the _Bagoyas_ (Record G), are all of the single, short variety. The
singers execute them with the usual quickness heard in modern music,
but with the accent about equally divided between the appoggiatura
and the principal tone. In the transcription they are indicated by
the usual musical symbol,--a small eighth note with a slanting stroke
through the hook.
_Mordents_. Those used in these songs are all of the "inverted"
kind, and were executed by the singers in the manner used by modern
musicians; that is, by giving a quick, single alternation of the
principal tone with the next scale tone above. Indicated in the score
by the usual musical symbol.
_Trills and Wavers_. These need no comment except to call attention
to the fact that there are none found in the regular songs of
the women. The one shown in Record I (_Da-eng,_ Boys and Girls
alternating) is in the boys' part.
_Changing Between Duple and Triple Rhythm_. I consider this quite a
striking quality in these songs. Some primitive peoples show little
concern over such rhythmic changes, in fact, among some races where
percussive instruments are used to accompany the singing, we frequently
hear the two rhythms at the same time fitted perfectly one against
the other. This is especially true among our American Indians.
While it is not uncommon to find compositions in modern music using
these two rhythms alternately, they are alternated rather sparingly. A
great many musicians have difficulty in passing smoothly from one to
the other, preserving perfect proportions in the note values.
In noting down in the table the findings under this head, I have
put down under each song, not the number of duple or triple or
quadruple groups in the song, but rather the number of "changes"
which occur. After one has made the transition from one style of
rhythm to the other, and has the new "swing" established, manifestly
it is no special feat to follow along in that same kind of measure;
but the real test is the "change" to the rhythm of the other sort. For
instance, in the Song of the Spirit (Record E), I find but 31 measures
and parts of measures which are in triple rhythm, yet the singer had
to change his meter 47 times to execute these. On the other hand,
the _Dang-dang-ay_ (Record M), has in it 21 triple-time measures and
triplet groups of notes, but because of the persistence of the triple
rhythm, when once established in the second part, the song requires
a changing of swing but 17 times.
Because of the frequency of changes found throughout these songs,
and noting, as heard in the records, the precision with which, in
nearly every instance, a new rhythm is taken, I conclude that the
Tinguian have a remarkable grasp of different metric values, which
enables them to change readily from one to the other. Naturally this
trait would stamp itself upon their music, and I consider the use of
such frequent metric changes a dominant characteristic.
Although frequent rhythmic change is also strongly characteristic
of the music of some other peoples, as I have indicated elsewhere,
it is important to tabulate it here to differentiate the Tinguian
from those peoples who do not make use of it.
_Minor 3rds, Perfect 4ths, and Perfect 5ths_. These are the only
intentional harmonies found in these songs. It is interesting to note
that the only examples are in the _Da-eng_ ceremony, where all three
are used, some in one part and some in another.
Among some primitive peoples, only the men take part in the songs. The
early chanting of all peoples was quite likely by men. Probably the
most primitive harmony was a perfect fifth resulting from the attempt
of men with different ranges to sing together. The difference between
a bass and a tenor voice is just about a fifth. Between an alto and
a soprano it is about a fourth. The difference in these voices made
it impossible to sing melodies of wide range in unison, and so the
basses and tenors sang in consecutive fifths. When women took up the
chanting, they sang either in fifths or in fourths.
These harmonies appealed to them, and so continued in use even when
there was no exigency on account of restricted range.
Referring again to the _Da-eng_ ceremony, it is interesting to observe
that the three different parts of this ceremony are in distinct scales,
and that the part sung by the girls alone, is diatonic in character
while the other two parts are pentatonic.
_Conclusion_.--I have long been of the opinion that the music of
different peoples should be given more consideration by scientists
in their endeavor to trace cultural relationships. In years gone by,
ethnologists have attached too little importance to the bearing which
music has on their science.
I am of the opinion that every peculiarity, even to the smallest
element that enters into the make-up of a given melody, has some
influence back of it which has determined the element and shaped
it into combination. It is not unlikely that a thorough study of
the music would reveal these influences, and through them establish
hitherto unknown ethnological facts.
I believe that a careful study of a large number of the songs or
instrumental pieces of a people will reveal a quite definite general
scheme of construction which can be accepted as representative of
that people alone; and if such an analysis be made of the music of
many peoples and the findings so tabulated that the material will
be comprehensible to ethnologists trained to that branch of musical
research, many interesting and instructive side-lights will be thrown
on the question of tribal relationship.
I realize that to examine exhaustively and then tabulate the
characteristics found in the music of just one of the many peoples
of the globe would be something of an undertaking; but nevertheless
I believe the work should be undertaken in this large way, and when
it is, I am sure the results will justify the experiment.
I appreciate that there is an intangible something about music, which
may prove baffling when it comes to reducing it to cold scientific
symbols and descriptions. Take, for instance, quality of tone. Each
one of us knows perfectly the various qualities of the different
speaking voices of friends and acquaintances, yet how many of us can
so accurately describe those qualities to a stranger that he also may
be able to identify the voices among a thousand others. The tabulation
of such elusive qualities would have to be in very general terms. Such
indefinable characteristics would, to some extent, have to depend
for comparison upon the memory of those workers who had received
first-hand impressions. It would be something like a present-day
musician identifying an unfamiliar composition as belonging to the
"French school," the "Italian school," or the "Russian school;"
and yet, this same musician might not be able to point out with
definiteness a single characteristic of that particular so-called
"school."
Though I have held these opinions for several years, I am more
than ever convinced, since examining these few Tinguian records,
that something really tangible and worth while can be deduced from
the music of various primitive peoples, and I trust this branch of
ethnology will soon receive more serious recognition.
Manifestly it would be unwise to draw any unalterable conclusions
from the examination of but fourteen records of a people. But even
in this comparatively small number of songs, ranging as they do
over such a variety of applications and uses, it is possible to
see tendencies which the examination of more records may confirm as
definite characteristics.
While it would be presumptuous at this time to attempt to formulate a
Tinguian style, I trust that what I have tabulated may prove valuable
in summing up the total evidence, which will accumulate as other
surveys are made; and if perchance, the findings here set down and
the conclusions tentatively drawn from them help to clear up any
obscure ethnological point, the effort has been well spent.
_Albert Gale_.
CONCLUSIONS
The first impression gained by the student of Philippine ethnology
is that there is a fundamental unity of the Philippine peoples, the
Negrito excepted, not only in blood and speech, but in religious
beliefs and practices, in lore, in customs, and industries. It is
realized that contact with outside nations has in many ways obscured
the older modes of thought, and has often swamped native crafts,
while each group has doubtless developed many of its present customs
on Philippine soil; yet it seems that enough of the old still remains
to proclaim them as a people with a common ancestry. To what extent
this belief is justified can be answered, in part, by the material
in the preceding pages.
A study of the physical types has shown that each group considered
is made up of heterogeneous elements. Pigmy blood is everywhere
evident, but aside from this there is a well-marked brachycephalic
and a dolichocephalic element. With the latter is a greater tendency
than with the first for the face to be angular; the cheek bones
are more outstanding, while there is a greater length and breadth
of the nose. Individuals of each type are found in all the groups
considered, but taken in the average, it is found that the Ilocano
and Valley Tinguian fall into the first or round-headed class, the
Bontoc Igorot are mesaticephalic, while between them are the mountain
Tinguian and Apayao.
