun
in the kind itself. Defoe's _Shortest Way with the Dissenters_ comes
near. But we have nothing like the famous _Epistolae Obscurorum
Virorum_, which are the very triumph of the style.
[54] See the extensive classification of the Greeks, as noticed and
reproduced before.
[55] The "Letter to Sir W. Windham" of the one and the "Letter to a
noble Lord" of the other, have ample justification. _Letters on a
Regicide Peace_, great as they are in themselves, have less claim to
their title. But it was a favourite with both writers.
[56] The King was William and the Queen Mary, which limits considerably
the otherwise rather illimitable "concerning the kingdom."
[57] This word is of course a _vox nihili_, being neither French nor
English. But it has usage in its favour, and I do not see that it is
improved by writing it "_dis_habille." If anyone prefers the actual
French form he can add the accents.
[58] The account of the journey with Lintot the publisher is sometimes
quoted in disproof of this. It is amusing, but has still to some tastes
Pope's factitiousness without the technical charm of his verse to carry
it off.
[59] There is one small but rather famous class of letters which perhaps
should receive separate though brief notice. It is that of laconic and
either intentionally or unintentionally humorous utilisations of the
letter-form. Of one sort Captain Walton's "Spanish fleet taken and
destroyed as per margin" is probably the most noted type: of another the
equally famous rejoinder of the Highland magnate to his rival "Dear
Glengarry, When you have proved yourself to be my chief, I shall be
happy to admit your claim. Meanwhile I am Yours, Macdonald." In pure
farce of an irreverent kind, the possibly apocryphal interchange between
a Royal Duke and a Right Reverend Bishop, "Dear Cork, Please ordain
Stanhope, Yours, York," and "Dear York, Stanhope's ordained. Yours,
Cork," has the palm as a recognised "chestnut." But these things are
only the frills if not even the froth of the subject; and those who
imitate them should exercise caution in the imitation. The
police-courts, and even more exalted, but still more unwholesome abodes
of Justice, have sometimes been the consequences of misguided satire in
letters. Even in Captain Walton's case the Spaniards are said to have
endeavoured to show that his ironical laconism (which, moreover,
tradition has perhaps exaggerated in form) was not strictly in
accordance with fact.
[60] Wild olive, with more peaceful uses, was also the usual material
for the _un_peaceful club, or quarter-staff, often iron-shod, of the
ancients. It was probably like the _lathi_ which the mild Hindoo takes
with him to political meetings. The [Greek: pelekys] of the ancients was
generally double-bladed, hence the limitation here. This would be
lighter and more convenient to carry in the belt.
[61] Of course "the enemies'."
[62] Synesius addresses his letters to Hypatia [Greek: te
philosopho]--"To _the_ Philosophess." This contains at least two of the
unapproachable "portmanteau" words in which Greek, and especially late
Greek abounds--[Greek: philochoron], "loving one's country," and [Greek:
metanasteuein], a rare and complicated compound in which I have ventured
to see a hint of ironic intention. He feels that he will be a sort of
shirker or deserter ([Greek: meta] often imparts this meaning) but he
will be coming to _her_.
[63] This necessity of annotating beyond suitable limits was what
prevented me, after due re-reading for the purpose, from giving any
letter of Cicero's.
[64] _Admoneo_ in Latin not unfrequently has our commercial sense of
"advise" = inform, or remind of a fact. It will be remembered that in
Elizabethan English this sense was not limited to business, as in "Art
thou avised of that."
[65] The younger Pliny's full name was C. Plinius _Secundus_.
[66] Among other natives of course.
[67] Doubtless the game still played in Italy (_pallone_) and the South
of France, with a wooden hand-guard strapped to the arm.
[68] _Pyrgus_ is not exactly backgammon. The Romans had a sort of
combined dice-box and board--the latter having a kind of tower fixed on
the side with interior steps or stops, among which the dice tumbled and
twisted before they fell out.
[69] _Universitas_: but though the context seems tempting, it is too
early for "university" as a translation.
[70] _I.e._ in citizenship.
[71] _I.e._ in speech.
[72] Why _livescentibus_ I am not sure. "Bruised by the rough mail"? But
Lucretius has _digiti livescunt_: and Sidonius, like other poets of
other decadences, is apt to borrow the phrases of his great
predecessors.