Judging from their habitat and the physical data, it appears that
the Igorot groups were the first comers; that the brachycephalic
Ilocano-Tinguian arrived later and took possession of the coast,
and that the two groups have intermarried to form the intermediate
peoples. However, a comparison of our Luzon measurements with the
people of southern China and the Perak Malay leads us to believe
that the tribes of northwestern Luzon are all closely related to
the dominant peoples of southern China, Indo-China, and Malaysia in
general, in all of which the intermingling of these types is apparent.
The dialects of northwestern Luzon, while not mutually intelligible,
are similar in morphology, and have a considerable part of their
vocabularies in common. Here again the Igorot is at one extreme, the
Ilocano and Valley Tinguian at the other, while the intervening groups
are intermediate, but with a strong leaning toward the coast tongue.
Considering, for the moment, the Bontoc Igorot and the Tinguian, it is
found that both have certain elements of culture which are doubtless
old possessions, as, for instance, head-hunting, terraced rice-fields,
iron-working, a peculiar type of shield, and a battle-axe which they
share with the Apayao of Luzon and the Naga of Assam.
A part or all of these may be due to a common heritage, at any rate,
they help to strengthen the feeling that in remote times these
peoples were closely related. But a detailed study of their social
organizations; of their ceremonies, songs, and dances; of their customs
at birth, marriage, death, and burial; of their house-building; as
well as the details of certain occupations, such as the rice culture,
pottery making, and weaving, indicates that not only have they been
long separated, but that they have been subjected to very different
outside influences, probably prior to their entry into the Philippines.
It is not in the province of this monograph to deal with the probable
affiliations of the Igorot, neither is it our intention to attempt
to locate the ancient home of the Tinguian, nor to connect them with
any existing groups. However, our information seems to justify us in
certain general conclusions. It shows that the oft repeated assertions
of Chinese ancestry are without foundation. It shows that, while trade
with China had introduced hundreds of pieces of pottery and some
other objects into this region, yet Chinese influence had not been
of an intimate enough nature to influence the language or customs,
or to introduce any industry. On the other hand, we find abundant
evidence that in nearly every phase of life the Tinguian were at one
time strongly influenced by the peoples to the south, and even to-day
show much in common with Java, Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and
through them with India. As a case in point we find in the procedure
at birth that the Tinguian are in accord with the Peninsular Malay
in at least eight particulars, some of which, such as the burning
of a fire beside the mother and newborn babe for a month or more,
the frequent bathing of both in water containing leaves and herbs,
the "fumigating" of the baby, the throwing of ashes to blind evil
spirits, are sufficiently distinctive to indicate a common source,
particularly when they still occur together in connection with one
of the great events of life.
Frequent reference has been made to the parallels between Tinguian
customs and those practiced in Sumatra, while the methods of
rice-culture are so similar that they can have come only from the same
source. In the weaving the influence of India seems evident, despite
the fact that cotton is not bowed in Abra, and the Tinguian method
of spinning seems unique. These methods, apparently distinctive,
may once have been practised more broadly, but were superseded by
more efficient instruments. The primitive method of ginning cotton by
rolling it beneath a tapering rod appears to be found nowhere in the
Philippines outside of Abra, but it is used in some remote sections
of Burma.
Part I of this volume presented a body of tales which showed many
resemblances to the Islands of the south, as well as incidents of
Indian lore. There is, in fact, a distinct feeling of Indian influence
in the tales of the mythical period; yet they lack the epics of that
people, and the typical trickster tales are but poorly represented.
The vocabulary shows comparatively little of Indian influence; yet,
at the time of the conquest, the Ilocano was one of the coast groups
making use of a native script which was doubtless of Hindu origin.
The many instances of Indian influence do not justify the
supposition that the Tinguian were ever directly in contact with
that people. The Malay islands to the south were pretty thoroughly
under Hindu domination by the second century of the Christian era,
and it is probable that they were influenced through trade at a
considerably earlier date. Judging from our data, it would seem that
the Ilocano-Tinguian group had left its southern home at a time after
this influence was beginning to make itself felt, but before it was
of a sufficiently intimate nature to stamp itself indelibly on the
lore, the ceremonial and economic life of this people, as it did in
Java and some parts of Sumatra. It is possible that these points of
similarity may be due to trade, but if so, the contact was at a period
antedating the fourteenth century, for in historic times the sea trade
of the southern islands has been in the hands of the Mohammedanized
Malay. Their influence is very marked in the southern Philippines,
but is not evident in northwestern Luzon.
Concerning the time of their arrival in Luzon, and the course
pursued by them, we have no definite proof; but it is evident that
the Tinguian did not begin to press inland until comparatively recent
times. Historical references and local traditions indicate that most
of this movement has taken place since the arrival of the Spaniards,
while the distribution of the great ceremonies gives a further
suggestion that the dominant element in the Tinguian population has
been settled in Abra for no great period. The probable explanation for
this distribution is that the interior valleys were sparsely settled
with a population more akin to the Igorot than to the Tinguian,
prior to the inland movement of the latter people; that the Tinguian
were already possessed of the highly developed ceremonial life,
before they entered Abra, and that this has been spread slowly,
through intermarriage and migration, to the people on the outskirts
of their territory.
These ceremonies are still practised by some families now residing
in Christianized settlements in Abra and Ilocos Sur, while discreet
questioning soon brings out the fact that they were formerly present
in towns which have long been recognized as Ilocano. The relationship
of the Tinguian and Ilocano has already been shown by the physical
data and historical references; but were these lacking, it requires
but a little inquiry and the compilation of geneaological tables to
show that many Ilocano families are related to the Tinguian. It is
a matter of common observation that the chief barrier between the
two groups is religion, and, once let the pagan accept Christianity,
he and his family are quickly absorbed by the Ilocano.
Uninterrupted trade with the coast in recent years, Spanish and
American influence, have doubtless affected considerable changes in
the Tinguian. If, however, we subtract recent introductions, it is
probable that we have in the life of this tribe an approximate picture
of conditions among the more advanced of the northern Philippine
groups prior to the entry of the European into their islands.
NOTES
[1] The _Bontoc_ Igorot is taken as one of the least influenced and
most typical of the Igorot groups.
[2] On this point see _Cole_, The Distribution of the Non-Christian
Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_American Anthropologist_, N.S., Vol. XI,
1909, pp. 329-347).
[3] These are Ballasio, Nagbuquel, Vandrell, Rizal, Mision, Mambog,
and Masingit. Kadangla-an, Pila, Kolongbuyan (Sapang) and Montero
are mixed Tinguian and Igorot.
[4] See _Cole_, The Tinguian (_Philippine Journal of Science_,
Vol. III, No. 4, Sect. A, 1908, pp. 197, _et seq_.).
[5] _Beyer_ (Population of the Philippine Islands in 1916, p. 74,
Manila, 1917) gives the population as 27,648.
[6] North of Abra it is known as the Cordillera Norte.
[7] This river traffic is entirely in the hands of the Christianized
Ilocano. Rafts seldom proceed up the river beyond Bangued, the capital,
and at low water even this distance is negotiated with difficulty.
[8] Historical references to this trade, as well as to the Spanish
invasion of Ilocos, will be found in _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos,
Manila, 1890; _Fray Gaspar De S. Augustin_, Conquista de las Islas
Filipinas (Manila, 1698), p. 267; _Medina_, Historia, translated
in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XXIII,
pp. 279, _et seq_. See also translation of _Loarca_ and others in
same publication, Vol. III, p. 73, note; Vol. V, p. 109; Vol. XV,
p. 51; Vol. XVII, p. 285.
[9] _Loraca_, 1582, translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_.,
Vol. V, p. 105.
[10] _Laufer_, Relations of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands
(_Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections_, Vol. I, pp. 256, et seq.)
[11] _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Field
Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1).
[12] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XVII, p. 285; also III,
p. 73, note; V, p. 109; XV, p. 51.
[13] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXIV, pp. 287,
_et seq._
[14] _Colin_ (Labor Evangelica, Chap. IV, Madrid 1663), calls the
Manguian of Mindoro and the Zambal, Tingues. _Morga, Chirino_, and
_Ribera_ also use the same name for the natives of Basilan, Bohol,
and Mindanao (see _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op cit_., Vols. IV,
p. 300; X, p. 71; XIII, pp. 137,205). Later writers have doubtless
drawn on these accounts to produce the weird descriptions sometimes
given of the Tinguian now under discussion. It is said (_op. cit_.,
Vol. XL, p. 97, note) that the radical _ngian_, in Pampanga, indicates
"ancient," a meaning formerly held in other Philippine languages,
and hence Tinguian would probably mean "old or ancient, or aboriginal
mountain dwellers."
[15] _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos, p. 151 (Manila, 1890), also Filipinas
articulos varios, p. 345 (Manila, 1887); _Blair_ and _Robertson_,
_op. cit_., Vol. XIV, pp. 158-159; Vol. XXVIII, p. 167.
[16] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXVIII, p. 158.
[17] _Antonio Mozo_, _Noticia_ histórico-natural (Madrid, 1763),
in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XLVIII, p. 69.
[18] These were: Tayum 1803; Pidigan 1823; La Paz and San Gregorio
1832; Bukay (Labon) 1847. For further details of this mission see
_Villacorta_, Breve resumen de los progresos de la Religion Catolica
en la admirable conversion de los indios Igorotes y Tinguianes
(Madrid, 1831).
[19] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXVIII, p. 199.
[20] Discussions concerning the Chinese origin of the Tinguian will
be found in _Mallat_, Les Philippines, Vol. I, pp. 212-213; Vol. II,
pp. 104-7, 345 (Paris, 1846); _Plauchet_, L'Archipel des Philippines
(_Revue des deux Mondes_, 1887, p. 442); _Buzeto y Bravo_, Diccionario
geografico estadistico historico; _Semper_, Die Philippinen und ihre
Bewohner (Würzburg, 1869); _Blumentritt_, Versuch einer Ethnographie
der Philippinen (_Peterman's Mittheilungen_, 1882, No. 67); _Reyes_,
Die Tinguianen (_Mittheilungen K. K. Geogr. Gesellschaft in Wien_,
1887, p. 5, _et seq._); _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios (Manila,
1887); _Sanchez y Ruiz_, Razas de Filipinas, usos y custombres, Memoria
Exposicion General, pp. 51, 60, 138 (Manila, 1887); _Montblanc_,
Les Isles Philippines, p. 22 (Paris, 1887); _Montero y Vidal_, El
Archipelago Filipino, p. 289 (Manila, 1886); _Bowring_, A Visit to
the Philippines, p. 171 (London, 1859); _Sawyer_, The Inhabitants of
the Philippines, p. 276 (London, 1900); _Zuniga_, Historia, pp. 19-38
(Sampaloc, 1803); _Colin_, Labor evangelica, Vol. I, chaps. 4, 12-14
(Madrid, 1663); _Blair_ and _Robertson_ (The Philippine Islands,
Vol. XL, pp. 316, _et seq._) give a translation of _San Antonio_
Chronicas, written in Manila between 1738-44, also of _Colin_, Labor
evangelica, of 1663; _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines
(_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302).
[21] _Paul De La Gironière_, Vingt années aux Philippines (Paris,
1853); _Stuntz_, The Philippines and the Far East, p. 36 (New York,
1904).
[22] Quoted by _Paterno_, La antigua civilizacion Tagalog, pp. 122-123
(Madrid, 1887).
[23] _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines (_Am. Anthropologist_,
Vol. XI, 1892, p. 297). See also _De Quatrefages_, Histoire générale
des races humaines, pp. 515-517, 527-528.
[24] Census of the Philippine Islands of 1903, pp. 453-477.
[25] The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (_Philippine Journal
of Science_, Vol. I, pp. 798, 851, Manila, 1906).
[26] _Blumentritt_ (Ethnographie der Philippinen, Introduction;
also _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 296) has advanced
the theory of three Malay invasions into the Philippines. To the
first, which is put at about 200 B.C., belong the Igorot, Apayao, and
Tinguian, but the last are considered as of a later period. The second
invasion occurred about A.D. 100-500, and includes the Tagalog, Visaya,
Ilocano, and other alphabet-using peoples. The third is represented
by the Mohammedan groups which began to enter the Islands in the
fourteenth century.
[27] _Brinton_ (_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302)
states that the Ilocano of northwestern Luzon are markedly Chinese
in appearance and speech, but he fails to give either authorities or
examples to substantiate this claim. For Indian influence on Philippine
dialects, see _Pardo De Tavera_, El sanscrito e la lingua tagalog
(Paris, 1887); also _Williams_, Manual and Dictionary of Ilocano
(Manila, 1907).
[28] A detailed study of the language is not presented in this
volume. The author has a large collection of texts which will be
published at a later date, together with a study of the principal
Tinguian dialects. A short description of the Ilocano language,
by the writer, will be found in the New International Encyclopædia.
[29] A more detailed study of these tribes will be given in a
forthcoming volume on Philippine Physical Types.
[30] Observations on 13 Ilocano skulls are tabulated by _Koeze_
(Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 56-57, Haarlem, 1901-4).
[31] A short series of Igorot skull measurements is given by _Koeze_
(Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 42-43, Haarlem, 1901-4).
[32] _Am. Anthropologist_, 1906, pp. 194-195.
[33] Notes sur les Chinois du Quang-si (_L'Anthropologie_, Vol. IX,
1898, pp. 144-170).
[34] The Races of Man, pp. 384, 577, _et seq_.(London, 1900).
[35] _Martin_, Inlandstämme der Malayischen Halbinsel, pp. 237, 351,
358, 386 (Jena, 1905).
[36] For measurements on the Northern Chinese and the Formosa
Chinese see _Koganei_, Messungen an chinesischen Soldaten
(_Mitt. med. Fak. k. japan. Univ. Tokio_, 1903, Vol. VI, No. 2), und
Messungen an männlichen Chinesen-Schädeln (_Internat. Centralblatt
für Anthropologie_, 1902, pp. 129, _et seq_.).
[37] For other observations on Malaysia, in general, see _Annandale_
and _Robinson_ (_Jour. Anth. Inst.,_ Vol. XXXII, 1902); _Keane_,
Ethnology (Cambridge, 1907); _Duckworth_ (_Jour. Anth. Inst._,
Vol. XXXII); _Hose_ and _McDougall_ (The Pagan Tribes of Borneo,
Vol. II, pp. 311, _et seq._) give results by _Haddon_; _Hamy_
(_L'Anthropologie_, Vol. VII, Paris, 1896); _Hagen_, Anthropologische
Studien aus Insulinde (Amsterdam, 1890); _Sullivan_, Racial Types in
the Philippine Islands (_Anth. Papers, American Museum of Nat. Hist._,
Vol. XIII, pt. 1, New York, 1918).