[73] Sidonius has nearly as much more of this curious story: but the
picture of the excitable Celts mobbing their heroes is vivid enough to
make a good stopping-place. If things really went as described, one must
suppose that a sudden panic came on the Goths, and that they took
Ecdicius and his handful of troopers as merely _eclaireurs_ of a sally
in force, and drew back to the higher ground to resist it.
[74] His own experience of marriage cannot have made the subject wholly
agreeable to him: for he was, it may not be quite impertinent to remind
the reader, the first husband of Eleanor of Guienne.
ENGLISH LETTERS
THE PASTONS. FIFTEENTH CENTURY
Few families in England have achieved a permanent "place i'
the story" after such a curious fashion as the Pastons of
Paston (Pastons "of that ilk") in Norfolk. They were not
exactly "great people" and no member of the family was of
very eminent distinction in any walk of life, though they
had judges, soldiers, and sailors etc. among them, and
though, some time before the house became extinct, its
representative attained the peerage with the title of Earl
of Yarmouth. But they were busy people in the troublesome
times of the Roses, and they obtained a good deal of
property, partly by the death of Sir John Fastolf, noted in
the French wars and muddled by posterity (there seems to
have been no real resemblance between them except an
accusation of cowardice, probably false in both cases, and
an imperfectly anagrammatised relation of names) with
Shakespeare's "Falstaff." But they produced, received, and
kept a great mass of letters which, despite the extinction
of the family in 1732 survived, were partially printed later
in the century by Fenn, and more fully a hundred years after
by the late Mr. Gairdner. Although (see Introduction) of no
particular literary merit they are singularly varied in
subject and authorship, and they give us perhaps a more
complete view of the domestic experiences of a single family
(not dissociated from public affairs) than we have from any
period of English history till quite modern times. Indeed,
it would not be easy to put the finger on an exact parallel
to them at _any_ time. I have selected from a great mass of
documents two--one of love and one of war according to the
good old division. John Jernyngan's letter to Margaret
Mauteby--wife of John Paston, and one of the most notable
and businesslike, though not the least affectionate of wives
and mothers--is interesting for its combination of the two
motives (were there also _two_ "Mistress Blanches"?) and for
the delightfully English frankness of its confession that
"we were well and truly beat." On the other hand, that of
Miss Margery Brews to John Paston the youngest (the John
named above had two sons of his own name) is one of the most
agreeable pieces of "plain and holy innocence," as Miranda
calls it, on record. It is immediately preceded in the
collection by another in which she is equally loving, and
quotes some of the shockingly bad fifteenth century verse.
One regrets to say that her "Valentine" had, apparently,
more than one string to his bow at the moment. However,
after vicissitudes in the "matter," as she delicately calls
it, John and Margery did marry, and from them proceeded the
later stages of the family. Whether things went equally well
with Mr. Jernyngan and his Blanche (or either of his
Blanches) does not seem to be recorded. (It has been thought
better, though the taste of the moment seems to go rather
the other way, not to encumber the reader with the original
spelling, but there is no further modernisation.)
1. LETTER 317 (GAIRDNER)
Date June 1, 1458
Right worshipful and my most best beloved mistress and cousin, I
recommend me to you as lowly as I may, ever more desiring to hear of
your good welfare; the which I beseech almighty Jesus to preserve you
and keep you to his pleasure and to your gracious heart's desire. And,
if it please you to hear of my welfare, I was in good heal(th) at the
making of this letter, blessed be God.
Praying you that it please you for to send me word if my father was at
Norwich with you at this Trinitymas or no, and how the matter doth
between my mistress Blanche Witchingham and me and if ye suppose that it
shall be brought about or no, and how ye feel my father, if he be well
willing thereto or no; praying you lowly that I may be recommend(ed)
lowly to my mistress Arblaster's wife, and to my mistress Blanche her
daughter specially.
Right worshipful cousin, if it please you for to hear of such tidings as
we have here, the embassy of Burgundy shall come to Calais the Saturday
after Corpus Christi day, as men say, 500 horse of them. Moreover on
Trinity Sunday in the morning came tidings unto my Lord of Warwick that
there were 28 sails of Spaniards on the sea, and whereof there was 16
great ships of forecastle. And then my Lord[75] went and manned 5 ships
of forecastle and three carvells, and four pinnaces, and on the Monday,
in the morning after Trinity Sunday, we met together afore Calais at 4
at the clock in the morning and fought that (_sic_) gether till 10 at
the clock. And there we took six of their ships and they slew of our men
about four twenties and hurt a two hundred of us right sore; and there
were slain on their part about twelve twenties and hurt a five hundred
of them.