[38] _Sullivan_ (_Anthropological Papers, American Museum
Nat. History_, Vol. XXIII, pt. 1, p. 42) gives a graphic correlation of
Stature, Cephalic and Nasal Indices, which shows a striking similarity
between the Tagalog and Pangasinan of the Philippines, and the Southern
Chinese. Had he made use of Jenks's measurements of the Bontoc Igorot,
that group would also have approached quite closely to those already
mentioned. The same method applied to the Ilocano and Tinguian shows
them to conform to this type.
[39] See Traditions of the Tinguian (this volume, No. 1).
[40] The eating of double bananas or vegetables is avoided, as it is
thought to result in the birth of twins. The birth of twin girls is
a particular misfortune; for their parents are certain to fare badly
in any trades or sales to which they may be parties.
[41] The importance of gratifying the longings of pregnant women
appears in the legends of the Malay Peninsula. See _Wilkinson_, Malay
Beliefs, p. 46 (London, 1906). _Hildebrandt_ states that the Indian
law books such as Yajñavalkya (III, 79) make it a duty to fulfill
the wishes of a woman at this time, since otherwise the embryo would
be exposed to injury. Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. II,
p. 650.
[42] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 124, 185.
[43] See _op. cit_., p. 105.
[44] See _op. cit_., pp. 144, _et seq_.
[45] See _op. cit_., p. 18.
[46] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180.
[47] To produce a miscarriage, a secret liquor is made from the bark
of a tree. After several drinks of the brew, the abdomen is kneaded
and pushed downward until the foetus is discharged. A canvass of forty
women past the child-bearing age showed an average, to each, of five
children, about 40 per cent of whom died in infancy. Apparently about
the same ratio of births is being maintained at present.
[48] The gifts vary according to the ceremony. For this event, the
offerings consist of a Chinese jar with earrings fastened into the
handles--"ears"--, a necklace of beads and a silver wire about its
neck; a wooden spoon, a weaving stick, and some bone beads.
[49] This is known as _palwig_.
[50] This action is called _tolgi_.
[51] In the San Juan district _Gipas_ is a separate two-day ceremony,
which takes place about nine months after the birth. In Baak a part
of the _Dawak_ ceremony goes by this name.
[52] This is known as _inálson_, and is "such a blanket as is always
possessed by a spirit." See p. 313.
[53] This is also the method of delivery among the Kayan of Borneo. See
_Hose_ and _McDougall_, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 154
(London, 1912), also _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District,
Mindanao (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII. No. 2,
p. 100). _Skeat_ (Malay Magic, p. 334, London, 1900) describes a
similar method among the Malay.
[54] Among the Bukidnon and Bila-an of Mindanao a bamboo blade is
always employed for this purpose. The same is true of the Kayan
of Borneo. _Hose_ and _McDougall_, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 155;
_Cole_, _op. cit._, p. 143.
[55] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185. It is
also the belief of the Peninsular Malay that the incidental products
of a confinement may be endowed with life (_Wilkinson_, Malay Beliefs,
p. 30).
[56] The character e, which appears frequently in the native names,
is used to indicate a sound between the obscure vowel _e_, as in sun,
and the _ur_, in burrow.
[57] The number of days varies somewhat in different sections, and
is generally longer for the first child than for the succeeding.
[58] The custom of building a fire beside the mother is practised
among the Malay, Jakun and Mantri of the Peninsula. In India,
the practice of keeping a fire beside the newborn infant, in order
to protect it from evil beings, is widespread. See _Tawney_, Kathá
Sarit Ságara, Vol. I, pp. 246, 305, note; Vol. II, p. 631 (Calcutta,
1880). According to _Skeat_ (Malay Magic, p. 343), the Malay keep the
fire burning forty-four days. The custom is called the "roasting of
the mother." The same custom is found in Cambodia (see Encyclopædia
of Religion and Ethics, Vol. III, pp. 32, 164, 347; Vol. VIII, p. 32).
[59] This may be related to the Malay custom of fumigating the infant
(see _Skeat_, _op. cit._, p. 338).
[60] The following names are typical of this last class. For boys:
Ab'beng, a child's song; Agdalpen, name of a spirit; Baguio, a storm;
Bakileg, a glutton; Kabato, from _bato_, a stone; Tabau, this name is
a slur, yet is not uncommon; it signifies "a man who is a little crazy,
who is sexually impotent, and who will mind all the women say;" Otang,
the sprout of a vine; Zapalan, from _zapal_, the crotch of a tree.
For girls: Bangonán, from _bangon_, "to rise, to get up;" Igai, from
_nigai_, a fish; Giaben, a song; Magilai, from _gilai_ the identifying
slit made in an animal's ear; Sabak, a flower; Ugot, the new leaf.
[61] In Madagascar children are oftentimes called depreciative names,
such as Rat, with the hope that evil spirits will leave tranquil
an infant for which the parents have so little consideration
(_Grandidier_, Ethnologie de Madagascar, Vol. II).
[62] In Selangor, a sick infant is re-named (_Skeat_, _op. cit._,
p. 341).
[63] _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios, 1st ed., pp. 144-5 (Manila,
1887).
[64] The Malay of the Peninsula bathe both mother and child morning
and evening, in hot water to which certain leaves and blossoms are
added. It is here described as an act of purification (_Skeat_,
_op. cit._, pp. 334-5).
[65] Also called _salokang_ (cf. p. 310).
[66] Filipinas articulos varios, p. 144.
[67] _F. De Lerena_, _Ilustracion Filipina_, No. 22, p. 254 (Manila,
Nov. 15, 1860). An equally interesting account of Tinguian procedure
at the time of birth will be found in the account of _Polo De Lara_,
Islas Filipinas, tipos y costumbres, pp. 213, _et seq._
[68] In San Juan. Ibal is always held in six months, unless illness
has caused an earlier celebration. At this time the liver of a pig
is carefully examined, in order to learn of the child's future.
[69] In Likuan this takes place five days after the birth; in
Sallapadan it occurs on the first or second day.
[70] On the mat are placed, in addition to the medium's regular outfit,
a small jar of _basi_, five pieces of betel-nut and pepper-leaf,
two bundles of rice (_palay_) in a winnower, a head-axe, and a spear.
[71] This is a _dakidak_ (cf. p. 311).
[72] Such a taboo sign is here known as _kanyau_. It is not always
used at the conclusion of this ceremony, but is strictly observed
following the cutting of the first rice.
[73] That is, a premature child.
[74] Ashes are used against evil spirits by the Peninsular Malay
(_Skeat_, Malay Magic, p. 325).
[75] Sagai is the sound made when scratching away the embers of a fire.
[76] From _maysa_, one; _dua_, two; _talo_, three.
[77] This is also used as mockery. It has no exact English equivalent,
but is similar to our slang "rubber."
[78] In Patok only the agate bead (_napodau_) is used.
[79] The less pretentious gathering, held by the very poor, is known
as _pólya_.
[80] _Worcester_, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon
(_Philippine Jour. of Science_, Vol. I, No. 8, 1906, p. 858).
[81] It is necessary to use a shallow dish with a high pedestal known
as _dias_ (Fig. 5, No. 5).
[82] In Ba-ak the breaking and scattering of the rice ball is
considered a good omen, as it presages many children. In San Juan
the youth throws a rice ball at the ridge pole of the house, and the
girl's mother does the same. In this instance, each grain of rice
which adheres to the pole represents a child to be born.
[83] The similarity of the Tinguian rice ceremony to that of many
other Philippine tribes is so great that it cannot be due to mere
chance. Customs of a like nature were observed by the writer among the
Bukidnon, Bagobo, Bila-an, Kulaman, and Mandaya of Mindanao, and the
Batak of Palawan; they are also described by _Reed_ and _Worcester_
for the Negrito of Zambales and Bataan; while _Loarca_, writing late
in the sixteenth century, records a very like ceremony practised by a
coast group, probably the Pintados. At the same time it is worthy of
note that _Jenks_ found among the Bontoc Igorot a great divergence both
in courtship and marriage. Among the Dusun of British North Borneo the
marriage of children of the well-to-do is consummated by the eating
of rice from the same plate. Other instances of eating together, as a
part of the marriage ceremony in Malaysia, are given by _Crawley_. See
_Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of
Natural History. Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 102, 144, 157, 192); _Reed_,
Negritos of Zambales (_Pub. Ethnological Survey,_ Vol. II, pt. 1, p. 58
(Manila, 1904)); _Worcester_, _Philippine Journal of Science_, Vol. I,
p. 811 (Manila, 1906); _Loarca_, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,
Chap. X (Arevalo, 1580), translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The
Philippine Islands, Vol. V, pp. 157, _et seq_.; _Jenks_, The Bontoc
Igorot (_Pub. Ethnological Survey_, Vol. I, pp. 68, _et seq_.,
Manila, 1905); _Evans_, _Journ. Royal Anth. Inst_., Vol. XLVII,
p. 159; _Crawley_, The Mystic Rose (London, 1902), pp. 379, _et seq._
[84] In Manabo an old woman sleeps between them. Among the Bagobo and
Kulaman, of Mindanao, a child is placed between the pair. See _Cole_,
_op. cit_., pp. 102, 157.
[85] In Likuan they chew of the same betel-nut. Among the Batak of
Palawan they smoke of the same cigar.
[86] This part of the ceremony is now falling into disuse.
[87] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 12.
[88] Here again the Tinguian ceremony closely resembles the ancient
custom described by _Loarca_. In his account, the bride was carried
to the house of the groom. At the foot of the stairway she was given
a present to induce her to proceed; when she had mounted the steps,
she received another, as she looked in upon the guests, another. Before
she could be induced to set down, to eat and drink, she was likewise
given some prized object. _Loarca_, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,
Chap. X; also _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit._, Vol. V, p. 157.
[89] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 172. The
origin of death is also given in the tales, _ibid_., p. 177.
[90] The spirit of the dead is generally known as _kalading_, but in
Manabo it is called _kal-kolayó_ and in Likuan _alalya_; in Ilokano,
_al-aliá_ means "phantom" or "ghost."
[91] In some villages Selday is the spirit against whom this precaution
is taken.
[92] In Daligan and some other villages in Ilocos Norte, a chicken
is killed, is burned in a fire, and then is fastened beside the door
in place of the live bird.
[93] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 181.
[94] During the funeral of Malakay, in Patok, August 16, 1907, the
wife kept wailing, "Malakay, Malakay, take me with you where you
go. Malakay, Malakay, take me with you. I have no brother. We were
together here, do not let us part. Malakay, take me with you where
you go."
[95] In Manabo the wife is covered at night with a white blanket, but
during the day she wears it bandoleer fashion over one shoulder. In
Ba-ak a white blanket with black border is used in a similar way. If
the wife has neglected her husband during his illness, his relatives
may demand that she be punished by having a second blanket placed
over her, unless she pays them a small amount. It sometimes occurs
that the Lakay or old men impose both fine and punishment. In Likuan
the blanket is placed over the corpse and the wife.
[96] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180.
[97] This is still the case among the Apayao who live to the north
of the Tinguian (_Cole_, _Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. ii, No. 3, 1909,
p. 340). The custom is reflected in the folk-tales (Traditions of
the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 190; cf. also p. 372).
[98] The writer has known of instances, where towns were deserted
following an epidemic of smallpox, and the dead were left unburied in
the houses. Such instances are unusual even for this dread disease,
and the funeral observances usually expose large numbers of the people
to infection.
[99] In San Juan only thirty strokes are given.
[100] In Manabo a rectangular hole is dug to about five feet,
then at right angles to this a chamber is cut to receive the body.
This is cut off from the main grave by a stone. A similar type of
grave is found in Sumatra (_Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3d ed.,
p. 287, London, 1811).
[101] According to this author, the Tinguian put the dried remains
of their dead in subterranean tombs or galleries, six or seven yards
in depth, the entrance being covered with a sort or trap door (_La
Gironière_, Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 115, London, 1853).
[102] _Op. cit.,_ p. 121.
[103] As distinguished from those of the dead.
[104] Several times the writer has seen friends place money inside
the mat, "so that the spirit may have something to spend."
[105] The large spirit house, built only by well-to-do families having
the hereditary right.
[106] In the folk tales a very different method of disposing of the
dead is indicated (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1,
pp. 23-24, and note).
[107] Among the Tuaran Dusun of British North Borneo, a fire is built
near the mat on which the corpse lies, to protect the body from evil
spirits, who are feared as body snatchers (_Evans_, _Jour. Ant. Inst.,_
Vol. XLVII, 1917, p. 159).
[108] These consist of dishes, food, tobacco, fire-making outfit,
weapons, clothing, and the like.
[109] In Ilocos Sur a ceremony which lifts the ban off the relatives
is held about five days after the funeral. Three months later, the
blood and oil are applied to the spouse, who is then released from all
restrictions. In San Juan and Lakub, a ceremony known as _Kilyas_ is
held five days after the funeral. The anointing is done as described
above, and then the medium drops a ball of rice under the house,
saying, "Go away sickness and death, do not come to our relatives."
When she has finished, drums are brought out, all the relatives dance
and "forget the sorrow," and are then released from all taboos. The
Layog is celebrated as in the valley towns.
[110] Also known as _Waxi_ in San Juan, and _Bagoñgon_ in Sallapadin.
In the latter village, as well as in Manabo and Ba-ak, this ceremony
occurs a few days after the funeral.
[111] This is known as _Apapáyag_ or _Inapapayag_ (p. 309).
[112] The foregoing ceremonies follow the death of any adult, male or
female, but not of newborn children. If the first-born dies in infancy,
it is buried in the middle of the night when no one can see the corpse,
otherwise other babies will die. The parents don old garments, and are
barred from leaving the town or engaging in pastimes, until the ten-day
period has passed. No fire is built at the grave, nor are offerings
placed over it. When some one else is holding a _Layog_, the parents
may join them "to relieve their sorrow and show respect for the dead."
[113] A folk-tale recorded in this town gives quite a different
idea of the abode of the spirits (Traditions of the Tinguian,
this volume, No. 1, p. 185; also p. 28, note 2).
[114] Functions mentales dans les sociétés inférieures (Paris,
1910).
[115] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp.
180-182
[116] For a full discussion of this subject, see _Cole_, Relations
between the Living and the Dead (_Am. Jour. of Sociology,_ Vol. XXI,
No. 5, 1916, pp. 610, et seq.).