And (it) happened me at the first aboarding of us, we took a ship of
three hundred ton, and I was left therein and 23 men with me; and they
fought so sore that our men were fain to leave them, and then come they
and aboarded[76] the ship that I was in and there I was taken, and was
prisoner with them 6 hours, and was delivered again for their men that
were taken before. And as men say, there was not so great a battle upon
the sea this forty winters. And forsooth we were well and truly beat:
and my Lord hath sent for more ships, and like to fight together again
in haste.
No more I write unto you at this time, but that it please you for to
recommend me unto my right reverend and worshipful cousin your husband,
and mine uncle Gurney, and to mine aunt his wife and to all good masters
and friends where it shall please you; and after the writing I have from
you, I shall be at you in all haste. Written on Corpus Christi day in
great haste by your own humble servant and cousin,
JOHN JERNYNGAN.
2. LETTER 784 (GAIRDNER)
Date Feb. 1477
Right worshipful and well-beloved Valentine, in my most humble wise I
recommend me unto you. And heartily I thank you for the letter which
that ye send me by John Beckerton, whereby I am informed and know that
ye be purposed to come to Topcroft in short time, and without any errand
or matter but only to have a conclusion of the matter between my father
and you. I would be most glad of any creature in life so that the
matter might grow to effect. And there as ye say, an ye come and find
the matter no more towards you than ye did aforetime, ye would no more
put my father and my lady my mother to no cost nor business, for that
cause, a good while after--which causeth mine heart to be full heavy:
and if that ye come, and the matter take to none effect, then should I
be much more sorry and full of heaviness.
And as for myself I have done and understood in the matter that I can
and may, as good[77] knoweth: and I let you plainly understand that my
father will no more money part withal in that behalf but L100 and one
mark which is right far from the accomplishment of your desire.
Wherefore if that ye could be content with that good, and my poor
person, I would be the merriest maiden on ground. And if ye think not
yourself so satisfied, or that ye might have much more good, as I have
understood by you afore--good, true, and loving Valentine,[78] that ye
take no such labour upon you as to come more for that matter but let it
pass and never more be spoken of, as I may be your true lover and
bedeswoman[79] during my life.
No more unto you at this time but Almighty Jesus preserve you both body
and soul.
By your Valentine,
M. B.
FOOTNOTES:
[75] It is to be feared that "My Lord's" action was rather piratical.
The "Spanish Fleet" was of merchantmen ("convoyed" perhaps) on their way
to the North with iron etc. for fish, silk, etc., and we were not
definitely at war with Spain. But Henry the IV. of Castile was an ally
of France. Warwick had just been appointed "Captain of Calais," and it
was a general English idea that anything not English in the Channel was
fair prize. Warwick's conduct was warmly welcomed in London.
[76] This use of "abord" and that just before are slightly different
derivatives of the French _aborder_, which means to "approach,"
"accost," "come together with" as well as to "board" in the naval sense.
The first use here is evidently of the more general, the second of the
particular kind.
[77] This may be a mere mis-spelling of "God," or a sort of euphemism
like the modern "thank _goodness_!" to avoid the more sacred name.
[78] "I would" or "take care" or something similar to be supplied to
make a somewhat softened imperative.
[79] One who prays for you.
ROGER ASCHAM (1515-1568)
Although the old phrase about "the schoolmaster being
abroad" has never before had anything like the amount of
applicableness which it now possesses, there is perhaps
still a certain prejudice against schoolmasters. Indeed even
some who have more than served time in that capacity will
admit that it is a dangerous employment, profession, or
vocation. But if all of us had been ever, or ever would try
to be, like Roger Ascham, our class would never have
deserved, or would victoriously wiped off, any obloquy. It
was extraordinary good quality, or more extraordinary good
fortune, that made the same man write _Toxophilus_ and _The
Schoolmaster_. And there need hardly be any admission of
possible good luck as causing, though some certainly helped,
his performance as a letter-writer. Something was said
before as to the importance of his "getting to English" in
this matter. But it may be permissible to remind, or perhaps
even inform, some readers of the curious combination which
made this importance. As a Renaissance scholar; as a College
tutor before the middle of the sixteenth century; as a
Secretary of Embassy on the Continent; and as Latin
Secretary at Court, he was positively _un_likely to favour
the vernacular. Nor could anyone be a warmer or wiser lover
of the classics than he was. But what he, being all these
things, did for English was all the more influential, while
the manner of his doing it could hardly be bettered.