[117] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185.
[118] In Manabo it is said that there are five sons, who reside in
the spirit houses known as _tangpap, alalot,_ and _pungkew_.
[119] The people of Manabo say, he resides in the spirit-structures
known as _balaua, sogayab, batog,_and _balag_ (cf. pp. 308, _et seq.)_
[120] Among the Ifugao, Kabúnian is the lowest of the three layers
which make up the heavens (_Beyer_, Origin Myths among the Mountain
Peoples of the Philippines, _Phil. Jour. of Science,_ Vol. viii,
No. 2, 1913, p. 99).
[121] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 15.
[122] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume. No. 1, p. 32.
[123] The medium is also sometimes called _manganito_.
[124] Similar mediums and possession were observed among the ancient
Visayans. See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. V,
p. 133; _Perez_ writing concerning Zambales says of their mediums,
"He commences to shiver, his whole body trembling, and making many
faces by means of his eyes; he generally talks, sometimes between
his teeth, without any one understanding him. Sometimes he contents
himself with wry faces which he makes with his eyes and the trembling
of all his body. After a few moments he strikes himself on the knee,
and says he is the _anito_ to whom the sacrifice is being made." See
_Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit.,_Vol. XLVII, p. 301.
[125] Among the ancient Tagalog, charms made of herbs, stones, and
wood, were used to infuse the heart with love (_Blair_ and _Robertson_,
The Philippine Islands, Vol VII, p. 194). Similar practices are
found in India, among the Selangor of the Malay Peninsula, among
the Bagobo of Mindanao and in Japan: see _Roy_, _Jour. Royal Anth,
Inst.,_Vol. XLIV, 1914, p. 337; _Skeat_ and _Blagden_, Pagan Races of
the Malay Peninsula, p. 312; _Benedict_, Bagobo Ceremonial, Magic and
Myth, p. 220 _(Annals N. Y. Academy of Sciences,_ Vol. XXV, 1916);
_Hildburgh_, _Man_, Nov. 1915, pp. 168, _et seq.; Trans. Japan Soc,_
Vol. VIII, pp. 132, _et seq._
[126] The _salaksak_ was also the omen bird of the Zambales (_Blair_
and _Robertson_, Philippine Islands, Vol. XLVII, p. 307).
[127] Predicting of the future through the flight of birds, or by
means of the entrails of slain animals, is widespread, not only in
the Philippines and Malaysia generally, but was equally important in
ancient Babylonia and Rome. The resemblances are so many that certain
writers, namely, _Hose_ and _McDougall_, _Kroeber_, and _Laufer_ are
inclined to credit them to common historical influences. See _Hose_
and _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 255 (London,
1912); _Kroeber_, Peoples of the Philippines (_American Museum of
Natural History,_ Handbook Series, No. 8, p. 192, New York, 1919);
_Laufer_, _Toung Pao, _1914, pp. 1-51.
[128] For the _diam_ recited at this time, see Traditions of the
Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171.
[129] More frequently the medium uses a piece of lead or one of the
shells of her _piling_ for this purpose. In many villages the medium,
while calling the spirits, wears one head-band for each time the
family has made this ceremony.
[130] Had they not possessed a _balaua_, they would have made this
offering in the dwelling.
[131] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. I, pp. 178-179.
[132] The _sagang_ is the sharpened pole, which was passed through
the _foramen magnum_ of a captured skull.
[133] Female spirits, who always stay in one place.
[134] See Tradition of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 178.
[135] This _diam_ is sometimes repeated for the _saloko_ (see p. 319).
[136] Known as Palasód in Bakaok.
[137] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 175.
[138] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 174.
[139] _Op. cit._, p. 175.
[140] In Patok this offering is placed in a _saloko_, which is planted
close to the stream.
[141] Known in Ba-ak and Langiden as Dayá, in Patok and vicinity as
Komon or Ubaiya.
[142] This part of the ceremony is often omitted in the valley towns.
[143] _Canarium villosum_ Bl. The resinous properties of this tree are
supposed to make bright or clear, to the spirits, that the ceremony has
been properly conducted. According to some informants, the _pala-an_
is intended as a stable for the horse of Idadaya when he attends the
ceremony, but this seems to be a recent explanation.
[144] This feeding of the spirits with blood and rice is known as
_pisek_, while the whole of the procedure about the mortar is called
_sangba_.
[145] This consists of two bundles of rice, a dish of broken rice,
a hundred fathoms of thread, one leg of the pig, and a small coin.
[146] Many spirits which appear here and in _Sayang_ are not mentioned
in the alphabetical list of spirits, as they play only a local or
minor role in the life of the people.
[147] The spirit who lives in the _sagang_, the sharpened bamboo
sticks on which the skulls of enemies were displayed.
[148] This is of particular interest, as the Tinguian are hostile
to the people of this region, and it is unlikely that either of the
mediums had ever seen a native of that region.
[149] The name by which the Tinguian designate their own people.
[150] The spirits' name for the Tinguian.
[151] The term Alzado is applied to the wilder head-hunting groups
north and east of Abra.
[152] When the _tangpap_ is built during the _Sayang_ ceremony,
it is a little house with two raised floors. On the lower are small
pottery jars, daubed with white, and filled with _basi_ (Plate XX).
[153] The _talagan_ (see p. 308).
[154] This being lives in Binogan. His brothers are Gilen, Ilongbosan,
Idodosan, Iyangayang, and Sagolo.
[155] The site of the old village of Bukay.
[156] In addition to the writer and his wife, Lieut. and
Mrs. H.B. Rowell were initiated at this time. The Lieutenant
had long been a friend and adviser of the tribe, and was held in
great esteem by them. The writer's full name was Agonan Dumalawi,
Mrs. Cole's--Ginobáyan Gimpayan, Lieut. Rowell's--Andonan Dogyawi,
and Mrs. Rowell's--Gayankayan Gidonan.
[157] This raft is the _Taltalabong_, and is intended for the sons
and servants of Kadaklan.
[158] It is customary to place a jar of _basi_ under or near the house,
so that Kadaklan may drink, before he reaches the function. This
offering had been neglected, hence his complaint.
[159] This is the case if a person is just acquiring the right to
the ceremony. If the family is already privileged to give this rite,
it will occur in about three years, and _Sayang_ will follow some
four years later.
[160] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171.
[161] See _ibid._, p. 24.
[162] In Patok, _diwas_ is sung as a part of _da-eng_ on the night
of _Libon_.
[163] This is the same form as the "shield," which hangs above the
newborn infant (p. 312).
[164] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.
[165] On two occasions an old bedstead of Spanish type served instead
of the frame.
[166] See p. 315. In some towns the spirits are summoned at different
times during the ceremony, as in _Tangpap_.
[167] See under Idasan, p. 309.
[168] Each with its dormitory for bachelors, and usually for unmarried
girls. See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 49 (Manila, 1905).
[169] _Combes_, Historia de las islas de Mindanao (Madrid, 1667),
translated by _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XL, p. 160; Vol. XLVII,
p. 300. _Ling Roth_, Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo,
Vol. II, p. 270, _et seq._(London, 1896).
[170] For description of these villages, see _Cole_, Distribution of
the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_Am. Anthropologist_,
Vol. XI, p. 329).
[171] See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot (Manila, 1906).
[172] Twenty years in the Philippines, p. 109 (London, 1853).
[173] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 8.
[174] See _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines
(Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1).
[175] Despite frequent assertions to the contrary, the fire syringe
is not used by the Tinguian. It is found among the Tiagan Igorot,
the similarity of whose name has doubtless given rise to the error.
[176] Head-hunting is widespread in this part of the world. It
is found in Assam, in the Solomon Islands, in Borneo, Formosa,
and, it is said, was formerly practiced in Japan. See _Hodson_
(_Folklore,_ June, 1909, p. 109); _Rivers_, History of Melanesian
Society, Vol. II, p. 259 (Cambridge, 1914); _Hose_ and _McDougall_,
Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vols. I-II (London, 1912); _Shinji Ishii_
(_Transactions Japan Soc. of London,_ Vol. XIV, pp. 7, _et seq.)._
[177] See _Worcester_, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon
(_Philippine Journal of Science,_ Vol. I, p. 824, Manila, 1906).
[178] See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vols. V,
p. 137; XXI, p. 140; XXXIV, p. 377; XL, pp. 80-81; XLVII, p. 313;
XLVIII, p. 57. _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes
of Northwestern Luzon _(Am. Anth_., N. S., Vol. XI, 1909, p. 340);
_Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (pub. Field Museum
of Natural History, Vol. XII No. 2, p. 114, _et seq._).
[179] These are called _soga_. Their use is widespread in the
Philippines, in Malaysia generally, and even extends into upper
Burma. See _Shakespear_, History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and
Northeastern Frontier, pp. 186, _et seq._(London, 1914). _Marsden_,
Hist. of Sumatra, p. 310 (London, 1811).
[180] See _Cole_, Wild Tribes of Davao District (Field Museum of
Nat. Hist., Vol. XII, No. 2, p. 94).
[181] This description is partially taken from the account of _Paul
P. de La Gironière_, probably the one white man, who has witnessed
this rite (see Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 108, London, 1853),
and from the stories of many old men, who themselves have participated
in the head-hunts and subsequent celebrations.
[182] See _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of
Northwestern Luzon (_Am. Anthropologist_, N. S., Vol. XI, No. 3,
1909, p. 340).
[183] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 22.
[184] _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 123 (Manila, 1905); _Kroeber_,
The Peoples of the Philippines (Am. Museum Nat. Hist., Handbook Series,
No. 3, p. 165, New York, 1919).
[185] _Egerton_, Handbook of Indian Arms (Wm. Allen and Co., London,
1880), p. 84; _Shakespear_, History of Upper Assam, Burma and
Northeastern Frontier (MacMillan, London, 1914), p. 197, illustration.
[186] This type of snare is used by nearly all Philippine tribes,
and it is also widespread in Malaysia.
[187] The mountain rice is known as _langpadan_, the lowland rice as
pagey (Ilocano _palay_).
[188] This is similar to the method followed in Sumatra. See _Marsden_,
History of Sumatra, 3d ed., pp. 71-72 (London, 1811).
[189] A similar device is employed in Java. See _Freeman_ and
_Chandler_, The World's Commercial Products, p. 36 (Boston, 1911).
[190] The latter is the customary method among the Bontoc Igorot. See
_Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 94.
[191] _Raffles_, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I, p. 125, also plate
VIII (London, 1820); _Marsden_, _op. cit_., p. 74; _Freeman_ and
_Chandler_, _op. cit_., p. 29. Both Raffles and Marsden consider
this type of plow of Chinese origin. The Tinguian name _alado_
is doubtless a corruption of the Spanish _arado_, but this of course
would not prove that the plow itself was derived from the Spaniards.
[192] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 195,
_et seq_.
[193] _Munia jagori_ (martens). Locally known as _tikgi_.
[194] Probably the _ophiocephalus_. See _Dean_, _American Museum
Journal_, Vol. XII, 1912, p. 22.
[195] This is the only occasion when men use the bow and arrow.
[196] The neighboring Igorot do not use a cutter, but break the stalks
with the fingers; however, the same instrument is used by the Apayao,
in parts of Mindanao, in Java and Sumatra. See _Marsden_, History of
Sumatra, p. 73; _Raffles_, History of Java, pp. 125-6, also Plate 8;
_Mayer_, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 452,
(Leiden, 1897); _Van der Lith_, Nederlandsch Oost Indië, Vol. II,
p. 353, (Leiden, 1894).
[197] Rice in the bundle is known as _palay_ or _pagey_.
[198] The Igorot woman pulls the grain from the straw with her hands.
[199] Ilocano _sanga-reppet_ or the Spanish _monojo_.
[200] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.
[201] History of Sumatra, pp. 65, _et seq_.
[202] _Hose_ and _McDougall_ (Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II,
pp. 246-7) consider the terraced rice culture of the Murut, of northern
Borneo, a recent acquisition either from the Philippines or from Annam.
[203] _Lavezaris_, writing in 1569-76, states that the natives, of no
specified district, "have great quantities of provisions which they
gathered from irrigated fields" (_Blair_ and _Robertson_, Philippine
Islands, Vol. III, p. 269). In Vol. VIII, pp. 250-251, of the same
publication, is a record of the expedition to Tue, in the mountains
at the southern end of Nueva Viscaya. According to this account, the
natives of that section were, in 1592, gathering two crops of rice,
"one being irrigated, the other allowed to grow by itself."
[204] For the history and extent of terraced field rice-culture,
see _Freeman_ and _Chandler_, The World's Commercial Products
(Boston, 1911); _Ratzel_, History of Mankind, Vol. I, pp. 426, _et
seq_. (London, 1896); _Ferrars_, Burma, pp. 48, _et seq_. (London,
1901); _Bezemer_, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indië, p. 232 (Groningen,
1906); _Hose_ and _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 246;
_Perry_, _Manchester Memoirs_, Vol. LX, pt. 2, 1915-16; _Wallace_, The
Malay Archipelago, pp. 117, 126 (London, 1894); _Cabaton_, Java and the
Dutch East Indies, p. 213, note (London, 1911); _Meyier_, Irrigation
in Java, _Transactions of the American Soc. of Civil Engineers,_
Vol. LIV, pt. 6 (New York, 1908); _Bernard_, Aménagement des eaux à
Java, irrigation des rizières (Paris 1903); _Crawfurd_, History of
the Indian Archipelago, Vol. 1, pp. 358, _et seq_. (Edinburgh, 1820).
[205] _Campbell_, Java Past and Present, Vol. II, p. 977 (London,
1915).
[206] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.
[207] Also known as Singá and Baubauwi. In Likuan it is held only
in case the crops are not growing as they should; but in Sisikan,
Patikian, and other towns of the Saltan River valley it is celebrated
both before the planting and after the harvesting.
[208] A slender cane similar to bamboo, but nearly white in color.
[209] _runo_, a reed.
[210] _Justicia gendarussa_ L.
[211] Also called _salokang_. See p. 310.
[212] The same ceremony may be held in order to stop the rainfall if
it is too abundant.
[213] At this time the spirits enter the bodies of the mediums and
through them talk with the people.
[214] _Lygodium_ near _scandens_.
[215] In Manabo leaves and grass dipped in the blood are attached
to split sticks, (_sinobung_), and are fastened to a side wall of
the house.
[216] Lightning is recognized as the messenger of Kadaklan.