Ascham's letters being partly in English and partly in
Latin, there is a certain temptation to translate one of the
latter and put it side by side with one of the former. But
the process might not be fair: and to give the fairer chance
of comparison between originals in the two tongues would be
out of the scheme of this book. I therefore choose a part of
one of his long letters of travel to Cambridge friends--one
of the earliest of the many "Up the Rhines" in English
literature--and another part of his letters to Cecil. He has
been reproached with the "begging" character of these, but
it was the way of the time with Renaissance scholars. In the
first "ioney" (Giles's text) must be wrong and towards the
end "vile" is an amusing blunder for "_o_ile." "Peter
Ailand" a Cambridge friend's child. "Brant" = "steep." In
the second "Denny" is Sir Anthony D., a great favourite of
Henry VIII. and Edward VI. who was now dead. "Cheke" the
still better known "Sir John" had "taught Cambridge and King
Edward Greek," and so raised the "goodly crop" but had taken
to politics, which were to bring him into trouble.[80]
3. TO MR. EDWARD RAVEN [EXTRACT]
AUGSBURG Jan. 20 1551
13 Octob. We took a fair barge, with goodly glass windows, with seats of
fir, as close as any house, we knew not whether it went or stood. Rhene
is such a river that now I do not marvail that the poets make rivers
gods. Rhene at Spires having a farther course to rin into the ocean sea
than is the space betwixt Dover and Barwick is broader over a great deal
than is Thames at Greenwich when it is calm weather. The Rhene runs fast
and yet as smooth as the sea water stands in a vessel.
From Colen this day we went to Bonna, the bishop's town, the country
about Rhene here is plain and ioney. We were drawn up Rhene by horses.
Little villages stand by Rhene side, and as the barge came by, six or
seven children, some stonenaked, some in their shirts, of the bigness of
Peter Ailand, would run by use on the sands, singing psalms, and would
rin and sing with us half a mile, whilst they had some money.
We came late to Bonna at eight of the clock: our men were come afore
with our horse: we could not be let into the town, no more than they do
at Calise, after an hour. We stood cold at the gate a whole hour. At
last we were fain, lord and lady, to lie in our barge all night, where I
sat in my lady's side-saddle, leaning my head to a malle, better lodged
than a dozen of my fellows.
14 Octob. We sailed to Brousik: 15 miles afore we come to Bonna begin
the vines and hills keeping in Rhene on both sides for the space of five
or six days journey as we made them almost to Mayence, like the hills
that compass Halifax about, but far branter up, as though the rocks did
cover you like a pentice (pent-house): on the Rhene side all this
journey be pathways where horse and man go commonly a yard broad, so
fair that no weather can make it foul: if you look upwards ye are afraid
the rocks will fall on your head; if you look downwards ye are afraid to
tumble into Rhene, and if your horse founder it is not seven to six that
ye shall miss falling into Rhene, there be many times stairs down into
Rhene that men may come from their boats and walk on his bank, as we did
every day four or five miles at once, plucking grapes not with our hands
but with our mouths if we list.
The grapes grow on the brant rocks so wonderfully that ye will marvel
how men dare climb up to them, and yet so plentifully, that it is not
only a marvel where men be found to labour it, but also almost where men
dwell that drink it. Seven or eight days journey ye cannot cast your
sight over the compass of vines. And surely this wine of Rhene is so
good, so natural, so temperate, so ever like itself, as can be wished
for man's use. I was afraid when I came out of England to miss beer; but
I am more afraid when I shall come into England, that I cannot lack this
wine.
It is wonder to see how many castles stand on the tops of these rocks
unwinable. The three bishops electors, Colen, Trevers and Mayence; be
the princes almost of whole Rhene. The lansgrave hath goodly castles
upon Rhene which the emperor cannot get. The palatine of Rhene is also a
great lord on this river, and hath his name of a castle standing in the
midst of Rhene on a rock. There be also goodly isles in Rhene, so full
of walnut trees that they cannot be spent with eating, but they make
vile of them. In some of these isles stand fair abbeys and nunneries
wonderfully pleasant. The stones that hang so high over Rhene be very
much of that stone that you use to write on in tables; every poor man's
house there is covered with them.
4. TO CECIL [EXTRACT]
BRUSSELS March 24. 1553