[217] The Igorot villages of Lukuban and vicinity have a similar
ceremony. It is here followed by a three-day period of taboo.
Should the bird known as _koling_ fly over the town during this period,
uttering its peculiar cry, the ceremony will be repeated; otherwise,
all is well.
[218] Literally, "to give a taste."
[219] Those used are _sikag_ (_Lygodium_ near _scandens_),
_talabibatab_ (_Capparis micracantha_ D.C.) and _pedped_ (?).
[220] Most of the identifications here given were made by Dr. Elmer
D. Merrill, botanist of the Philippine Bureau of Science, from
specimens collected by the writer.
[221] Known generally throughout the Philippines as _gabi_.
[222] The three common varieties of squash are _kalabasa_ (_Benincasa
certifera_), _tabongau_ and _tankoy_ (_Curcubita sp_.).
[223] In the vicinity of Bakaok a small amount of _maguey_ (_Agave
cantula_ Roxb.) is raised. It is employed in the making of cords.
[224] A less esteemed species is known as _lalawed ta aso_ ("dog
lawed").
[225] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 100.
[226] A similar drink was used ceremonially in Pangasinan in 1640. See
_Aduarte_, Historia; _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XXX, p. 186. It
is still found in many portions of the archipelago.
[227] _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field
Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 82-83); _Hose_
and _McDougall_, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. I, pp. 194-195
(MacMillan and Co., London, 1912); _Raffles_, History of Java, Vol. I,
pp. 192-193; _Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3rd edition (London, 1811),
p. 181; _Ferrais_, Burma, p. 105 (Low, Marston and Co., London, 1901);
_Peal_ (_Journ. Anth. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland,_ Vol. XXII,
p. 250, also Plate XIV, fig. No. 2).
[228] _Rockhill_, _T'oung Pao_, Vol. XVI, 1915, pp. 268-269; _Blair_
and _Robertson_, _op. cit._, Vols. II, p. 116; III, p. 209; IV,
p. 74; XXIX, p. 307; XL, p. 48, note; Philippine Census, Vol. I,
p. 482 (Washington, 1905). _De Morga_, Sucesos de las Islas Philipinas
(1609), see Hakluyt Soc. edition, pp. 338, _et seq._ (London, 1868).
[229] Wanderings in the Great Forests of Borneo (Constable, London,
1904), pp. 282-283. See also _Low_, Sarawak--Its Inhabitants and
Productions, pp. 158, 209 (London, 1848).
[230] _Op. cit._, Vol. I, pp. 193-194.
[231] _Ratzel_, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 434; _Marsden_,
_op. cit._, pp. 173, 181, 347 note.
[232] Fifth Annual Report of the Mining Bureau of the Philippine
Islands, p. 31; Official Catalogue of the Philippine Exhibit, Universal
Exposition, p. 231 (St. Louis, 1904).
[233] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. II,
pp. 116, 207; Vol. III, pp. 203, 270; Vol. IV, p. 98; Vol. V, p. 145;
Vol. VIII, p. 84; Vol. XII, p. 187; Vol. XVI, p. 106. _Zuniga_,
Estadismo (Retana's edition), Vol. II, pp. 41, 94.
[234] _Foreman_, The Philippine Islands, p. 361 (London, 1892);
_Bezemer_, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indië, p. 308 (Groningen, 1906);
_Skeat_, _Man_, Vol. I. 1901, p. 178; _Raffles_, History of Java,
2d ed., Vol. I p. 186 (London, 1830); _Brendon_ _(Journal of Indian
Art and Industry,_ Vol. X, No. 82, pp. 17, _et seq._).
[235] Weaving in cotton is a recent introduction among the neighboring
Bontoc Igorot. Formerly their garments were made of flayed bark,
or were woven from local fiber plants. The threads from the latter
were spun or twisted on the naked thigh under the palm of the
hand. Cf. _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 113 (Manila, 1905).
[236] A similar device is used in Burma.
[237] The same type of wheel is found in Java. See _Mayer_, Een Blik
in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 469 (Leiden, 1897).
[238] A similar warp winder is described for Bombay (_Brendon_,
_Journal of Indian Art and Industry_, Vol. X, No. 82, 1903, pp. 17,
_et seq_.).
[239] For the distribution of this semi-girdle or back strap, see _Ling
Roth_, Studies in Primitive Looms (_Journal Royal Anthrop. Inst_.,
Vol. XLVI, 1916, pp. 294, 299).
[240] These are: _alinau_ (_Grewia multiflora_ Juss.); _babaket_
(_Helicteres hirsuta_ Lour.); _laynai_--a large tree, unidentified;
_lapnek_ (_Abroma_ sp.) _ka'a-ka'ag_, an unidentified shrub; _losoban_
(_grewia_); _pakak_, unidentified; _anabo_ (_Hibiscus pungens_ Roxb.);
_bangal_ (_Sterculia foctida_ L.); _saloyot_ (_Corchoeus olitorius_
L.) _labtang_ (_Anamirta cocculus_); _atis_ (_Anona squamosa_ L.);
_alagak_ (_anona_); _maling-kapas_ (_Ceiba pentandra_ Gaertn.);
_betning_ and _daldalopang_, unidentified; _maguey_ (_Agave cantula_
Roxb.); _bayog_--a variety of bamboo.
[241] It is not essential that the oil be applied, and oftentimes
whole sections are colored before being split.
[242] From _káwat_, the twisting of vines about a tree.
[243] This is the Arnatto dye, an American plant. _Watt_, Dictionary,
Vol. I, p. 454.
[244] This tattooing is accomplished by mixing oil and the black
soot from the bottom of a cooking pot, or the pulverized ashes of
blue cloth. The paste is spread over the place to be treated, and
is driven in with an instrument consisting of three or four needles
set in a piece of bamboo. Sometimes the piercing of the skin is done
before the color is applied; the latter is then rubbed in.
[245] Blackening of the teeth was practised by the Zambal, also in
Sumatra and Japan. _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XVI, p. 78; _Marsden_,
History of Sumatra, P. 53.
[246] See pp. 445, 456 for words and music.
[247] Shallow copper gongs.
[248] Reyes says that this song, _daleng_, is similar to the _dallot_
of the Ilocano (Artículos varios, p. 32).
[249] Similar instruments are used by the Igorot who suspend them
free and beat them as they dance.
[250] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. For
the music see p. 445.
[251] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys.
[252] I use the word "modern" in this connection, as it pertains to
the music of those peoples who have developed music as an art, and
among whom we find conformity to the same rules and system of notation.
[253] By reference to the analysis of Record I, _Da-eng_ (Boys and
girls alternating), it will be seen that the record seems to have
been made by one set of singers, apparently women and girls, who
sang together on both parts. The entire record has therefore been
tabulated with the women's songs.
[254] Record F, Song of a Spirit, shows both major and minor tonality
(for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 466).
[255] Record J, _Da-eng_ (Girls' part), shows this mark in the "Scale"
given below the transcription (for explanation see analysis of this
song, p. 471).
[256] I find groups of five used occasionally in the singing of our
American Indians. _Burton_ ("Primitive American Music") shows its
frequent use among the Chippeway. Miss _Fletcher_ also shows groups in
five in her "Omaha Music," and Miss _Densmore_ gives similar grouping
in her transcriptions of American Indian songs.
[257] _Grove_, Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. IV.
[258] _Rowbotham_, History of Music.